l.

^q^c^

PRINCETON, N. J \
55 .PT5"T891 v. 3
rcouor, Ludwig, 1854-1928
The history of the popes,
from the close of the
 V:/.

fit''.*" «», ' >

il

.^
.. i^'

yT'-

LW
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL III.
 * MAfi 1 1909

THE ^-^£%4|^_SO^)5i>^

HISTORY OF THE POPES,

FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES.

DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER

ORIGINAL SOURCES.

FROM THE GERMAN OF

De. lud wig pastor,

PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK.

EDITED BY

FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS

OF THE ORATORY.

VOLUME III.

SECOND EDITION.

LONDON:
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER. & CO., Ld.,
rATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD.

I 900.
 * " Dissident invicem christiani principes et que contra
infideles arma inferre debuissent, in sua latera convertunt

et nemo eos composuit. Laxati sunt clericorum mores et

facti sunt laicis in scandalum et ruiftam et defuit disciplina.

Vilescit in dies ecclesie auctoritatis et censurarum potencia

pene enervata videtur et quis reintegravit earn ? Romana
curia in multis deformata est et quis reformavit earn "
?

From the * Discourse of the Bishop of Torcello, Domenico de'

Domenichi, to the Cardinals assembled in Conclave, 1458,
Aug. 16, Cod. Vat. 3675. Vatican Library.

" Fluctuat saepe numero Apostolica navis, sed non

demergitur ; concutitur, sed non frangitur ; oppugnatur,
sed non expugnatur. Tentari sinit Deus electos suos,
vinci non sinit."
Pius II. in the Bull " Vocavit nos " of 13th Oct. 1458.
 CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

PAGE
vii
Editor's Preface

List of complete Titles of Books frequently quoted

in Vols. III. and IV ix

xli
Table of Contents

List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix Ivii

....
. .

Election of Pius II. (1458-1464) i-44

The Eastern Question and the Congress of Mantua .

45-i°i

The Contest for the Neapolitan Throne . . •

102-128

Opposition to Papal Authority 129-212

Attempted Reconciliation of Bohemia with the

Church 213-239

The Eastern Question, 1460-1463 .... 240-268

Plans of Reform 269-310

The Crusade, and Death of Pius II 3"-374

Appendix of Unpublished Documents . . • 3 7 5-4 18

Index of Names 419-424

 EDITOR'S PREFACE.

The favourable reception accorded to the English Version of

Volume I. of Professor Ludwig Pastor's " History of the Popes,"

issued in 1891, has given encouragement for a continuance of the

publication of the Work.

The Second Volume, like the preceding one, in its English

form has been divided into Two Volumes (Vols. III. and IV.).

They comprise the Pontificates of Pius II., Paul II., and Sixtus
IV. (a.d. 1458-1484).

The Editor's share in the work has been confined to the super-

vision of the translation, the aim of which has been to follow the

Text as closely as possible. The Notes, which contain most

valuable matter, have been published in extenso, as also the

Appendix of Unpublished Documents, the latter being indicated
by a star. The original spelling, which may sometimes appear
strange to modern eyes, has been rendered verbatim.

The Editor begs to express his best thanks to the friends who
have prepared the translation, and compiled the Table of Contents
and Index.
F. I. A.

The Oratory,
Sotith Kensington, S, W.
December, 1894.
 COxMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS QUOTED IN
VOLUMES III. AND IV.

d'Achery. Spicilegium sive collectio veterum aliquot scriptorum qui

in Galliae bibliothecis delituerant. Nova edit. Parisiis, 1723.
3 voll.
Adinolfi, P. La Portica di S. Pietro ossia Borgo nell' eta di
mezzo. Nuovo saggio topografico dato sopra pubblici e
privati documenti. Roma, 1S59.
Roma neir eta di mezzo. Roma, 1S81. 2 voll.
Aeneas Sylvius {PucoIo?fu?teiis, Fins II. papa) Opera. Basileae,
1551-
Pii II. Epistolae ed. Antonius de Zarotis. Mediolani, 1481.
{See Hain n. 169) et Mediolani, 1487 {see Hain n. 170).

Pii II. Pontificismaximi commentarii rerum memorabi-

lium a r. d. Joanne Gobellino iamdiu compositi, etc. Quibus
hac editione accedunt Jacobi Piccolominei, cardinalis
Papiensis, rerum gestaruni sui temporis et ad Pii continua-
tionem commentarii eiusdemque epistolae. Francofurti, 1 6 1 4.
Pii II. P.M. olim Aeneae Sylvii Piccol. Senensis Orationes
politicae et ecclesiasticae ed. Mansi. Lucae, 1755. Tom.
I. II.

Aeneae Sylvii opera inedita. See Ctignoni.

Agostini, Gtov. degli, Notizie istorico-critiche intorno la vita e le
opera degli scrittori Viniziani. Venezia, 1752. Tom. I. II.
Allegretto Allegretfi, Diari delle cose Sanesi del suo tempo. Mura-
TORi, XXIII. 767-S60. Mediolani, 1733.
,

[Ammanati, Jacopo]. Epistolae et commentarii Jacobi Picolomini

cardinalis Papiensis. Mediolani, 1506 (also in the edition of
Pii II. Comment., Francofurti, 1614).
Analeda Franciscana edita a patribus collegii S. Bonaventurae,
Tom. II. Ad
Claras Aquas (Quaracchi) 1887.
Anecdota litteraria ex MSS. codicibus eruta. Romae, 1772-83.
4 voll.
X COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS

Anecdota Veneta nunc primum coUecta ac notis illustrata studio

Fr. Joannis Baptistae Mariae Contareni, Ord. Praedicat.
Venetiis, 1757.
Annales Bononienses fratris Hieronymi de Bursellis. Muratori,
Script, XXIII. 867-916., Mediolani, 1733.
Annales Foroliviensis. Muratori, Script., XXII., 135-240. Medio-
lani, 1733.
Annales ab anno 1401 usque ad 1463 ab Antonio de
Placentint,
Ripalta patricio Placentino conscripti. Muratori, Script.,
XX., 869 seg. Mediolani, 1731.
Apponyi-Abel. Isotae Nogarolae Veronensis Opera quae super-
sunt omnia. Vindobonae et Budapestini, 1886. 2 voll.
Archiv der Gesellschaft filr altere Deutsche Geschichtskunde zur
Beforderung einer Gesammtausgabe der Quellenschriften
Deutscher Geschichten des Mittelalters. Herausgeg. von
J. L. Biichler, C. G. Diimge und G. H. Pertz. 12 Bde.
Frankfurt a. M. und Hannover, 1820-1874. Neues Archiv
der Gesellschaft fiir altere Deutsche Geschichtskunde. Bd. I. ff.
Hannover, 1876 ff.
Archiv fiir Kunde (Esterreichischer Geschichtsquellen. Herausge-
geben von der zur Pflege vaterlandischer Geschichte aus-
gestellten Commission der kaiserl. Akademie der Wissen-
schaften. Bd. I. ff. Wien, 1848 ff.
Archivio della Societa Romana di Storia Patria. Roma, 1878-89.
Vol. I.-XI.
Archivio Storico Artisiico, Archeologico e Letterario della citta e
provincia di Roma fondato e diretto da Fabio Gori. Roma-
Spoleto, 1875-83. 4 voll.
Archivio Storico Italiano ossia raccolta di opere e 'document!
inediti o divenuti rarissimi risguardanti la storia d'ltalia. V.
Serie. Firenze, 1842-89.
Archivio Storico Lombardo, giornale della Societa storica Lom-
barda, e boUetino della consulta archeologica del museo
storico-artistico di Milano. Milano, 1874, Vol. I. ^/ .y^^.
Archivio Storico per le provincie Napoletane pubblicato a cura della
societa di storia patria. Napoli, 1876. Vol.1.
Archivio Veneto. Pubblicaz. periodica, 71 fascicoli. Venezia,
1870,
Arisius, Fr. Cremona literata seu in Cremonenses doctrinis et
litterariis dignitatibus eminentiores chronologicae adnota-
tiones etc. Parmae, 1702. 2 voll.
Armellini, Mariano. Le chiese di Roma dalle loro origini sine
al secolo xvi, Roma, 1887.
Aschbach, J. Allgemeines Kirchenlexikon oder alphabetisch
geordnete Darstellung des Wissenswiirdigsten aus der ge-
sammten Theologie und ihren Hilfswissenschaften. Frank-
furt a. M., 1846-50.
 QUOTED IN VOLUMES III. AND IV. xi

Atti e memorie della R. deputazione di storia patria per le

provincie di Romagna. Bologna, 1862. Serie II., Vol. I.

1875.
Atti e memorie delle RR. deputazioni di storia patria per le
provincie Modenesi e Parmensi. Modena, 1863-76. 8 voll.
Atti e memorie delle RR. deputazioni di storia patria per le
provincie dell' Emilia. Tom. I. Modena, 1877.

Bachmann, A. Georgs von Podiebrad Wahl, Kronung und

Anerkennung, im Archiv fiir CEsterreichische Geschichte, LI V.,
37-175. Wien, 1876.
Bohmen und seine Nachbarlander unter Georg von
Podiebrad 1458-146 1 und des Konigs Bewerbung um die
Deutsche Krone. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Versuche
einer Reichsreform im xv. Jahrhundert, zum Theil nach
ungedruckten Quellen. Prag, 1878.
Deutsche Reichsgeschichte im Zeitalter Friedrichs III.
und Max. I. Mit besonderer Beriicksichtigung der (Ester-
reich. Staatengeschichte. Bd. I. Leipzig, 1884.
Balan, F. Storia d'ltalia. Tom. V. Modena, 1877.
Delle Relazioni fra la Chiesa Cattolica e gli Slavi della
Bulgaria, Bosnia, Servia, Erzegovina. Roma, 1880.
Baldassini, G. Memorie istoriche della citta di Jesi. Jesi,

1765-
Baldi, Bernardino. Vita e Federigo di Montefeltre, duca
fatti di

di Urbino. B. estratta da MS. inedito della

Istoria di B.
Biblioteca Albani e corredata di osservazioni del Sig.
Francesco Zuccardi. Roma, 1824. Vol. III.
Baiuze, St. Miscellanea ed. Mansi. Lucae, 1761. 4 voll.
Banchi, L. Istruzioni ad ambasciatori Senesi e relazioni di essi
alia republica trascritte da alcuni codici del R. Archivio di
Stato in Siena, Siena, 1863 (per le nozze G. Ricci e Stef.
Pianigiani-Sanfranceschi).
Bandinius. Catalogus codicum Latin. Bibliothecae Mediceae
Laurentianae. Tom. I.-V. Florentiae, 1774-77.
Bibliotheca Leopoldina Laurentiana. Tom. I. -III. Flor-
entiae, 1791-93.
Bangen,/. H. Die Romische Curie, ihre gegenwartige Zusam-
mensetzung und ihr Geschaftsgang. Miinster, 1854.
Barletius, M. De Vita, moribus ac rebus praecipue adversus
Turcas gestis Georgii Castrioti etc. Argentorati, 1537.
Basin, Thomas. Histoire des Regnes de Charles VII. et de
Louis XL, publiee par J. Quicherat. Paris, 1855-59. 4 vols.
Battaglini, F. Gaetano. Memorie istoriche di Rimino e suoi
signori. Bologna, 1789.
Bayer, J. Aus Italien. Culturgeschichtliche Bilder. Leipzig,
1886.
Xll COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS

Beets, Nicolaus.De Aeneae Sylvii, qui postea Pius papa Secundus,

morum mentisque mutationis rationibus. Harlemi, 1839.
Belksheim, Alphons. Geschichte der Katholischen Kirche in
Schottland von der Einfiihrung des Christenthums bis auf
die Gegenwart. Erster Band von 400 bis 1560. Mainz, 1883.
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Belli. Delle case abitate in Roma da parecchi uomini illubui.

Roma, 1850.
Berchet, G. La republica di Venezia e la Persia. Venezia, 1866.
Bernino, Dom. Historia di tutte I'heresie descritta da D. B.
Tomo quarto sin' all' anno 1700; Venezia, 1724.
Beschreibung der Stadt Rom von Ernst Platner, Karl Bunsen,
Eduard Gerhard und Wilhelm Rostell. Stuttgart und
Tiibingen, 1829-42, 3 Bde.
Bibliotheca Hispana vetus etc. auctore D. Nicolao Antonio
Hispalensi. Matriti, 1788. 2 voll.
Bibliotheca Potitificia duobis libris distincta auctore R. P. F.
Ludovico Jacob a S. Carolo. Lugduni, 1643.
Bibliotheque de PEcole des Charles. Revue d'erudition consacree
specialement a I'etude du moyen-age. Paris, 1839.
Bickell, G. Synodi Brixinenses saeculi xv. Oenipor.te, 1880.
Biographie, Allgemeine Deutsche. 28 Bde. Leipzig, 1875.
Bissolati, St. Le Vite di due illustri Cremonesi (Bart. Platina
e Marco
Girol. Vida). Milano, 1856.
Bisticci. See Vespasiano.
Blasi, Giovanni di. Storia del regno di Sicilia dall' epoca oscura
e favolosa al 1774. Vol. IL Palermo, 1846.
Bonanni, Phil. Numismata Pontificum Romanorum quae a
tempore Martini V. ad annum 1699 vel authoritate publica
vel private genio in lucem prodiere. Tom. L, continens
numismata a Martino V. usque ad Clementem VIIL Romae,
1699.
Bonazzi, Luigt. Storia di Perugia dalle origini al i860. Vol. L
Dalle origini al 1494. Perugia, 1875.
Bonelli. Notizie istorico critiche della chiesa di Trento. Vol. IIL
P. I. Trento, 1762.
Bono/i, F. Istorie della citta di Forli. Forli, 1661.
Borgia, A. Istoria della chiesa e citta di Velletri, descritta in
quattro libri e dedicata all' em. e rev. principe il Sig.
Cardinale D. Bernardo Conti. Nocera, 1723.
Borgia, Step. Memorie istoriche della pontifizia citta di Benevento.
Parte terza. Volume L, che contiene la storia delle sue vicende
e delle gesta de' suoi governatori dall' anno MLL
all' anno
MDL. Roma, 1769.
\Borgia, Stef?^ Istoria del dominio temporale della Sede Apost.
nelle due Sicilie. Roma, 1788.
Bosio,/. Deir Istoria della s. religione di S. Giovanni Gierosolimi-
tano. Roma, 162 1. 3 voll.
 QUOTED IN VOLUMES III. AND IV. Xlll

Briefe, Romische, von einem Florentiner (A. von Reumont).

Erster und zweiter Theil. Neue Romische Briefe von u. s. w.
2 Theile. Leipzig, 1840-44.
Brockhaus.Cl. GregorvonHeimburg. EinBeitragzurDeutschen
Geschichte des xv. Jahrhunderts. Leipzig, 1861.
Brockhaus, H. Das Hospital S. Spiritozu Romim xv. Jahrhundert,.
in Janitscheks Repertorium. Bd. VIL Berlin, 1884.
Brosch, M. Papst Julius IL und die Griindung des Kirchen-
staates. Gotha, 1878.
Geschichte des Kirchenstaates. L Band Das xvi. und :

XVII. Jahrhundert. Gotha, 1880.

Brosset. Additions et eclaircissements a I'Histoire de la Georgie
depuis I'antiquite jusqu' en 1469 de J. C. St. Petersbourg,.

Bulaeus, C. E. Historia universitatis Parisiensis. Tom. V.

(1400-1500). 1668-73.
Parisiis,
Bidlariiaii Carmelitanum plures complectens summorum ponti-
ficuni constitutiones ad ordinem fratrum beatissimae sem-
perque virginis Dei genitricis Mariae de Monte CarmelO'
spectantes nunc primum in lucem editum duasque in partes
distinctum a fratre Eliseo Monsignano eiusdem ordinis
procuratore generali. Pars Prima, a.d. 743-1523. Romae,.

Bullariinn Ordinis Praedicatortini opera Thomae Ripoli generalis

editum et ad autogr. recognitum, appendicibus, notis illustr. ab
Ant. Bremond. Vol. IIL Romae, 1731.
BuUarium Vatican. See Colledio.
Bullarum diplomatiim et privilegiorum sanctorum Romanorum
pontificum Taurinensis editio locupletior facta cura ....
et studio Aloysii Tomasetti. Tom. IV. V. Augustae Taurin-
orum 1859-60. (This edition is always quoted as Bul-
larium.)
Biirchardi^Joh. Diarium sive rerum urbanar. Commentarii 1483-
1506, edid. L. Thuasne. Paris, 1883-85. 3 voll.
Burckhardt, J. Erzbischof Andreas von Krain, in den Beitr. zur
Geschichte Basels. Bd. V. Basel, 1852.
Geschichte der Renaissance in Italien. Mit Illustra-
tionen. 2 Aufi. Stuttgart, 1878.
Die Cultur der Renaissance in Italien. Ein Versuch.
3 Auflage, besorgt von L. Geiger. 2 Bde. Leipzig, 1877-78.
Der Cicerone. Eine Anleitung zum Genuss der Kunst-
werke Italiens. Vierte Auflage, unter Mitwirkung des Ver-
fassers und anderer Fachgenossen bearbeitet von Dr. Wilh.
Bode. II. Theil. Leipzig, 1879.
Burriel, Antonio. Vita di Caterina Sforza Riario, Contessa d'Imola
e Signora di Forli, descritta in tre libri. Bologna, 1795.
3 voll.
XIV COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS

Buser, B. Die Beziehungen der Mediceer zu Frankreich wahrend

der Jahre 1434-1494 in ihrem Zusammenhange mit den
allgemeinen Verhaltnissen. Leipzig, 1879.
Lorenzo de' Medici als Italienischer Staatsmann. Eine
Skizze nach handschriftlichen Quellen. Leipzig, 1879.
Busst, Feliciano. Istoria della citta di Viterbo. Roma, 1742.
Bzovius, Abrah. Annalium ecclesiasticorum post illustr. et
reverend, dominum Caesarem Baronium etc. Coloniae
Agrippinae, 16 t 8 seq.

Cagnola, G. P. Cronache Milanesi, in Archivio storico Italiano

Tom. in. Firenze, 1842.
Calendar of State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English
Affairs existing in the Archives and Collections of Venice and
in other Libraries of Northern Italy, edited by Rawdon Brown.
Vol. I., 1202-1509. London, 1864.
Campanus, Antonius. Vita Pii II. papae, in Muratori, Script.,
III., 2, 969-92. Mediolani, 1734.
Campello, B. Istoria della citta di Spoleto. Spoleto, 1674.
Cancellieri, Fr. De secretariis basilicae Vaticanae veteris ac novae
libri II. Romae, 1786.
Storia de' solenni Possessi de' sommi pontefici detti
anticamenti processi o processioni dopo la loro coro-
nazione dalla basilica Vaticana alia Lateranense, Roma,
1802.
Notizie storiche delle stagioni e de' siti diversi in cui
sono stati tenuti i conclavi nella citta di Roma. Roma,
1823.
Canensius, Michael ( Viterbiensis). Vita Pauli II. Pont. Max. ex
codice Angelicae bibliothecae desumpta, in Quirini, Pauli II.
Gesta, 1-104. Romae, 1740.
Cantu, C, Gli eretici d'ltalia. Vol. I. Torino, 1865.
Cappelli, Antojiio, Lettere di Lorenzo de' Medici detto il Magnifico
conservate nel Archivio Palatino di Modena con notizie
tratte dai carteggi diplomatici delgi oratori Estensi a Firenze.
(Estratto dal Vol. I. degli Atti e Memorie delle Deputazioni
di Storia patria per le provincie Modenesi e Parmensi).
Modena, 1863.
Capponi, G. Storia della republica di Firenze. 2 ediz. rivista dall'
autore. Tom. II. Firenze, 1876.
Cardella, Lorenzo. Memorie storiche de' Cardinali della santa
Romana chiesa. Tomo terzo. Roma, 1793.
Caro,J. Geschichte Polens. Fiinfter Theil, 2 Abtheil. (Geschichte
der Europaischen Staaten, herausgeg. von Heeren, Ukert und
W. von Giesebrecht). Gotha, 1886-88.
Carpesanus, Francisacs. Commentaria suorum temporum, 1470-
1526, in Martene, Coll. ampl., V., 1175.
 QUOTED IN VOLUMES III. AND IV. XV

Cartari, C. La rosa d'oro pontificio. Racconto

istorico consecrata
alia S''^ di N. S. Innocenzo XL Roma,
1681.
Casimiro, F. Memorie istoriche della chiesa e convento di S.
Maria in Araceli di Roma. Roma, 1736.
Catalogtis codiicnvci bibl. regiae Monacensis. Monachii, 1858 seg,
10 vol!.
Cecchetti, B. La Republica di Venezia e la Corte di Roma nei
rapporti della religione. Venezia, 1874. 2 voll.
Chalcocofidyias, L. Historiarum libri X. ex rec. Imm. Bekkeri.
Bonnae, 1843.
ChaslellaiH, Georges. CEuvres publiees par M. le Baron Kervyn
de Lettenhove, membre de I'Academie Royale de Belgique.
Tom. IV. et V. Chronique, 1461-1470. Bruxelles, 1864.
Chavin vo?i Malan. Geschichte der heiligen Katharina von Siena.
Aus dem Franzosischen. Dritter Theil. Regensburg, 1847.
Chevalier. Repertoire des sources historiques du moyen-age. Paris,
1877-83. Suppl. 1888.
Chiocarellus, B.
Antistitum praeclarissimae neapolitanae ecclesiae
catalogus. Neapoli, 1643.
Chmel, J. Materialien zur Qisterreichischen Geschichte. Aus
Archiven und Bibliotheken. Wien, 1837-38. 2 Bde.
Urkunden Briefe und Actenstiicke zur Geschichte der
Habsburgischen Fiirsten aus den Jahren 1443-1473. Aus
Originalen oder gleichzeitigen Abschriften. Wien, 1850.
(Pontes rer. Austr., 2 Abth. Dipl. Bd. 2.)
Briefe und Actenstiicke zur Geschichte der Herzoge
von Mailand von 1452-1513. Aus den Originalen heraus-
gegeben im Notizenblatt zum Archiv fiir QEsterr. Geschichte,
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Regesten des Romischen Kaisers Friedrich IIL 1452-
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Christophe, J. B. Histoire de la Papaute pendant le xv^ siecle,
avec des pieces justificatives. Lyon-Paris, 1863. 2 vols.
Chro7iicon Eugubinum italicescriptum a Guernerio Bernio Eugubino.
MuRATORi, Script. rer. Ital., XXL, 923-1024, Mediolani, 1732.
Chroiiiken der Deutschen Stadte vom xiv. bis ins xvi. Jahrhundert.
Herausgeg. von der histor. Commission bei der konigl.
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Chro7iiken, Deutsche, aus Bohmen, Herausgeg. von Dr. L. Schle-
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Briinn, 1884.
Ciaconhis, Alph. Vitae et res gestae Pontificum Romanorum et
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cognitae. Tom. IL et IIL Romae, 1677.

\Cia7tipi, Sebastiano\. Memorie di Niccol5 Forteguerri institutore
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xvi COMPLETE TITLES OF BOOKS

Ciampt, S. Bibliografia critica delle antiche reciproche cor-

rispondenze dell' Italia coUa Russia, colla Polonia etc.
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Ciampini, J. De alDbreviatorum deparco maiorisive assistentium
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Ciavartui, C. Storia d'Ancona. Ancona, 1867.
CoUezione di documenti storici antichi inediti ed editi rari
delle citta e terre Marchigiane. Tom. I. Ancona, 1870.
Cicogna, Em. Delle iscrizioni Veneziane. Venezia, 1824-53.
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Cinagli, Angela. Le monete dei Papi descritte in tavole sinottiche
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Cipolla, C. Le signorie dal 1300 al 1530. Milano, 1881.
Clement. Les Borgia Histoire du pape Alexandre VI., de Cesar
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et de Lucrece Borgia. Paris, 1882.

Cobelli, Leone. Cronache Forlivesi dalla fondazione'd. citta sine al
1498, pubbl. per la i" volta sui MSS. a cura di G. Carducci
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Codex diplomaticus Saxoniae Regiae. Herausgeg. von Gersdorf.
Zweiter Haupttheil. Dritter Band. Urkundenbuch des
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Codex epistolaris saeculi decimi quinti. Pars posterior ab anno
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Collectio bullarum, brevium aliorumque diplomatum sacrosanctae
basilicae Vaticanae. Tom. II., ab Urbano V. ad Paulum III.
productus. Romae, 1750.
CommeTitarii Jacobi Piccolommi, Cardinalis Papiensis. See Amnia-
nuti, Jacopo.
Coffimines, Philippe de. Memoires publ, par Nicolas Lenglet du
Fresnoy. Londres et Paris, 1747. 4 vols.
Ses lettres et negociations publ. avec un comment, histor.
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Contatore, D. A. De historia Terracinensi libri quinque. Romae,
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Keiblinger, F. A. Geschichte des Benedictinerstiftes Melk in

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Labbe, Ph. Sacrosancta Concilia. Venet. 1728-33. 21 voU.

Lager, Dr. Die Abtei Gorze in Lothringen. Briinn, 1887.
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Liinig, Christ. Codex Italiae diplomaticus. Francofurti, 1725-

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Orient und Occident von den ersten Anfangen bis zur

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Ranke, L. von. Die Romischen Papste in den letzten vier Jahr-

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 TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME IIL

CHAPTER L
Pius IL
A.D. PAGE
1447-Under Nicholas V., the Renaissance took root in
1455 Rome . . . . . . . . 3
1455-Calixtus III. attempts to save Christendom from the
1458 Turks 3
His efforts not seconded by the Princes of Europe . 4

Divisions among the Cardinals .....

1458 His Death and that of Cardinal Capranica . , 4
5
The
The
Italian
entry into Conclave ......
powers favour Cardinal Piccolomini

A Capitulation drawn up by the Cardinals . .

. 7
8
10
Efforts of d'Estouteville against Piccolomini . . 11
Influence of Cardinal Barbo in his favour . . .12
He is elected Pope by the method called " accessus " 13
He takes the name of Pius II. . . . . -14
Cardinal Colonna's share in the election . . -15
Popularity of the election in Rome and throughout
Italy 16
Satisfaction of the Emperor Frederick III. . . 17
Bad health of Pius II 18
His great ability . . . . . . .18
His one object, to unite Christendom against Islam . 19
He recognises Ferrante as King of Naples . . 20
His Coronation . . . . . . .21
Death of Don Pedro Borgia . . . . .21
Arrival of the Florentine Embassy and St. Antoninus
The Pope urges a War against the Turks
He invites the European Princes to a Congress
... .
22
23
24

The difficulties with Naples .....

His endeavours to restore tran(}uillity to Italy

...
. . 25
25
Pius II. concludes a Treaty with Ferrante
Publication of the Bull of Investiture ... 26
26
xlii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A-D- PAGE
1458 AMarriage arranged between Ferrante's Daughter
and Antonio Piccolomini . . . . -27
Piccinino compelled by Ferrante and the Duke of
Milan to submit 28
Antonio Colonna made Prefect of Rome .

Unpopularity of the Pope's departure from Rome 29

1459 Cardinal Cusa made Vicar-General of Rome 30
Simplicity of life of Pius II. 31
His outward appearance .
32
His amiability and piety .
33
His love of Travelling 34
His description of his Travels 36
Disappointment of the Humanists .
37
Aversion of Pius II. to the false Renaissance
39
His esteem for Flavio Biondo .
40
He attracts scholars to Rome . . .. 40
He himself composes the Papal Bulls 41
His literary work, especially his Memoirs .
42

CHAPTER II.

THE EASTERN QUESTION AND THE CONGRESS OF MANTUA.

1459 Proposed journey of Pius II. .

45
Mantua fixed upon Congress
for the
45
Foundation of the Knights of our Lady of Bethlehem 46
The Pope refuses to be dissuaded from his journey
His departure from Rome, January 22nd
Receives the news of Piccinino's submission
... . 46
47

Writes to the European Princes 48

His enthusiastic reception and Perugia
at Assisi 49
Negotiations with the Sienese Government 50
Pius II. leaves Perugia on the 19th of February 51
He visits his early
It is made an Episcopal See
home
Corsignano
at

He is coldly received at Siena, February 24

.... 51
52
52
Bestows the Golden Rose on the Prior of the Balia 52
Many Envoys meet the Pope at Siena 53
Annoyance of the Emperor at the recognition of the
King of Hungary by the Pope .
53

Sienese ........
A compromise effected between the Pope and the
54

the Congress ......

Fresh attempts are made to dissuade Pius II. from

Some Cardinals endeavour to prejudice Charles VII

54

against it .
54
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xlill

A.D. PAGE
1459 Reception of Pius II. at Florence • • • • 55

Pius
Successor
II.
.......
Death of St. Antoninus, May 2nd, and Election of

crosses the Appenines and enters Bologna on

his
56

the 9th of May . . . . .

-57
Unfriendly feeling in Bologna . . . . -57
His magnificent reception at Ferrara on the 17 th of
May 58
He received at Mantua by the Duchess of Milan,
is

on the 27th of May . . . . . -59

He
Mantua ........
Pius II. finds no Princes or Envoys awaiting him at

opens the Congress with a solemn Mass . .

60
61
He refuses to leave Mantua . . . . .62
Hostile attitude of many Cardinals, especially Cardinal
Scarampo . . . . . . .62
Loyalty of Cardinals Bessarion and Torquemada
Indifference of the European Princes
Excuses of the Emperor Frederick III.
...
...
. 63
63
64
His intrigues against the King of Hungary
The Pope remonstrates
War declared between
with him in vain ... .

Frederick III. and Matthias

. 64
65

.66
Corvinus .

Delay of the German Princes

Hostile attitude of France
. .

.....
...
.....
. .

67
68

Thomas
mercial interests ......
The Italian powers hold back on account of com-

....
Palaeologus implores help
69
69

Arrival of the Duke

.......
Arrival of the representatives of the
and Naples
Kings of Hungary

of Cleves, representing the Duke

70

of Burgundy . . . . . . -71
Excuses of the Burgundian Envoys . . . -72
They leave Mantua, together with the Lord of Chimay 73
Arrival of the Duke of Milan in September
Insurrection breaks out in Naples ....
Supported by the Duke of Calabria (the French
. . 73
74

Claimant)
The Pope
.

supports Ferrante
.

.....-75
. . . .

75

Delay of the Venetians

Who September
arrive in
.......77
Arrival of Embassies from the Italian powers

. . . .
.

.
. 75
76

The
of September .......
of the Congress is held on the 26th
first sitting

....
Pius II. makes an eloquent address
78
79
Cardinal Bessarion replies for the Sacred College . 81
xliv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
^•^-
PAGE
1459 The Congress resolves on War against the Turks . 82
The Pope consults the Italian States • • •
83
The Republic of Venice makes impossible conditions
85
Departure of the Duke of Milan on the 2nd of October 86
Arrival of the Envoys from Saxony, and reception in
Consistory on the 19th of October . .
87
Pius II. visits the Church of S'-- Maria delle Grazie .
87
Embassy of the Archduke Albert of Austria
Insolent demeanour of Gregor Heimburg
Envoys
... . .
87
88
arrive from France and
Charles VII. to the Crusade ....
Germany— hostility of
88
Pius II., in addressing the French, insists on the
plenitude of the Papal power
The French Envoys
....
attack the Pope's policy towards
89

Naples QQ
The Pope receives the Imperial and other German
Envoys ^o
Reply of Pius II. to the French— his defence of his
conduct
He condemns
And
. , .

the Pragmatic Sanction

.

shews his displeasure to the Envoys of the

.

....91
.

Duke
93

of Calabria . . . . . . .9'?
The French and English Envoys refuse assistance .
94
Disputes between the German representatives
Which are fomented by Heimburg
But at last some assistance is promised
• ...
...
. .
95
95
95
A Diet to be held at Nuremberg, to which all German
Princes are invited 06

contingent .......
The Emperor appointed Commander

Confidence of the Pope in the Margrave Albert of

of the German
97

Brandenburg
Indulgences granted for the Crusade
Papal contributions to the Crusade
....
....
o^
98
98
1460 Close of the Congress— departure of the Pope to
Siena on the 19th of January
Pius 11. condemns appeals to a Council
.... .
99
100

CHAPTER III.

THE CONTEST FOR THE NEAPOLITAN THRONE.

1460 War breaks out between King Rene and Ferrante 102 .

The Duke of Calabria leads a fruitless naval expedition 102

Insurrection in Naples— attitude of the Italian powers 103
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xlv

A.D. PAGE

.......
1460 The Pope and the Duke of Milan espouse Ferrante's
cause
Ferrante is defeated at Sarno by the Angevines .
103
104
Piccinino attacks the Milanese a drawn battle — . 104
Indecision of Pius II. Concessions of Ferrante 105

Terracina .......
The Pope sends his nephew Antonio to occupy

The strife in Naples produces disturbances in Rome

106
106
The Governor asks for military assistance . 107
The Savelli, Colonna, and Anguillara.join the revolt 107
The rebels take Tiburzio di Maso for their leader 108

Rome .......
Piccinino attacks the Papal States, and threatens
T09
Pius II. is
His reproaches ......
met by the Roman Envoys at Viterbo

He returns
Tiburzio
The Pope
to

tries to
.......
Rome. Capture

make peace with Jacopo

and execution

Savelli
of
III
112
146 Piccinino retires
Genoa .......
to the

Federigo of Urbino compels Savelli to capitulate

Abruzzi. Revolution
113
114
Fresh disturbances in Rome . . . 115
The Pope retires to Tivoli for the summer . 116
Character of Sigismondo Malatesta — his hostility to
the Pope . . . 116
He defies the Pope's Excommunication . 117
"
He builds the " Temple of Malatesta 118
Defeat of the Papal expedition against ^Nfalatesta 119
The Venetians and Piccinino encourage Malatesta 120
Precarious position of Pius 11. his indecision — . 121

daughter .......
]\Iarriage of his nephew Antonio with Ferrante'

1462 Embassy from Louis XL to the Pope

121
121
Defeat of the Angevines by Ferrante and Sforza 122
1463 Final defeat of the Duke of Calabria, who returns to
Provence . . .123 . . . .

Ambition of Antonio Piccolomini. Nepotism of

Pius II. . . . . . . . .123
Pius II.'s attachment to Siena — he is surrounded by
Sienese . . . . . . . .124
He resolves to crush Malatesta . . . . .125
1462 Who is defeated at Sinigaglia by Federigo of Urbino. 126
The Venetians plead his cause in vain . . .126
1463 The Siege of Fano, which is taken by the Papal
troops . . . . . . . .127
Malatesta is pardoned, but his power is destroyed . 128
xlvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER IV.

OPPOSITION TO PAPAL AUTHORITY.

A.D. PAGE
1460 Opposition to Papal authority in France and Germany 129
The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges (July 7, 1438) 129 .

Efforts of different Popes to procure its repeal -130 .

Its results as described by Pius II. ,-131 . .

His prohibition at Mantua of appeals to a Council

directed against the Pragmatic Sanction -132 .

Irritation in France.Insulting protest of Charles VII. 132

—
Apprehensions of the Pope he ignores the appeal of
Charles VII. . . . . -133
. .

1 46
Sanction ........
The Dauphin promises to abolish the Pragmatic

Death of Charles VII., July 22

134
134

Louis XI. .......

Accession of the Dauphin to the throne of France as
134

with him ........

Pius II. sends Jouffroy, Bishop of Arras, to negotiate

.....
Ambitious motives of Jouffroy
135
136
Louis XL demands the Cardinal's Hat for Jouffroy
and d'Albret 137
Pius II. creates them Cardinals in spite of the
objections of the Sacred College 138
Louis XL revokes the Pragmatic Sanction 138

Sword ........
Joy of the Pope, who sends Louis XL a Consecrated

Gregorio LoUi on the revocation . - .

139
139

at Naples ........
1462 Jouffroy represents the repeal as dependent on affairs
140

....
Louis threatens to call an Anti-Roman Council
Anxiety and Indecision of the Pope
141
142

And
Ambassador .......
He confides his uncertainty to Carretto, the Milanese
explains the difficulty of his position .
142
143

to Ferrante .......
Carretto encourages the Pope to continue his support
145
And
......
points out the danger of yielding to French
influence in Italy
Arrival of the French Embassy in Rome .
146
147

Pius
Pope ........
Carretto holds interviews with the Cardinals and the

—
decides to uphold Ferrante
II. his interview
147

with Jouffroy . . . . .148 . .

Solemn reception of the French Ambassadors 149 . .

 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xlvii

A.D.
1462 Proposals of Louis XI. .

Reply of Pius II. The Cardinal's Hat conferred upon

..... PAGE
149

Jouffroy . . . . . . . .150
The Pragmatic Sanction unconditionally revoked . 150
Great Joy in Rome. Importance of the event . . 151
Interviews between Pius II. and the French Ambas-
sadors . . . . . . . .152
The Pope refuses to give way. Louis's offers are
conditional . . . . . . .152
Departure of the French Ambassadors — their
threatening language . . . .
-153
1463 Estrangement between Pius II. and Louis XI. .
.154
Intrigues of Cardinal Jouffroy . . . .
-155
Alarming rumours from France . . . -155
Hostility of Louis XI. — his understanding with the
national party .

Revival of the Galilean liberties

Disorganisation of the Empire
. .

.
....
.

.
.

.
.

.
-156
'157
156

1460 Two factions —

headed by the Houses of Wittelsbacli
and Hohenzollern . -158 . . . .

War breaks out between them .159 . . . .

Mission of Cardinal Bessarion .159 . . . .

Opening of the Diet of Nuremberg Bessarion's —

Address . . . .160 . . . .

His entreaties are useless a fresh Diet meets at —

Worms . . . . . . . .161
War breaks out on the Rhine. The diet at Worms
is a failure . . . . . . .161
Pius favour of Hungary
II. 's efforts in 162 . . .

Postponement of the Diet of Vienna -163 . . .

Defeat of Albert of Brandenberg. Defection of the

Archbishop of Mayence .164
. . . .

Character and Life of Archbishop Diether of Mayence 165

The confirmation of hiselection obtained with difficulty 166
Pecuniary conditions which Diether fails to keep 167 .

The sentence of lesser Excommunication pronounced

against him , . 16S
. . . . .

He leads the opposition to the Pope at the Diet of

Vienna . . . . . . . .168
None of the German Princes attend the Diet . . 16S
—
Opposition of the Envoys anger of Bessarion . .169
He asks to be recalled, and is refused . . .170
The Pope encourages him to persevere . . .170
1 46 Proposals of Pius II. Letter from Bessarion . . 172
Bessarion justifies his conduct as to levying the Tithe 173
Bessarion leaves Germany . . . . -175
xlviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A.D. PAGE
146 1 Diether and the Count Palatine bind themselves to
assist George Podiebrad 176
—
Diet of Bamberg failure of the anti-Papal party 177 .

Diether takes Heimburg into his service -177 . .

1452 Cardinal Cusa in the Tyrol his zeal for reform — 178 .

Opposition of the Poor Clares at Brixen -179 . .

Dispute with Sigismund as to the jurisdiction over the

Convent of Sonnenburg . . . . .180
Resistance of the Nuns — Calixtus III. recommends a
compromise in vain . . .181 . . .

Cusa claims the rank of a Prince of the Empire, denied

by Sigismund . . . .182 . . .

—
1457 Hostility shewn to Cusa his flight to Andraz .183 .

Sigismund threatened with Excommunication by

Calixtus III 183
Sigismund appeals against the Papal Bull —intervention
of Heimburg . . . . . . .184
1458 Claims of Cusa at the Diet of Bruneck. Interdict not
acknowledged . . .184
. . . .

1459 Mediation of Pius II. at Mantua his efforts frus- —

trated 185
1460 Cusa —
renews the Interdict he is imprisoned by
Sigismund 186
Indignation of Pius II. —
he summons Sigismund to
appear before him 186
Sigismund refuses to obey, and is excommunicated . 186
Sigismund, instigated by Heimburg, appeals to a
General Council 187
Princes take his side against the Pope
The German 187 .

Sigismund draws up a Memorial against the Pope 188 .

Excommunication of Heimburg his rage —

.189 .

Reply of Teodoro de' Lelli, and retort of Sigismund 190 .

1461 Pius II. summons the Tyrolese Rebels to appear before

—
him they issue a violent manifesto
Excommunication of Heimburg
Alliance between Sigismund and Diether
.191
191
.192
.... .

.
.

—
Diet of Nuremberg -anti-Papal opposition reaches its
climax . . . .192
• . . .

Diether appeals from the Papal judge to a futureCouncil 1 93

The Papal Embassy arrives too late other German —

Princes appeal . . -194
. . . .

The Electors appeal to the Pope on behalf of Diether 195

Diether's second appeal —
signed by many German
Princes 196
The German Princes consult the French King. The
Electoral Union 197
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. xlix

A.D. PAGE
146 The Diet of Nuremberg dissolved. Collapse of the
Opposition . . . -197
. . .

.......
The Emperor appeals to Pius II. for help. The Pope
sends Nuncios
Their success in calming the German Princes
198
.199 .

And in isolating Diether, who refuses to yield . .200

Diet of Mayence
Envoys ........
— attended only by the Tyrolese

Rudolf of Rudesheim defends the Pope. Promises of

200

the Nuncios . . . .201. . .

........
Defeat of the Conciliar party.
Diether
Fresh attempts of
202
Adolph of Nassau replaces Diether at
Diether's violent protestations
His unprincipled and vacillating conduct
..... Mayence

. .
. -203
.
203
204

and Wittelsbach ......

Fresh struggle between the Houses of Hohenzollern

1462 Pius II. lays Diether under an Interdict . . .

204
205
The Count Palatine supports Diether in defying the
Pope, who issues a new Encyclical, May ist, 1462 206

The Archbishop
........ —
Diether celebrates Mass by force he loses the City of
Mayence
of Cologne arranges a truce . .207
207

1463 Diether resigns and receives Absolution . . . 208

......
1464 Reconciliation of the Count Palatine Frederick
Obstinacy of Sigismund
Mediation of the Emperor . . .
.

.
.

.210
209
209

His terms of peace accepted. Death of Cusa . .211

Reconciliation of Sigismund . . . . .211

CHAPTER V.

ATTEMPTED RECONCILIATION OF BOHEMIA WITH THE CHURCH.

1448 Prevalence of Heresy in Bohemia . . . -213
Failure of the Compact between Bohemia and the
Council of Basle . . . . . -213
The Utraquist Clergy do not fulfil the conditions of
the Compact . . . . .214 . .

Administration of the Eucharist under one kind for-

bidden by the Councillors of Prague .214 . ,

The Compact never recognised by the Holy See 215 .

Its efforts frustrated by the fanaticism of the Czechs 215 .

—
Accession of George Podiebrad his two contradictory
Oaths . . . . . . .216
His duplicity and fair promises . . . . .217
 TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A.D. PAGE
1459 Podiebrad is invited to the Congress of Mantua . 217
Rokyzana procures Decrees against the Church 218

George Podiebrad .....

Pius II. requires a pubHc profession of obedience from

....
He styles him King at Mantua
218
2ig
Podiebrad is not represented at the Congress . 219

ofBreslau. ......
Nuncios sent to settle his differences with the people
220
They
......
effect a settlement, but
to Mantua
Podiebrad delays coming
220
He
the Pope .......
desires to win the Crown of Germany by help of
221
1 46 And
the Church ......
proposes to effect the reunion of Bohemia with
222
Excitement
quism .......
in Bohemia. The King recognises Utra^

.....
1462 Distrust of Podiebrad at Rome.
Breslau postponed
The submission of
223

.......
—
Podiebrad sends the Embassy to Rome its double
purpose
Feeling against Podiebrad in Rome .
224
224
Improved position of the Papacy 225

Utraquist Address
—
.....
Reception of the Bohemian Envoys by the Pope

Reply of Pius II. he condemns the Compact .

226
227
And in open Consistory refuses to recognise it . 228
The Compact formally abolished
is . 229

......
Podiebrad dares not fulfil his engagement to abolish
the Compact
The Pope sends Fantino de Valle to Prague
230
231

Which finds favour nowhere ....

Marini's project of revolutionising the European system

The Pope publishes Podiebrad's Coronation Oath

231
232
232
Podiebrad openly declares himself an Utraquist 233
And rejects Fantino's demand to abolish the Compact 234
The Nuncio denounces the Compact rage of Podie- —
brad 235
Effect of the Nuncio's speech —
he is imprisoned 236

leased
The Emperor
........
Podiebrad endeavours to temporise. Fantino is re-

....
undertakes to mediate
236
237
Marini's intrigues at the French Court 237
1463 They are counteracted by Pius II. . 238
The Pope
delays to take action against Podiebrad 238
1464 Proceedings against him stopped by the death of
Pius II 239
 TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VI.

THE E.VSTERN QUESTION, 1460-1463.

A.D. PAGE
1459 Rapid progress of the Turkish power. Fall of Servia
and of the Morea. Anxiety of Pius II. 240
1460 The Italian powers refuse the Tithes for the Crusade . 242
The Pope sends Collectors to all the European States 243
General Indifference —small results obtained 244
Arrival

The
of an
promising obedience ......
Envoy from
the Eastern Patriarchs

genuineness of the Embassy doubtful

245
246
A fresh
Its
Embassy
by Pius II.
doubtful character
......
arrives

—
from the

deceit
far East,

of its
welcomed

interpreter.
,
247

Era Lodovico 248

1 46 Arrival of Thomas, the dethroned Lord of the Morea,

He
Apostle
is
........
he brings with him the head of St. Andrew the

well received by the Pope, who gives him the

249

Golden Rose and a pension 250

1465 Death of the Despot of the Morea .

His claims descend to the Jagellon family 252

1 46 The Queen of Cyprus seeks aid from Pius II. .

Her reception by the Pope, and personal appearance 253

Assistance given to her by Pius II. .
254
She fails to obtain it from the Christian Princes 255

Rome .......
News of the Fall of Sinope and Trebizond arrives in
255
Letter of Pius
version .......
II. to the Sultan attempting his con

Representations and promises of the Pope

256
257

Rome .......
1462 The solemn reception of the head of St.

Oration of Pius II. in its honour

Andrew in
258
259
Rejoicings and Procession in Rome . 260
Discovery of Alum-beds at Tolfa 261
Which greatly increase the Pope's revenue 262
Lesbos falls into the hands of the Turks .
263
—
1463 Mahomet II. attacks
Conquest of Bosnia .....
Bosnia its disturbed condition 264
265

their religion ......

The Bosnian Christians allowed the

—
free exercise of
266
The King of Bosnia is beheaded
takes refuge in Rome
Pius II. undertakes to lead the crusade
....
the Queen-mothe
266
267
VOL. in. d
lii TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER VII.

PLANS OF REFORM.
A.D. PAGE
1458 Pius appoints a Commission to consider the reform
II.
of the Roman Court . . .269
. . .

Cardinal Cusa's scheme of reform of the whole

Church . . . . . . . .270
Rule for the three Visitors chosen to execute the
reform . . . . . . . .271
His plan for reforming the Court of Rome .272 .

Domenichi's scheme of reform of the Roman Court 273 .

He condemns nepotism and the plurality of benefices 274

Pius II. abandons the idea of a general reform -275 .

1460 He corrects certain local abuses . . . .276

His zeal for the restoration of Monastic Discipline . 277
Deposition of Martial Auribelle, General of the
Dominicans . . . . . . .278
1 46 The Benedictine Congregation at Bursfield .
-279
Abbey
Love of Pius
........
Opposition of the Nobility to the reform

the Franciscan Observantines

II. for
of the

.
280
280
The zeal of the Observantines for reform and missionary
work 281
Pius II. condemns negro slavery, which had just begun
—
to appear he defends the Jews
Bull of Retractation of Pius II.
He defends the Monarchical Constitution of the
....
.282
283
. .

Church 284
And resists the encroachments of temporal Princes . 285
His many censures against heresies .285 . . .

Dispute between the Franciscans and Dominicans 2S6 .

Pius II. in vain forbids public discussion on the

subject of the Precious Blood
1462 After a great disputation decides
287
in
....favour of the
Dominicans . . . . . . .288
His solemn observance of the Feast of Corpus Christi 288
1 46 1 The Canonisation of St. Catherine of Siena . .290
Pius II. draws up the Bull of Canonisation . . 291

and Rome
—
.......
Rejoicings in Italy memorials of the Saint in Siena
292
Necessity of creating new Cardinals
1460 Pius II. creates six new Cardinals
—
Merits of Cardinal OUva his early Death (1463)
....
. . . -293
.
294
296
Five of the six Cardinals published at once — all

Italians 297
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. HH

A.D. PAGE
1 46 Creation of three Italian and three Ultramontane
Cardinals . . . . . . . . 29S
Good Humanist culture of Cardinals Roverella and
Ammanati . . . .299 . . •

Ammanati a favourite of Pius II. 300 . . . .

1462 Publication of the name of the Archbishop of Salzburg 300

Pius appreciation and patronage of Art
II. 's -301 .

1463 Pius II.embellishes St. Peter's —

building the Tribune

Andrew ........
for Benediction, and the new Chapel of St.

His repairs in the City and Churches . . .

302
303

Campagna
Memorials of Pius
.......
His love and protection of the ruins in

.....
Siena
II. at 304
Rome and the
304

1462 He built a Cathedral and a Palace at Corsignano, and

changes the name to Pienza
Style of the Cathedral, mixed Italian and Gothic
306
308
.... .

It is celebrated in verse by Campanus .310 . .

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CRUSADE AND DEATH OF PIUS II.

1462 Determination of Pius II. to lead the Crusade in person 311

The Venetians delay assistance . . . .312
Cristoforo Moro elected Doge . . . . -312
The Turks attack the Venetian Colonies and seize
Argos -313
Conquest of Bosnia. Vittore Capello urges war with
the Turks 3^4
Altered tone in Venice —
they propose to raise money
for the war . . 3^5
. . . . •

1463 Peace concluded in Hungary through the mediation of

the Pope 316
Louis XI. refuses to take part in the Crusade .316 .

The Duke of Burgundy at length fulfils his promise 317 .

The Pope invites the Italian powers to a Congress 317 .

Bessarion is sent as Legate to Venice .318 . .

Venice at length declares war against the Turks 318 .

Alliance against the Turks concluded between Venice

and Hungary . . -3^9
. . . .

Burgundian Envoys ......

Skanderbeg attacks the Turks. Reception of the
320
liv TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A.D. PAGE
1463 Good prospects of the Crusade. Meeting of the
ItaHan Congress . . .321
. . .

Unsatisfactory answers of the Itahan States .321 .

tines. ........
Reply of Pius II. Selfish duplicity of the Floren-

Their intrigues against Venice .

322
•323 . . .

Scheme of Pius II. for the partition of Turkey .324 .

He announces to the Cardinals his intention of

leading the Crusade . . . . . '325
He on them to follow him
calls . . . .326
The majority of the Cardinals agree details of the —
enterprise . . . . .327 . . .

Regulations in regard to the Crusade 328 . . .

Delays of Florence, Milan, and Siena . . .329

Measures taken by the Cardinals to collect funds 329 .

and Venice
The Duke
.......
Alliance between the Pope, the Duke of Burgundy,

of Milan does not join in the AlUance .

330
330
Publication of the Bull announcing the Crusade .
331

his absence .......

Pius II. provides for the government of Rome during

....
Excellent effect of the Bull in Italy
333
333

with little response ......

The promulgation throughout Europe, where it meets

Efforts of the Pope to promote the Crusade, and

334

promises of aid from the Italian powers . . 335

Account Book
Continued efforts of
.......
Money raised for the Crusade. The Crusade

Pius II. on behalf of the

336

Crusade . . . . . . . -337
Victories over the Turks. Recovery of Vostitza and
Argos 338
Death of the Prince of Tarento . . . , 338
The Doge compelled to join the Crusade inperson .
339
The King of Hungary recovers Jaitza.
of the Venetians
Defection of the Duke of Burgundy
...... Misfortunes

.
340
340
The Duke of Milan's evasive conduct . 341
His intrigues against Venice . . . 342
Opposition of the Florentines to the Crusade . . 343
General disincUnation to the Crusade in Italy . . 344

in the war
Distress of the
.......
1464 Louis XL forbids the Duke of Burgundy to take part

Pope— his threat of Excommunication

345
346
More bad news from Greece. Perseverance of the
Pope 347
 TABLE OF CONTENTS. Iv

A.D. PAGE
1464 Pius II. goes to the Baths of Petriolo . . .
347
He threatens to Excommunicate Louis XI. . .
348
His resolution to embark at Ancona for Ragusa .
348
Cardinal Forteguerri appointed Legate of the Fleet .
349
Pius II. leaves Siena for Rome.
Cardinals against the Crusade
—
Agitation of the

The Pope's illness he persists in setting out

.... . .
349
350
—
Anger of Louis XI. threat of a General Council .
351
Cardinal Francesco Piccolomini appointed Vicar of
Rome _
. . -352
Arrival of large numbers of Crusaders in Italy . -352
The Pope takes the Cross in the Vatican Basilica .
353
He leaves Rome for Ancona . . . . -354
—
Delays at Pisa many of the Crusaders return
home -355
Cardinal Carvajal appointed to superintend at
Ancona
Illness of Cardinal
Pius II. at Loreto
.

—
.

Ammanati
he falls seriously ill at Ancona
..... .
355
356
357
Disputes among the Crusaders, who are mostly ill-
provided 358
Efforts made to detain Pius II. he is resolved —
to go -359
.........
.
• .•

The insufficient preparations make it impossible to

A
start
....
pestilence breaks out at Ancona
The Turks threaten Ragusa the — Pope and Carvajal
360
360

resolve to embark . . . . . .361

Delay of Cardinal Forteguerri and the Venetians . 362
Selfish and intriguing policy of Venice . . .
363
The Venetian Envoy endeavours to diminish the Pope's
naval forces . . . . . . .364
Venice refuses to find transport for the Crusaders .
365
The transports
Crusaders having
sent at
left
length arrive too
Ancona .... late, the
365
The Venetians
parations ........
attack Trieste

Delay in the arrival of the Doge at Ancona

— they
366
-367
delay their pre-

Increased illness of Pius II. Arrival of the Venetian

fleet 368

Cardinals ........
—
The Pope receives Holy Viaticum his address to the

Death of Pius II. on the Eve of the Assumption

369
370 .

His death brings the Crusade to an end -370 . .

Conference between the Cardinals and the Doge.

Death of Cardinal Cusa . -371 . . .
Ivi TABLE OF CONTENTS.

A.D. PAGE
1464 Terms arranged with Venice. The Pope's body re-
moved to Rome . . . . . -372
Departure of the Cardinals for Rome . . -372
mantled ........
—
The Doge returns to Venice the squadron

Constant efforts of the Papacy against the Turks

dis-

.
373
373
Character of Pius II. . . . . . -374
 LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS
IN APPENDIX.

PAGE
I. O. de Carretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan 377
II. 37S
III. Antonio da Pistoja to ,,
,, 379
IV. Pope Pius II. to „ ,, 379
V. ,, to the Emperor Frederick III. 381
VI. 382
VII. 382
VIII. ,, to Bernhardus de Bosco 382
IX. to the Emperor Frederick III.
,,
383
X. to King John II. of Aragon
,, .
383
XL „ to John III., Bishop of Eichstatt 384
XII. ,, to Duke Louis of Savoy 384
XIII. „ to Frankfort on Maine 384
XIV. to King Charles VII. of France
,,
385
XV. „ to Cardinal Cusa, Legate at Rome 385
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
,,

,,

,,
to
to the
Bologna
Duke
....
to Procopius of Rabenstein

of Milan .
.
386
386
3S6
XIX. to Diether of Isenburg
,,
387
XX. „ to Duke Louis of Savoy 387
XXI. ;, to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg 387
XXII. „ to Diether of Isenburg 3S8
XXIII. „ to the Cathedral Chapter of

XXIV.
XXV.
,,

„ to the
Mayence
to Florence
Duke
....
of Milan .
388
388
389
XXVI.

XXVII. The Duke

,, to Albert,
burg .....
Margrave of Branden-

of Milan to his Consort, Bianca Maria

389
389
XXVIII. " " )j 391
XXIX. Pope Pius

XXX. »
II. to Albert,

to
burg
Duke Louis
.....
Margrave of Branden-

of Savoy
391
391
Iviii LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS.
PAGE
XXXI. Nicolaus Severinus and Ludovicus de Petronius
to the Republic of Siena 392
XXXII. The Duke of Milan to his Consort . 392
XXXIII. 393
XXX IV. Pope Pius Johannes Antonius of Spoleto
II. to 393
XXXV. Otto de Carretto to the Duke of Milan . 393
XXXVI. Pope the Conservators of Rome
Pius II. to 395
XXXVII. ,,
to Philip, Duke of Burgundy 396
XXXVIIL „ to Charles VII., King of France 396
XXXIX. „ to Duke Borso of Modena .
396
XL. „ to Ferrante, King of Naples 397
XLI. Antonio Ricao to Lodovico of Gonzaga .
397
XLII. Pope Pius II. 's project of Reform . 397
XLIIL Bartolomeo Bonatto to Marchioness Barbara
of Mantua 403
XLIV.
XLV. Pope
XLVI.
„
Pius II. to Aquila
„
to
....
Lodovico de Gonzaga

to the Bishop of Aquila

403
403
404
XLVII. Bartol. Bonatto to Marchioness Barbara of
Mantua 404
XLVIII, Pope Pius II.

XLIX. Otto de
Corneto ......
to Bartol. Vitelleschi,

Carretto to the Duke of Milan

Bishop of

.
404
405
L. Pope Pius II. to Bologna 405
LI. Bartol. Bonatto to Lodovico de Gonzaga 405

LIII. Gregorio LoUi to Siena

LIV. Pope Pius II. to Frankfort on Maine
....
LII. Martinus Suardus to Lodovico de Gonzaga 406
406
407
LV. Ludovicus de Petronius to Siena 408
LVI, Sigismondo Malatesta to the Duke of Milan 409
LVII. Otto de Carretto to the Duke of Milan . 409
LVIII. Nicodemus de Pontremoli to the Duke of Milan 410
LIX. Giov. Pietro Arrivabene to Marchioness Barbara
of Mantua 410
LX. Pope Pius II. to Bishop Ernest of Hildesheim . 411
LXI. Archbishop of Mayence to Ernest of Hildesheim 411
LXII. Otto de Carretto to the Duke of Milan . 412
LXIII. Pope Pius II. to Piero de' Medici . 413
LXIV. Gregorio Lolli to Siena 413
LXV. The Version of the " Memoirs of Pius II." 415
 BOOK I.

PIUS 11. 1458-1464.

VOL. Ill,

n
 PIUS II. 1458-1464.

Under Nicholas V., the founder of the Vatican Library,

that great movement in the history of culture, which we
call the Renaissance, had fairly taken root in Rome. The
capital of Christendom, now become the centre of learning
and art, was flooded with the light of the new dawn.
Then came the fall of Constantinople ; a shock, of
which the reverberations have not yet died away. It soon
became only too clear that this victory of the Turks had
dealt a grievous blow to all the Western Nations. " The
Turkish power in all the fierce strength of its eager youth
took the place of the worn-out Eastern Empire, and
challenged the whole of Europe. It seemed for a time as
if the Cross must succumb in the battle." * A ruder and
more anxious task than the peaceful labours of Nicholas
V. in the cause of Literature and Art was allotted to his
successor. Calixtus IIL rightly judged that the main
object of his life must be to save Christendom and
Western culture from being overwhelmed by the flood of
Turkish invasion. But in spite of the heroic efforts of the

Spanish Pope, who pledged his mitre and his plate in

order to raise money enough to equip a fleet, nothing

worthy of the cause was accomplished. Not a single
Prince or nation came forward to redeem their promises.
The fire and enthusiasm which in former days had moved
all Europe to fly as one man to the rescue of the Holy
* Heinemann, /Eneas Sylvius, 2.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Places, now burnt itself out in internal dissensions and

jealousies. Not a hand was lifted to check the rapid
advance of the Ottoman arms.
One disaster followed another in the East all through
the summer of The Morea and Attica were over-
1458.
run and devastated by the Mahometan troops. In June,
Athens fell in August, Corinth. The subjugation of Servia
;

was begun in the same month.*

On the very day on which the key of the Peloponnesus
was lost to Christendom, the aged Calixtus, wearied and
disappointed, at last sank to rest.

The who should be the next .occupant of the

question
Papal throne was now of deeper importance than ever.
In addition to the defence of Europe, an even more
difficult and dangerous task than this was awaiting him,
namely, the internal reform of the Church.
No one appeared more adapted for the solution of this
problem than the noble and gifted Cardinal Capranica.
His death, from a violent attack of fever, just before the

Conclave opened (August 14), was a heavy blow to the

Church, for was almost a certainty. Rome

his election

was plunged in grief A contemporary writes of him

" He was the most accomplished, the most learned, and

the holiest Prelate that the Church possessed in our

days." A completely new situation was created, upsetting
all previous calculations.
* Hertzberg, Griechenland, II., 566 seq. Hopf, 86, 127 ; seq. ;

Gregorovius, Gesch. der Stadt Athen, II., 381 seq. (Stuttgart, 1889).

Detailed accounts of the successes of the Infidels in Greece reached

Rome in the beginning of July ; see *Despatches of Giovanni Amidani

to the Marchioness Barbara, Rome, July 12th, 1458, Gonzaga Archives,

Mantua. More bad news arrived from Servia in August. See
*Despatches of Nicodemus de Pontremoli and Boccacino to Fr.
Sforza, Florence, Aug. 11, 1458, Cod. 1588, f 117, Fonds Ital. of the

National Library, Paris.

 CHAPTER I.

ELECTION OE PIUS II.

Aim of his Pontificate to free Europe from the disgrace

—
OF Turkish Domination. Pacific Policy in Italy. The —
Pope's character and manner of life.— His attitude in
regard to the humanistic and literary movement.

The excitement periodically caused in Rome by every

vacancy of the Ploly See reached an unwonted height in

the August of 1458. The confusion was aggravated both

there and in the States of the Church
by the general
movement against the hated Spaniards and Neapolitans,
" The Catalans," as they were called, and by the action of

Jacopo Piccinino, who had seized Assisi, Nocera, and Gualdo,

and was now encamped near Foligno. It was believed,
that a secret understanding existed between this " landless
Count " and the King of Naples, and that the latter sought

by his means to prevent the election of a French Pope * !

The great question which for the time took precedence

of all others, was whether an Italian or a Frenchman
should occupy the Chair of St. Peter.
Of the eighteen Cardinals who assembled in Conclave

* See Vol. II. of this work, p. 481. Ferrante formally condemned

Piccinino's invasion of the States of the Church (see his Letter to
Florence, dated 1458, Aug. 20), but his behaviour was unsatisfactory
see Arch. St. Napol., IX., 74 seq. Nicodemus de Pontremoli, in a
^Despatch to Fr. Sforza, dated Florence, 1458, Aug. 18, declares that

the fear of Piccinino would impel the Cardinals to hasten the Election.
Cod. 1588, f. 130, Fonds Ital. of the National Library, Paris.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

on the i6th August, eight were Italians, five Spaniards,

two very influential Frenchmen, one a Portuguese, and

two Greeks.* The foreigners accordingly outnumbered
the Italians, but they did not constitute the majority of
two-thirds requisite for an election.
The prospect of an increased preponderance of French
influence in the Peninsula caused great anxiety to the
Italian Powers, especially to the Genoese, the King of
Naples, and the Duke of Milan. The latter Prince seemed
almost haunted by his dread of France.f We cannot
therefore wonder if on the death of Calixtus the whole
weight of his influence was exerted to proftiote the election
of an Italian Pope. Cardinal Capranica was the candi-
date of his choice. In the instructions sent in cipher on
the 2nd August, 1458, to Otto de Carretto, he desires him
to use every effort in his power on behalf of this excellent

man. Should it be impossible to ensure his election, he

must endeavour to obtain that of Cardinal Prospero
Colonna. Failing this, he by the
is to be guided entirely
advice of Capranica.;|: Death silenced the voice of this
counsellor on the 14th August; there was no time to
receive further instructions, and Carretto was compelled
to own judgment.
act on his He naturally turned to
Cardinal Piccolomini, who was friendly to the Duke, and

* Acta Consist., f. 28, Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. xxxi.,

torn. 52. Here are given the names of the eighteen Cardinals. The
*Protocollo del Notaio de MeriHis in the State Archives at Rome
mentions only 17. This mistake has led Bertolotti in GORl's
Archivio, IV., 242, erroneously to charge Gregorovius with inaccuracy.
Creighton, II., 365, is wrong in making the Conclave meet on the
loth Aug., and Palacky, IV., 2, 64, in stating that to be the day of the
Election of Pius II.!

t See BuSER, Beziehungen, 84, 88 seq.

X Draft of Fr. Sforza's Instruction of August 2, 1458, in the Am-
brosian Library, Milan, Z., 219 Sup.
 ANXIETY OF THE ITALIAN POWERS. 7

"while Bishop of Siena had laboured to obtain for him

the imperial investiture, and the recognition of his legi-
timacy." * In a despatch of that eventful 14th August,
the Envoy expresses his hope of being able, even under
these altered circumstances, to bring matters to a suffi-

ciently satisfactory conclusion. " I am," he adds, " not

without hope for Cardinal Colonna, but it would be easier
to carry the election of the Cardinal of Siena, ^neas
Sylvius Piccolomini ; he is liked by all parties, and the
Ambassadors of the King of Naples favour him."f On
the following day, the Neapolitan, Galeotto Agnensis, wrote
to inform Francesco Sforza that he had succeeded in

bringing about a matrimonial alliance between the houses

of Colonna and Orsini, which had almost always been at
variance, and that he was now endeavouring to gain the
votes assured to Cardinal Capranica for the Cardinal of
Siena, whose elevation would be welcome alike to the
Duke and to the King of Naples. " Thank God," con-
tinues Galetto, " Cardinal Orsini has consented, and I have
a good hope of success." |
The learned Torquemada and the popular Calandrini
were also spoken of by many as candidates for the
supreme dignity.§ Piccolomini had, however, far more
formidable rivals in Pietro Barbo, and the wealthy and

* VOIGT, III., 65.

t Despatch of Otto de Carretto from the State Archives, i\Iilan ;

see Appendix N. i.

t Despatch of "Galeoctus" ( = Galeottus Agnensis de Neapoli leg.

doctor). See State Archives, Florence X-i-52, f. 10, to Fr. Sforza, dated
Rome, 1458, Aug. 15. State Archives, Milan.
§ La mazor parte stima chel cardinal di S. Sixto Spagnolo suc-
cedera : ma rarevolte se indivina. Se si fara Papa Italiano credo
tochera a Bologna, perche e bon homo e generalmente ben voluto dal
collegio. Antonio da Pistoja to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1458,
July 31st. State Archives, Milan.
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

distinguished Guillaume d'Estouteville, the head of the

French party.
The Conclave was held in the Apostolic Palace at St.
Peter's. Cells, in which the Cardinals were to eat and to
sleep, were prepared in the largest hall ; a smaller hall
bearing the name of St. Nicholas was to serve for the
deliberations and for the actual business of the election.*

The fact that the Envoys sent to the Sacred College by

Ferrante, during the last illness of Calixtus III,, were
admitted as Royal Ambassadors to watch the Conclave,
was much noticed.f
The customary Sermon addressed to the Cardinals before

their entry into Conclave was delivered by the Humanist

Domenico de' Domenichi, Bishop of Torcello.:|: He began
with the words from the Acts of the Apostles, I, 24 :

"Thou, Lord, who knowest the hearts of all men, shew

whether of these two Thou hast chosen to take the place of
this ministry and apostleship." After pronouncing a eulogy

* Pil II. Comment. 30 ; see Cancellieri, Notizie de' Conclavi,

14-15 (Roma, 1823).

t See the *Despatches of Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated

Rome, 1458, Aug. 14 and 20, State Archives, Milan, Cart. gen. ; see
Appendix N. 2. These Envoys were sent at a date eariier than that

given by VOIGT, III., 25, for they were in Rome on the ist August; see
Despatch of A. Catabenus written on that day. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
X Rev. patris dom. Dominici episc. Torcell. omnium Hb. artium et s.
theologie magistriad rev. S. R. E. Cardinales oratio die (xvi. Augusti
according to the *Acta Consist, of the Secret Archives of the Vatican ;

see also the Letter of the Bishop of Corneto in Sansi, Saggio, 26),
qua intrarunt ad electionem Summi Pontificis habita Rome in basilica

S. Petri. Cod. Vatic. 3675, Vatican Library. (At the end, habita Rome,
xvii. Cal, Sept. A° 1459 !). This discourse is also in Cod. Ottob. 10,

35, f. i-io (the beginning is wanting) ; in Cod. 2369 of the Brussels

Library ; and in Cod. C. 20, Chapter Library at Padua. Here it is

dated xviii. Cal. Sept. 1458.

 ENTRY INTO CONCLAVE. 9

on the deceased Pontiff, Domenichi exhorted the electors to

lay aside all ambition, intrigue, and contention. The pre-
valence of the first of these vices was denounced with special
severity. " How many," he said, " would in better days
have been contented with a small preferment, who now
aspire to the highest dignities." After citing several ex-
amples from classical antiquity he continued :
" Those who
wish to be counted as Romans, should take for their
models men like Decius, Brutus, Cato, Gracchus, and
Regulus, whose glorious deeds, to use the words of St.
Jerome, shine like stars in Roman history."
The orator dwelt on the special importance of this

election in regard to the badness of the times. " The

secular Princes," he exclaimed, " wrangle with each other,
and turn against their own flesh the weapons which ought
to be directed against the Turks. There has been no
peacemaker. The morals of the clergy are corrupt, they
have become a scandal to the laity, all order is at an end.
Day by day the authority of the Church diminishes, her
censures are unheeded, there has been no one to enforce
them. The Roman Court is full of abuses. Who has
made any attempt to reform it?"*
Domenichi also deals with the Turkish question. He
specially deplores the horrors inflicted by these barbarians
on Greece.
In conclusion, he points out the important problems
which the new Pope would have to solve. " The dignity
of the Church must be reasserted, her authority revived,
morals reformed, the Court regulated, the course of
justice secured, the faith propagated, captives set free,

lost cities regained, and the faithful armed for the Holy
War."t
* Cod. Vatic. 3675 ; see the motto of this volume, back of title page.
t Igitur cum restauranda sit dignitas ecclesie, sublevanda maiestas,
10 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

It soon became manifest in the deliberations of the

Conclave how deeply the Cardinals had resented the high-
handed manner in which they had been treated by the late

Pope. A Capitulation was drawn up, extending the rights

of the Sacred College, and limiting the power of the

Pontiff.* The articles of this Capitulation, which was
framed on the model of that of 143 1, bound the future
Pope to carry on the war against the Turks according to
the advice of the Cardinals, and to reform the Court to
the best of his power it also enjoined him to consult the
;

Sacred College making appointments to offices at Court,

in

and in the bestowal of Bishoprics and the greater Abbeys.

In future, the Decree of Constance regarding the number
and character of the Cardinals, and that requiring the
consent of the majority of the Sacred College given in
Consistory to their nomination, was to be strictly observed.
Several Articles were concerned with safe-guarding the
interests of the Cardinals in the matter of Benefices and In
Comniendanis. Rights of nomination or presentation were
to be granted to ecclesiastical or temporal Princes only with
the approval of the Sacred College, and existing concessions
contrary to this provision were to be repealed. Moreover,
the Pope was not to grant to any one a tax upon the clergy
or the goods of the Church. In relation to the govern-
ment of the States of the Church, the strict limitations
imposed upon the Papal power by the Conclave which
elected Eugenius IV. were re-enacted. The Capitulation

firmanda auctoritas, que pene conciderunt, componendi mores, ordi-

nanda curia, stabilienda iudicia, dilatanda fides, propagandi fines,

redimendi captivi, recuperande civitates, armandi fideles. Hec omnia

sapientissimum prestantissimumque pontificem desiderant. Cod. Vat.
3675-
* Raynaldus, ad an. 1458, N. 5-8; see VoiGT, III., 522 seq.
Regarding the Capitulation of 1431, see our account in Vol. I., p. 284.
 ATTITUDE OF THE CARDINALS. II

contained a new resolution requiring the Pope to allow

to every Cardinal whose income was less than 4,000
golden florins, 100 florins a month out of the Apostolic
Treasury, until that sum was made up.* Once in every
year the Cardinals were to inquire into the manner in
which these Articles had been observed, and if they had
been infringed, charitably to admonish the Pope three
times.
On the third day of the Conclave the business of the
Election commenced. In the first scrutiny the Cardinals
of Siena and Bologna, Piccolomini and Calandrini, had each
five votes, and no other Cardinal more than three. And
now those who aspired to the supreme dignity began the
work of canvassing. No one was more zealous than the
ambitious d'Estouteville, who was closely allied with Cardinal
Alain. Our information in regard to the means employed
by this leader of the French party is derived entirely from
his rival, Piccolomini, who certainly is not an unprejudiced
authority.-]- According to his report, d'Estouteville, on
the one hand, made brilliant promises, and on the other
sought in every way to depreciate the Cardinals of Bologna
and Siena. " How," he asked, " can Piccolomini be thought
fit for the Papacy ? He suffers from the gout, and is abso-
lutely penniless. How can he succour the impoverished
Church, or, infirm as he is, heal her sickness ? He has
but lately come from Germanywe do not know him per-
; ;

haps he will remove the Court thither. Look at his devotion

to the heathen Muses. Shall we raise a poet to the Chair

* The monthly allowances were called Piatio Cardi?ia/izio (the

Cardinal's Portion) ; see MORONi, LII., 274-6 ; Bangen, 45. They are
here mentioned for the first time.

t Pn II. Comment. 2,0 scq., with the supplement in CUGNONi, 1S4 seq.

Regarding the variations of the Cod. Regin. 1995 of the Vatican Lib-
rary, see Appendix N 65.
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of St. Peter, and let the Church be governed on Pagan

"
principles ?

The same authority declares that not only Alain, but

Bessarion, Pleschi, Torquemada, Colonna, and Castiglione
bound themselves by oath to vote for the French candidate.
Piccolomini, however, by skilfully insisting on the national
aspect of the case, succeeded in winning over Castiglione,
and also in obtaining the support of those Cardinals who
had been as yet undecided.
The energetic action of Cardinal Barbo was of the
greatest importance in the Election. After he had given
up all hope of himself wearing the tiara, 'he determined at
least to make every possible effort to obtain it for one of
his own nation. Assembling the Italian Cardinals, with

the exception of Colonna, he proposed to them that

member of the Sacred College who, above all others,

was distinguished by keenness of intellect, varied learning,

experience of the world, and diplomatic ability, ^neas —
Sylvius Piccolomini. In the following scrutiny, on the
19th August, the latter accordingly had nine votes and
d'Estouteville only six !*
The decision was then arrived at by the method called

Accessus. Rodrigo Borgia was the first to break the hush

* See Pil II. Comment, loc. ciL, and the **Report of Otto de
Carretto of Aug. 20th, 1458, cited infra, p. 14, note $, Ambrosian
Library, Milan. See also Appendix N. 3. According to the M^m.
de J. du Clercq, III., c. 39, fear of a repetition of the Avignon exile
weighed in the scale against d'Estouteville. Vast, p. 231, bestows great
praise on Zeller's description of the Conclave. The latter, however,
makes the extraordinary mistake of confounding the Cardinal of

Pavia (p. 27) with Carvajal, who was not at the time in Rome. I did

not find in the State Archives at Milan, Carretto's Despatch of the 29th
August, translated by Petrucelli, p. 281 ; there must be a mistake in

the date. Regarding the Cardinal of Lerida, erroneously mentioned by

VoiGT, III., 9, see Vahlen, 62.
 ELECTION OF APNEAS SYLVIUS. 1

of expectation with the words :

" I vote for the Cardinal of
Siena." A second and longer silence ensued. Cardinals
Isidore and Torquemada made a fruitless attempt to
adjourn the election, but Cardinal Tebaldo now giving
his vote for Piccolomini, only one more was needed.
Again there was a pause of breathless suspense. Then,
in spite of those who tried to hold him back, Prospero

Colonna stood up and said :

" I also vote for the Cardinal
of Siena, and make him Pope." All then arose and offered
their first homage to the newly elected Pontiff. Having
returned to their seats, they unanimously proclaimed the
election valid, and Bessarion made a speech congratulating
the new Head of the Church.*
Piccolomini, who had been only twenty months a Cardinal,
was greatly overcome by his election. " The burden of the
future ffell upon his soul ; he understood the height of his
calling." Campano, his biographer, tells us that he burst
into tears and for some time could hardly command him-
self. When he had recovered his composure, he said to
the friends who were encouraging him, that none could
rejoice at being raised to such a dignity save those who
forgot its attendant dangers and toils. It was now for

* The hour of the election is variously stated. INFESSURA, 113S,

and the Cron. Rom., 26, say a ore di ferza. The Cronica di Bologna,
726, mentions the 14th hour, and so does Otto de Carretto in a
**Despatch to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1458, Aug. 19th. State Archives,
Milan, Cart. gen. Antonius Catabenus in a *Letter to the Marquess
of Mantua, dated Rome, 1458, Aug. 19th, writes : "Ozo a XV. ore vel
circa fu creato e publicato per la divina gratia in papa il revmo. olim
Monsre de Sena, laus Deo." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The *Acta
Consist., f. 28, say circa horam X\T. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
The 17th hour is that given in a letter in the Archives of Spoleto (see

Sansi, Storia, 50) ; the 23rd, 24th by the Notary de Meriliis ; see supra
p. 6, note *, and GORI, Archivio, IV., 242.
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

him to accomplish that which he had formerly demanded

from others.*
After he had assumed the white cassock of a Pope, he
announced that he would take the name of Pius II,, and in

this name again swore to observe the Capitulation, adding,

however, the proviso :
" As far as I am able, with the help
of God, and consistently with the honour and the integrity
of the Apostolic See."f
Besides the account written by the newly elected Pope
himself, our sources of information regarding the Conclave
of 1458 consist of a few despatches from the Milanese Envoys,
the most important of which is one written by Otto de
Carretto on the 20th August.:]: It was only natural that
the envoy should make the most of his own share in the
election ; but on the other hand his account of the attitude
of Cardinal Colonna is striking. In consequence of the
family alliance which we have mentioned between the Orsini
and the Colonna, both Cardinals with their adherents agreed,
according to him, to elect Piccolomini. Carretto himself
gained for him the support of the Neapolitan Envoys, of
Cardinal de la Cerda, and of Cardinals Mila and Borgia, the

* Campanus, 947; VoiGT, III., 15. In reference to Piccolomini's

elevation, the *Cronica di Forli of Giovanni de Pedrino incorrectly

asserts: Era stado fatto vescovo e cardenale e papa in 18 mexe e

questo fo tenuda grande ventura. Cod. 234, p. 259b of the Library

of Prince Bald. Boncompagni. For an account of the previous life of

^neas, see Vol. I., pp. 340-48, and Vol. II., pp. 139 seq., 302 seq., 419,

458 seq.

t Raynaldus, ad an. 1458, N. 8.

X The **Report of Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome,
die XX. Augusti, 1458, is partly in cipher, the interpretation of which,

however, is added. Ambrosian Library, Milan, loc. cit. The efforts

of Colonna on behalf of Piccolomini are twice mentioned in this

Report. According to Carretto, Bessarion as well as Barbo aspired

to the Papacy.
 ACTION OF CARDINAL COLONNA. 1

nephews of the deceased Pope the two last were influenced

;

by the hope that Ferrante would be favourable to them.

The Commentary of Pius II., however, represents Cardinal
Colonna as a firm partisan of d'Estouteville up to a short time

before the final decision ; he alone failed to take part in the

deliberations to which the Italian Cardinals were invited

by Barbo. The report of the Milanese Envoy, written as
it was immediately after the election, is certainly more
direct evidence than the Commentary of Pius II., which is
of a much later date. On the other hand, we must re-
member that Carretto, who, in pursuance of the instruc-
tions received from his master, was bound to promote the
cause of Colonna, had an interest in exaggerating the part
taken by this Cardinal in Piccolomini's election. Prospero
Colonna himself, after having given the vote which decided
the election of Pius 1 1., may have been anxious that his former
efforts on behalf of d'Estouteville should be forgotten.* It

is to be hoped that future discoveries in the Archives may

throw further light on this point. There is, however, no
doubt that Piccolomini's election was zealously promoted
by the Milanese and Neapolitan Envoys. Francesco Sforza
expressly says in his letter of the 14th September that Pius
II. was elected through the influence of King Ferrante,

and this statement is borne out by the favour which the new
Pope shewed to the King of Naples.f
In Rome the election of Piccolomini was welcomed with

* According to the Comment. Pil II., Orsini was for a long time less
ardent in Piccolomini's cause than Carretto represents him to have
been.
t The **Letter of Fr. Sforza to Joh. de Ulesis, dated Milan, 1458,
Sept. 14th, Cod. 1588, f. 151. National Library, Paris. As to the
friendship between Piccolomini and the Sforzas, see supra, p. 6. In
his Letter of Congratulation to Pius II., dated Milan, 1458, Aug. 23rd,
Fr. Sforza refers to the fact. Ambrosian Library, Milan.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

unmixed satisfaction. Tiie people threw away their arms,

and with cries of "Siena, Siena, Evviva Siena!" hastened

to St. Peter's to pay homage to the newly made Pope. At
nightfall bonfires were kindled, and lights shone forth from
all the towers of the city. Jubilant crowds thronged the
streets, which re-echoed with songs and the sound of horns
and trumpets. Old people declared that they had never
seen such an outburst of rejoicing in Rome. The Ambas-
sadors congratulated the Pope immediately after his return
from St. Peter's ;
they found him greatly wearied, but still

as witty and genial as when he was a Cardinal. On the

following evening the nobles of the city came on horseback,
bearing torches, to offer their felicitations. The splendid
procession filled the Borgo from the Castle of St. Angelo to
St. Peter's.*

At the home of the new Pope at Corsignano and Siena,

the rejoicings were naturally very great. The spirit of the
Renaissance displayed itself in splendid pageants in most
of the other cities of the Peninsula. All the Italian powers,
with the exception of Florence and Venice, were delighted
at the elevation of the pacific and statesmanlike Piccolomini.f

* Pn II. Comment. 31 ; Reumont, III., i, 135. Illuminations

always formed a part of a Renaissance Festival. See Burckhardt,
Cultur, II., p. 191, 3rd ed. Carretto's Despatch of the 20th Aug. 1458,
speaks of the Ambassadors' congratulations. Ambrosian Library, Milan.
t NiccoladellaTuccia, 71; Pn
Comment. 32, 57;and Cugnoni, II.

and Venice. See also

189, regarding the dissatisfaction of Florence
the *Letter of Fr. Sforza to Nicodemus de Pontremoli, dated Milan,

1458, Sept. I2th; Register in Cod. 1613 of the Fonds Ital. of the
National Library, Paris. For an account of the Festivals in Ferrara,
see MURATORi, Annal. Esten., XVI 1 1., 1095-96 in Bologna, Cronica ;

di Bologna, 726, and Ghirardacci, Storia di Bologna, III., f. 325*

Cod. 768, University Library, Bologna ; in Siena, DaTHI, 0pp. 84-5 ;

ALLEGRETTI, 770 ; THOMASIUS in MURATORI, XX., 57 MaLAVOLTI,

;

III., 60 ; *Cod. Lat. xi-lxxxiii., f. 169b seq. St. Mark's Library, Venice.
 POPULARITY OF THE ELECTION. 17

Men breathed more freely now that the danger of a foreign

Pope had been averted. The fear that a Frenchman might
be raised to the supreme dignity is manifested in the reports
of the Ambassadors then in Rome. " As your Excellency
is aware," wrote Antonio da Pistoja on the 21st August

to Francesco Sforza, " we were in great danger of having

a French Pope. D'Estouteville and Alain had managed
matters in such a way
Papacy seemed almost cer-
that the
tain to devolve upon one or other of them. Thanks be to
God, it remains in Italy."*

Beyond the limits of the Italian Peninsula the result of

the election was welcomed by all, except France and the
•other opponents of the Emperor.f Frederick III. was
greatly pleased. On the very day of his election, the new
Pontiff addressed two letters to him, one official and the
other private.;!: He would indeed have scarcely recognised

Pius II. expresses the satisfaction these festivals gave him in a

*Brief to Siena, dated Rome, 1458, Aug. 29. State Archives, Siena.
Leone, 195.
* See the *Letter in the Appendix N. 3, from the Original in the

Ambrosian Library. In the answer of the Florentines to Galeottus

Agnensis, who was sent in the beginning of September by Pius II.,

they say : *"Cum timerent Italici omnes, ne dignitas ilia in Ultramon-

tanos transiret cum damno maximo et dedecore Italici nominis summe
ipsi letati, scilicet videntes tandem Italum pontificem electum esse."

State Archives, Florence, X., 1-52, f. 12.

t It is interesting to learn that the free cities of Germany indi-

vidually congratulated the Pope. See the *Letter of thanks from

Pius II. to the Council of Nuremberg, dated Rome, 1458, Dec. 5th
(Non. Decemb.). District Archives of Nuremberg.
X The official document is given by Senckenberg, IV., 408. VOIGT,
III., 17, was the first to draw attention to the *Private Letter, which is

in Cod. 215 of the Court Library at Munich. To the copy of the Ency-
clical of Sept. 4th, given by him (III., 16), we may add Trombelli,
Mem. Storiche cone, le due canoniche di Sta. Maria di Reno e di S.
Salvatore, 258-9, Bologna, 1752.

VOL. III. C
l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

his former Secretary, so heavily and so quickly had time

told upon him. Though but fifty-three, Pius II. was already
an old man. His bodily strength was broken, and he
suffered much from gout in the feet. This malady had been
when he went barefooted ®n a pilgrim-
contracted in Scotland
age through snow and ice to a Church of Our Lady in ful-
filment of a vow made during a storm at sea. The tortures
which he endured from the gout were such that he was often
quite unable to move. He was also afflicted with stone and
with a constant cough. Yet he kept up with surprising
energy. " The habit of suffering had given him such
mastery over himself, that even when tortured by the stone,
he could repress every sign of the anguish he was enduring.
But his grey hair and the ashy paleness of his complexion,
which became almost livid with the slightest indisposition,
bore witness to the ravages of disease. Andrea Guazzalotti's
medal, which was considered a masterpiece of portraiture,
represents a worn countenance and sunken eyes." *
The election of a poet, historian, humanist, and statesman
of European fame, was an event of far-reaching importance.
The Papal chair was now filled by a man who really stood
at the head of his age, and who was capable of understand-
ing both its past and its present. Amongst his contempo-
raries there was not one who even approached Piccolomini
in the insight he possessed in regard to the moral and

* VoiGT, III., 14. Regarding the medal by A. Guazzalotti, of Prato,

see the work of Friedlander, Berlin, 1857 ; Italian edition, amended
and corrected by Guasti, Prato, 1862 ; and Jahrb. der Preuss. Kunst-
sammlungen, II., 225 seq. Celebrated fellow-sufiferers of Pius II.

are enumerated by A. Carradi in the Mem. dell. Acad, delle Scienze

di Bologna, X. 419, seq., Bologna, 1859. The bad state of the Pope's

health gave the Astrologers a welcome opportunity of foretelling his

sicknesses ; see a ^Despatch of Antonio da Pistoja of Sept. 6th,

1458, Ambrosian Library.

 CHARACTER AND VIEWS OF PIUS II. IQ

work in the period. He had learned from

physical forces at
his own observation and experience the circumstances and
the views of both friend and foe, for we may say no party
existed in whose camp he had not sojourned for a while.
No one could have been better fitted to restore the ancient
greatness and glory of the Papacy. His immediate prede-
cessors had indeed done much in this direction since the

dissolution of the Council of Basle ; but the crowning of the

edifice remained for him.*
The master-thought which filled the mind of Pius H. and
governed all his actions during the whole six years of his
pontificate, was his noble project of freeing Europe from
the disgrace of Turkish domination, by uniting all Christian
nations in a general crusade. To repel the advance of the
barbarians of the East by the united power of the West,
was the great purpose to which, regardless of his bodily
weakness, he devoted himself with all the enthusiasm of a
young man, and with a marvellous constancy and energy.
"As he watched the steady advance of Mahometanism
from Africa, through Granada and Spain, and from Asia
over the ruins of the Byzantine Empire, and along the
banks of the Danube, he became convinced that nothing
less than the united forces of the whole of Christendom
could suffice to avert the danger."f
On the very day of his election, Pius H. spoke plainly to
the Milanese Ambassador, in no uncertain tones, of the
great war which must be undertaken by the Christians
against the Turks. The next morning he summoned the

* Palackv IV., 2, 64-5. See JaGER, I., 307 seq.

t Palacky, loc. cit.; see Pn

Comment. 34. " The deliverance of
II.

Constantinople was," says Gregorovius, VII., 163, 3rd ed., "the ideal
of his pontificate, and the aim was a high one, and in accordance with
the needs of the age." See also Gebhardt, 29, and Jager, I., 317 seq.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Sacred College to consider the measures to be adopted.*

The restoration of tranquillity in the States of the Church
was a matter of the most urgent importance. It was
necessary to remove the Catalan governors, and above all
to avert the danger threatened by Piccinino. This could
only be effected in concert with Naples. The French party
was averse to the recognition of Ferrante. Pius II. met
their remonstrances with the simple question, " Will King
Rene, the French candidate, free the Church from Pic-
cinino ?"f Accordingly, it was determined, on the 20th
August, that the Neapolitan Ambassadors should be treated
in every way as Royal Ambassadors, and that Ferrante
should be styled "his Majesty." :|:
Negotiations were at
once entered into with Don Pedro Luis Borgia, who
still had possession of Civita Vecchia, Spoleto, and
other strongholds.^ It was feared that he would com-
bine with Piccinino in an attack on the defenceless
Pope.ll
The anxiety was aggravated by tidings of the
of Pius II.

constant advance of the Turks which reached him from

the East. No wonder that even during the festivities of
the succeeding days he appeared preoccupied and almost

* Report of Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1458,

August 20. Ambrosian Library.
t Pn II. Comment. 36.

Second Report of Otto de Carretto of the 20th August, 1458, in

X
Appendix N. 2, from the original in the State Archives, Milan. See
the Despatch of Nicodemus de Pontremoli to Fr. Sforza, dated
Florence, 1458, Sept. 8, Cod. 1588, f. 141, Fonds Ital. National Library,
Paris.

§ Despatch of Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1458,

August 26. State Archives, Milan, Cart. gen.

II
Letter of Giov. Fr. de Balneo to his brother, Conte de Modigliana,
dated Todi, 1458, August 24. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
 CORONATION OF TIUS II. 21

melancholy.* On Sunday, the 3rd September, in front of

St. Peter's, he received the tiara from the hands of Cardinal

Colonna, and afterwards solemnly took possession of the
Lateran. A tumult among the populace, who prematurely
sought to seize the Papal palfrey, disturbed this ceremony,
which a fellow-countryman of the Pope's describes as most
magnificent, f Pageants of the kind derived a special charm
from the fresh impulse which the Renaissance had given to
art. The fact that a master like Benozzo GozzoH painted
the flags and banners used on this occasion, may give us
some idea of its artistic beauty. [J:

The 3rd September also brought Pius II. the satisfaction

of seeing an agreement concluded with Don Pedro Borgia,
whose death on the 26th delivered the Pope from all further
apprehensions on his account.^
The succeeding days were fully occupied by the reception
of the Embassies sent to do homage to the Pope, and by
anxious deliberations concerning the measures to be taken
to resist the Turks, whose progress became more
in Servia

and more threatening.]! On the 7th October the Envoys of

* See *Letter of Otto de Carretto of 20th Aug. 1458 (Ambrosian

Library) and the Despatch of Nicodemus of Sept. 8, 1458, cited supra,

p. 20, note X- National Library, Paris.

t L. Benvoghenti to Siena, dated Rome, 1458, Sept. 3. State Ar-
chives, Siena. N. della Tuccia, 257, is mistaken in giving Sept. 4
as the day of the Coronation. Infessura confounds Coronation and
taking Possession (Cancellieri, 44 seq.). See also GORI, Archivio,
IV., 242, and *Acta Consist., f. 28, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

X See the accounts in *Div. Pn II., 1458-60, State Archives,

Rome : printed in part by MiJNTZ, I., 330 seq.

§ N. DELLA TUCCL\, 257; Sansi, Saggio di Doc. 34, Storia, 51.

Regarding the agreement with Don Pedro, see *Despatch of L.

Benvoglienti, dated Rome, 1458, Sept. 3. States Archiv^es, Siena.

II
Regarding the Florentines' Embassy, see che document from the
Archives of their city in GUASTI, 45 seq. On the nth Sept. 1458,
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Republic of Florence arrived. Among them were

Cosmo's nephew, Pier Francesco de' Medici and St. Antoni-
nus, the holy Archbishop, who had already congratulated
the predecessor of Pius II. on his elevation to the Papacy.
The loth was the day fixed for the reception of the Flor-
entines. When the Consistory was about to assemble, the
aged Archbishop, worn out with years and austerities,

seemed to be sinking ; they gave him a cordial to strengthen

him, and then, to the astonishment of all present, he poured
forth an eloquent address to the Pope, lasting nearly an
hour. Pius II. was greatly touched by the hopes which St.

Antoninus expressed of victory over the Turks, and his

reply was worthy of the discourse which called it forth.

Afterwards, when the Florentines were commending some

of their fellow-countrymen to his favour, he asked them,
half in jest, why they said nothing for their Archbishop.
*'
The Archbishop," they replied," needs no recommendation
but himself."*

*'
Triadanus Griti, Mathfeus Victuri, Hieronym. Barbadico, and Jacobus
Lauredano" were chosen at Venice as Ambassadors to Rome. The
last named decHned, and his place was taken by V. Capello. *Sen.
Seer. XX., 157, State Archives, Venice. With reference to the pro-

gress of the Turks, see the *Letter of Petrus Tomasius, dated Buda,
1458, Aug. 25 : Dapoi a di 24 in nocte questo Smo. S. Re hebe
lettere et messi de Servia et lochi circumstanti come el Bassa Turco
per accordo ha havuto el castel de Colombazo, State Archives, Milan,
Cart. gen. See letters of the same P. Tomasius in September and
October in Mon. Hung., I., 36, and Makuscev, II., 220 seq.
* GuASTi, VII., 53 seq. See Vespasiano da Bisticci in Mai, I.,
240 seq.\ St. Antoninus, Chronicon III., xxii., c. 17 in princ. et I;
Reumont, Briefe, 138. The Orator of the Milan Embassy also declared
in favour of the war against the Turks ; see *Oratio exornatissima
praeclarissimi poetae laureati dom Thome de Reate consiliarii ill. d.

ducis Mediolani prolata per eum coram S. D. N. Pio papa II. in urbe
Roma die quarta Oct. 1458, Cod. Vatic. 5994, f. 59b seq.^ Vatican
Library. On the loth Oct. 1458, the Ambassadors from Avignon took
 HE DESIRES WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. 23

From the reports of the Envoys it appears that the

Pope was wholly engrossed by the one idea of war against
the Turks,* On the 12th October he made known the
decision at which he had arrived, after mature consider-
ation and lengthened deliberations with the Cardinals.
The most distinguished members of the Sacred College,
many bishops and prelates belonging to the Court,
together with all the Ambassadors then in Rome, were
assembled on that day in the chapel of the Papal Palace.
In an exhaustive speech he enumerated the defeats which
the Turks had inflicted upon the Christians, and shewed
that they aimed at the annihilation of Christendom. For
the protection of religion he had resolved to attack the
enemy. As it was impossible to do so without the assist-

ance of the Christian Princes, he purposed to hold a Con-

gress at Mantua or Udine, and would, with the Cardinals,
proceed thither in the beginning of June, thus meeting
half-way those who were coming from the other side of
the Alps. He would then hear the opinions of those
whose help he was about to ask. It was painful to him
to leave Rome, the See of St. Peter and the rock of
Christendom ; but it would give him infinitely more pain
if, under his Pontificate, the Faith were to suffer, for which
he was ready to risk not only the whole world and the
Patrimony of St. Peter, Old and infirm
but also his life.

as he was, he would not shrink from crossing mountain or

river to take counsel with the Christian Princes for the
welfare of religion. This determination was commended
by the Cardinals, Bishops, Envoys, and all present.^

the oath of fideHty to the Pope ; see *Cod. XXXIV., 22, f.

99,
Barberini Library, Rome.
* GUASTI, X., 55.
t See Cribellus, 65-70 ; Pn II. Comment. 34. The Florentine and
Venetian Envoys were very guarded in their expressions concerning
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

On the following day Pius II. published a Bull, earnestly-

European Princes to the Congress. Since
inviting all the
the Emperor Constantine had given peace to the Church,,
she had never, he said, been so trampled upon as she now
was by the adherents of the "false prophet Mahomet"
the bloodthirsty hosts of the " venomous dragon." It was
a punishment from Heaven for the sins of the nations.
God had raised him to the See of Rome that he might
deliver the world from this peril. The task laid upon him.
was most difficult, but he did not despair. " The bark of
the Church often rocks to and fro, but it does not sink ;

it is buffeted, but not shattered ; it is assailed, but not

wrecked ; God permits His people to be tried, but He will

not suffer them to be overwhelmed."*

Besides this general Bull, special letters of invitation
were addressed not merely to the great Powers, but also

the Turkish war ; see the report of the Envoy of Florence of the I2th
October in GUASTI, 57. Also the *Instruction for the Envoy of
Venice of October 30th, 1458, Sen. Seer. XX., f. 164, State Archives,
Venice.
* The Bull " Vocavit nos pius," is, as VOIGT, III., 20, remarks, wrongly
dated in Pn Epist. I., (edit. Mediol.) iii. Cal. Oct. The Milan edition of

148 1 is certainly here meant : in that of 1487 (Hain, 170) the right date
is given : iii. Id. Oct. The same day is mentioned in Cribellus, 76,

from the MS. in the State Library, Munich, quoted by VoiGT, he. cit. ; in

Cod. Urb. 404, f. l-ll, and Cod. Ottob. 2506, f. 226-32 of the Vatican
Library, Rome ; in Cod. Hamilton, 242, II., f I of the Royal Library,
BerHn ; in Cod. c. II. 9, of the Library of the Escurial ; in Cod. 296 of
the City Library at Treves ; Addit. MSS. 30935, f. 75 seq. of the
British Museum ; in Cod. 12 (see Vol. II., p. 351) of the Secret Archives
of the Vatican, i. 161-6 ; in the copy in the Secret Archives of Vienna
(seeChmel, II., 362) ; and in those in the City Archives, Cologne.
(Ennen, III., 303, gives erroneously as the date, iv. Id. Oct., a mistake,
as iii. is clearly written in the original, which bears a leaden seal)

in the District Archives Nuremberg and the State Archives,

of
Dresden, Doc. 7587. See also N. della Tuccia, 257.
 PIE xMAKES TERMS WITH THE KING OF NAPLES. 25

to the smaller Princes, States, and Cities. All these letters

contained an earnest request that the Envoys should be
persons of distinction, and be provided with ample
powers.*
Before anything effectual could be attempted against the
Turk it was essential that tranquillity should be restored
in Italy. Pius II. undertook this difficult task with the
greatest zeal. He began with the States of the Church,
which, owing to the misrule of the Borgias, were in great
disorder. All the Catalan governors were, like Don Pedro
Borgia, paid to give up their fortresses, f
The worst legacy left to the new Pope by his predecessor
was the difference with Naples. The first steps towards
its settlement had been taken before his coronation.
Difficulties had subsequently been caused by the interfer-

ence of various persons. I Then the opposition of the

French party in the Sacred College placed further
obstacles in the way, and Ferrante himself, looking on
many of the Pope's conditions as too hard, was slow in
* The *Letter of October 24, 1458 (see Raynaldus, ad an. 1458,

N. 18), to the German electors, is in Lib. brev. g, f. 2, Secret Archives

of the Vatican. Pius II. 's *Letter to Cologne (Communitati et

adherentibus civitatis Colonien.) is dated Rome, St. Peter's, 1458,

Oct. 18 (xv. Cal. Nov.). It says: Requirimus autem, ut eosdem
oratores pleno mandate instructos mktere studeatis non ad decernenda
solum ea, quorum causa vocamini, sed ad componendam pacem vel ad
iudicandas treugas cum illis, cum quibus esset vobis forsan contentio.
The original with a leaden seal is in the City Archives, Cologne. A
similar *Letter was sent to the City of Nuremberg on the 20th Oct.
(xiii. Cal. Nov.) 1458, District Archives, Nuremberg.
Campanus, 975 Pli
t ; II. Comment. 36 see the*Report of Antonio
;

da Pistoja, dated Rome, 1458, Sept. 8, Ambrosian Library and a ;

*Letter of " Jac. Chici," to Ludovico Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1458, Sept.
10, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
J Copy of a letter from Otto de Carretto to Antonio da Trezzo,
dated Rome, 1458, Aug. 28, Ambrosian Libraiy.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

accepting them. Pius II., however, adhered to the

demands which he had made in the interests of the
Church, and sent word to the King that he was not
like a merchant making a bargain, and asking the

double to obtain the half.* Ferrante, to whom a

declaration of legitimacy from the Holy See was a matter
of great importance, was finally compelled to yield. On
the 17th October a treaty was concluded in Rome, by
which the Pope undertook to remove the censures inflicted

by his predecessor, and to grant him the right of succession

and investiture in the accustomed form, without prejudice
however to the claims of others. A Legate a latere was,
as usual, to perform the ceremony of coronation. The
Neapolitan King on his part solemnly bound himself to
pay yearly to the Holy See a certain tribute, to give up
Benevento at once, and Terracina in ten years' time, and
also to compel the Condottiere Piccinino to restore the
territories which he had taken from the Church.f
On the loth November the Bull of Investiture was
published, together with the oath to be taken by Ferrante.
The ecclesiastical and sovereign authority of the Pope was
safe-guarded by a repetition of the conditions formerly
agreed upon between Charles I. and Clement IV. At the
conclusion of the Bull it was expressly laid down that the

claims of other persons were not to be prejudiced by it.

* Pn II. Comment. 36. See a second *Letter of Otto de Carretto

to Antonio da Trezzo of 28th Aug. 1458, Ambrosian Library.
t Raynaldus, ad an. 14 158, N. 20-26 (see Borgia, Benevento, III.,

I, 391, and Arch. St. Napol., IX., 79), gives the treaty, from Cod. B. 19,

of the Vallicellana Library, Rome (see Vol. II. of this work, p. 67,

note 1). Nicodemus de Pontremoli mentions it to Fr. Sforza in writing

from Florence on the 26th October (Register in Cod. 161 3 of Fonds

Ital. National Library, Paris). Helwing, 16, justly defends the Nea-
politan policy of Pius II.
 GOOD EFFECTS OF THE ALLIANCE. 2J

The document was signed by only thirteen Cardinals,

those of the French party holding aloof.*
At the same time Pius II. issued another Bull absolving
Ferrante from all censures pronounced against him by
Calixtus III. and requiring his subjects to render him
obedience.-f
Cardinal Orsini was on the ist December charged to
receive the oath of fealty and to perform the Coronation, J
and soon after, Niccolo Forteguerri who had been
appointed Bishop of Teano, was sent on a secret mission
to Naples, Its object was to treat of a betrothal between
the natural daughter of the King and Antonio Piccolomini,
the nephew of the Pope, a union by which the newly
established good relations between Rome and Naples were
to be yet more closely cemented. § The effects of the

* DUMONT, Suppl. au Corps Dipl., IL, p. 412 seq. (Paris, 1739);

Raynaldus, ad an. 1458, N. 30-49, from the above mentioned MS. of
the ValHcellana Library. I saw another copy in Cod. 35 —B— 16, f.

1 1 7b seq.^ Corsini Library, Rome.

+ Bull " Inter caetera" (given in part in Raynaldus, ad an. 1458,
N. 27, and LUNIG, II., 1259-60) in *Cod. Cors., f. 114 seq. (ex liber
vicariat. Nicolai V., Calixti III. et Pii II.) but here also undated.
X Raynaldus, ad an. 1458, N. 29, and Register, 469, f. 40 seq. ; Latinus
tit. S. Joannis et .S. Pauli constituitur legatus de latere in regno Sicilias
citra Pharum pro coronatione regis Ferdinandi. Dat. Romae, 1458, Cal.
Dec, Secret Archives of the Vatican. Regarding the Coronation at
Baretta, see Notario Giacomo, 102 ; BORGiA, Dom Temp, nelle due
Sicilie, 196; Voigt, III., 27; ROCCHI, Codd. Crypt., 318; Arch. St.

Napol., IX., 90.

§ Slmoneta, 688 ; Regest. 469, f. 42b ; *rius II. to N. Forteguerri,

dated Romae Prid. Non. Dec. A° T, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
The following words are taken from this document :
" pro quibusdam
arduis nostris et .S.R.E. negotiis te ad regnum etc. destinamus." Fer-
rante was very loth to part with Benevento, and did not yield up the
fortress until May, 1459; see BORGL\, Benevento, III., I, 393-4;
Arch. St. Napol., IX., 88.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

alliance were soon visible in the condition of the States of

the Church. The menaces of Ferrante, coupled with

those of the Duke of Milan, induced Piccinino, early in the
year 1459, to yield up his spoils in consideration of an
indemnity of 30,000 ducats.* The Pope also used every
means in his power to restore order in Rome. He sum-
moned the Barons and made them take an oath to keep
the peace during his absence, pronouncing the severest
penalties against those who should violate it. The privi-

leges enjoyed by the cities and Princes of the States of

the Church were confirmed, and a portion of their tribute
remitted for three years.-f .

The important post of Prefect of the City having become

vacant by the death of Don Pedro Luis Borgia, Pius II. con-
ferred it on the i6th December, upon Antonio Colonna,J with
the right of succession to his eldest son. By this means
he attached to his own interest the most powerful of the
Roman parties. Antonio Piccolomini had been nominated
Governor of St. Angelo on the 1st of September.^

* See the authorities cited by VoiGT, III., 127. Regarding the

interference of the Duke of Milan, see the *Brief of Pius II. to Fr.
Sforza of the 14th Nov. 1458 (Register in Cod. 1613 of the Fonds Ital.

of the National Library, Paris), and the Brief of Dec. 10, 1458, in
Appendix N. 4, Ambrosian Library.
t Pn II. Comment, n ; Theiner, Cod. Dipl., III., 401 seq.\
L'Epinois, 429.
X Not the 22nd December, as VOIGT, III., 30, copying the inaccurate
INFESSURA (1138), asserts, but on the i6th of the month; see the
*Brief of appointment from the Colonna Archives, which is dated
Romae, decimo septimo Cal. Jan.
1458,

§ *Antonius de Piccolom. constituitur castellanus "

. . . castri

Crescentii alias dicti S. Angeli de urbe." Dat. Romae, 1458, Cal. Sept.
A° 1°, Register 515, f. 137, Secret Archives of the Vatican. For
payments to him, see *Di\'. Pn II., 1458-60, f. 7, 26 etc. State
Archives, Rome.
 HIS DEPARTURE FROM ROME. 29

The Romans, however, could not reconcile themselves

to the idea of a protracted absence of the Pope from their
city, and its consequent loss of the advantages derived
from the presence of the Court. The distressful period,
during which Eugenius IV. was away from Rome,
was still fresh in the memory of many. The intentions
of the Pope were mistrusted, and the Congress at
Mantua was looked upon as a mere pretext. It was
feared that he would linger in Siena, and enrich his
own home. Some said that Pius II., who had grown
up among the Germans, would ultimately live entirely
in their country, and would not deem it beneath
his dignity to transfer the Chair of Peter to the other
side of the Alps. Others again were full of apprehension
lest the aged and sickly Pontiff might never return.
Intense excitement prevailed in the city ; the women
lamented, the youths and men cursed and reviled the
Pope, and a number of the old and more influential Romans
went to him in a body and besought him not to leave
them. Pius II. did his best to reassure them, pointed out
the necessity for his departure, and promised soon to return.*
In order the better to tranquillise the public mind, it was
decided that a certain number of the Court officials and a
few of the Cardinals were to remain in Rome and carry on
current business without interruption. A special Bull
made provision for the next Papal election, which was
to take place only in the Eternal City.f On the nth

* Pll II. Comment. 34-5; N. della Tuccia, 257. According to the

Report of Nicodemus to Fr. Sforza on the 17th Oct. 1458, the Romans
murmured at the Pope's decision, but the rest of the world was much
pleased with it ; Cod. 1588, f. 174, Fonds Ital. National Library, Paris.
t Pn II. Comment. 37. See Theiner, Cod. Dipl., III., 409 seq. ;

Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. i. The Bull is of the 5th January, 1459,

not the 4th, as GREGOROVius has it, VII., 165, 3rd ed.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

January, 1459, Pius II. entrusted the important post of

Papal Vicar-General in Rome and the Patrimony of St.
Peter to his old friend the German Cardinal, Nicholas of
Cusa, who had returned there in the end of September.*
Galeazzo Cavriani, Bishop of Mantua, was appointed
Governor of the City on the 15th January, I459.t
Platina, Campano, and other authorities, have fur-

nished us with ample materials for forming an idea of the

character and mode of life of Pius II.;!: All concur in their
estimate of his many-sided culture, his great intellectual
powers, his affability, gentleness, and simplicity. Like all

really able men, he hated pedantry, and did not care for

display, although he could, when it was necessary, main-

tain the dignity of his position with suitable magnifi-
cence.§ The simplicity of his life formed a striking

* Nicolaus tit. S. Petri ad vincula constituitur generalis vicarius

cum potestate legati de latere in urbe et patrimonio. Dat. Romae,
1458 (stil. flor.) tertio Id. Jan. A° 1°, Register 515, f. 132-345. Secret
Archives of the Vatican. Scharpff, 279, who saw this Bull in the

Library at Cues, dates it in 1458, when Calixtus III. was still reigning !

Giovanni di Juzzo, in N. BELLA TucciA, 73, calls Cusa "lo vice papa."
A deed of Cusa of ist Nov. 1459, 's given in Vitale, Senatori di
Roma, II., 436 seq. (Roma, 1791). Cusa returned to Rome on the
30th Sept. 1458, Acta Consist., f. 28b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t The Deed of Appointment is dated Romae apud S. Petrum,
1458, xviii. Cal. Feb. A° 1°, Reg. 515, f. i39a-i4oa. Secret Archives
of the Vatican. Reumont is accordingly mistaken, III., i, 138, in

assigning the nomination to October. Regarding the importance of

the position oi goverttaiore in the 1 5th century, sep Garampi, Osservaz.
sul valore delle antiche monete pontificie, 157. In the Gonzaga
Archives at Mantua I saw nineteen ^Original Letters of G. Cavriani
to theMarquess Lodovico of the year 1459, ^^^ seven of the year 1460.
X The particulars from Cod. Urb. 1248, in PiCCOLOMINl, Doc. 25 seq.,.

which have not been noticed by previous students, are of special

importance.
§ MUNTZ, I., 225 seq. ; VoiGT, III., 549.
 SIMPLICITY OF HIS LIFE. 3

contrast to the pomp and show in which d'Estouteville,

Borgia, and some of the Cardinals delighted. His
retainers were often in despair when, in course of his
numerous journeys, the Pope had to stay in poor
country villages and decayed convents, where it was diffi-
cult to obtain even the barest necessaries of life. On
such occasions Pius himself was content with every-
thing ; he did not object to use the coarsest and com-
monest ware, and to sojourn in monasteries which could
hardly afford shelter from wind and weather. The provi-
sions served at the Pope's table were of the homeliest
kind ; there was but little wine, and he seldom ordered
any delicacy for himself
The Papal account-books corroborate the statements of
his biographers. A careful student of these volumes has
arrived at a result which does honour to the Popes of the
early Renaissance period, and to Pius II. in particular.
" On the whole," he says, " the simplicity and frugality
of the Papal table was amazing. It was like a convent
refectory. The household expenses of Pius II. are the
lowest recorded. They generally amount to six, seven, or
eight ducats a day." The marvellous cheapness of pro-
visions at this period is, of course, to be taken into con-
sideration ; but when we remember that this small sum
sufficed for the support of from 260 to 280 persons, it

must be confessed that declamations against the luxury of

the Court are altogether out of place.*
Pius II. had the reputation of being very methodical in

the regulation of his time. When in health he rose at

daybreak, recited his office, said or heard Mass, and then
* Gregorovius, "Das Romische Staatsarchiv " in Sybels Hist.
Zeitschr., Vol. 36, pp. 158-60; MuNTZ, loc. cit. For the number of
officials see Marini, II., 52 seq. Nevertheless Gebhardt, La Renaiss.,
1

181, accuses Pius II. of gluttony 1

32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

went at once to work. Until the Cardinals arrived, he

gave audiences and attended to other business. A short
walk in the garden was his only recreation before dinner,
after which he conversed with those around him, and took
a brief siesta. He then dictated letters, or employed
himself in literary work, and again gave audiences until
supper-time. Current business was next despatched with
Ammanati and Gregorio Lolli, and accounts settled.

In addition to these two persons, his nephew, Francesco

Piccolomini, Bernardo Eroli, the grave and learned
Bishop of Spoleto, Niccolo Forteguerri of Pistoja, and
Giacomo di Lucca, enjoyed his special .confidence. The
Cardinals most intimate with him were Calandrini,
Castiglione, Cusa, Carvajal, and Bessarion. Before going
to rest Pius II. said the remainder of his office; he often
read and dictated in his bed, as he needed but from five

to six hours' sleep.*

Platina gives us a description of the outward appear-
ance of the Pope. He was small of stature ;•]- his hair

became prematurely grey, which gave him, even in the

prime of life, the appearance of age. The expression of
his countenance was kindly, but grave. In hig dress he
avoided both negligence and elegance. He had been
accustomed to hardships, and bore hunger and thirst with

equanimity. His naturally strong frame had been worn

* See Piccolomini, Doc. 25-6 ; Campanus, 984 ; ^Despatch of A.
da Pistoja of 21st Aug., 1458, see Appendix N. 3 ; Platina, Vita Pii

II., see HaGENBACH, 38 seq. Regarding the confidants of Pius II.,

see the *Letter of Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza of the nth Nov.
1458. The " vescovo de Spoleti" is here described as "homo de grande
rectitudine ymo austerita, doctissimo in utroque jure et experto del
stillo de corte. Con questo la Sta. de N. S. se consigha molto cosi in
le cose di stato come in quelle de corte et quasi niente se fa senza luy."
Ambrosian Library.
t See Istoria di Chiusi, 994.
 HIS AMIABILITY AND PIETV. 33

by many journeys, labours, and vigils. Although often

suffering from a chronic cough, from stone, and from
gout, he was accessible to all, and unwilling to refuse
any petition. Campano says that on one occasion, when
an attendant endeavoured to make signs to a garrulous
old man to curtail his discourse, Pius II. gently told him
to go on, but said sharply to the servant :
" Do you not
know that as Pope I have to live, not for myself, but for
others ? " He spent all that he received. He had no
desire to be rich, and left the reckoning of his money
to others, but at the same time he understood its value.

In consequence of the war, his coffers were constantly

empty, so that he was often oppressed by debt.* He
hated liars and hypocrites, was quickly angry, but as
quickly pacified. Personal injuries were readily forgiven,
but he firmly resisted any attack upon the Holy See. He
was kindly and genial in his intercourse with those
around him, and witty in conversation. He was indif-
ferent to what was said of him, and to the blame cast on
his frequent journeys. Fear and vacillation had no place
in his nature he was never seen to be elated by pros-
;

perity nor downcast in adversity. His leisure hours were

spent in reading or in literary work. He was sincerely

devoted to the Christian Faith, and frequently approached

the Sacraments.

* Regarding the very frequent monetary difficulties of Pius II., con-

sequent on his financial mismanagement, see VOIGT, III., 148, 165, 545
Si-q., and the careful work of GOTTLOB, Cam. Ap., where the balance-
sheets of the Papal Treasury are given. Yet he sometimes objected
to financial irregularities. For example, he wrote to Bologna : Intel-

leximus non sine displicentia thesauraria illius nostre civitatis Bononie

non administrari cum eo quo decet ordine multaque in ea negligi et

male conduci in non parvum praeiudicium camere apostolice "this ;

is

to be amended." Dated Tibure, 1461, Aug. 3. Original in the State

Archives, Bologna.

VOL. III. D
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

A few more touches may still be added to this picture

which is drawn by a grateful hand.* The strictness with
which Pius II. kept the laws of the Church appears from
the fact that his friends endeavoured in vain to hinder
him from fasting, when suffering from illness. The Pope
had a great veneration for the Blessed Virgin, He looked
upon her as, in a special manner, his Protectress ; he
made frequent pilgrimages to her shrines, and enriched
them with many gifts. He also composed some hymns
in her honour.-j-

The great love of travelling, which Platina mentions as

a characteristic of Pius II., deserves further notice. Few
of the Popes have seen as much of the world, although
some may have taken longer journeys. The epithet of

* It cannot be denied that Platina's description of Pius II. is in-

tended to make his successor's character appear yet darker by con-

trast ;
yet other authorities agree in this really valuable account. See
CreiGHTON, II., 524. The opinion of Gregorovius, who is certainly
impartial, is as favourable as that of Platina; the life of Pius II. "as
Pope," he says (VII., 163, 3rd ed.), "was blameless ; he was temperate,
mild, benevolent and indulgent."
t Pii II, Comment. 131, 360; Pellegretti, 39, 54 seq., 64, The
ancient privileges of the Shrine of Einsiedeln were confirmed, and
new favours granted by Pius II.; see G. MOREL, Regesten v. Einsiedeln,
70-1 (Chur, 1848), where, however, Nos. 905 and 906 are inserted
under 1463 instead of 1464. No. 906 is, in Cod. 814, f. 404 of the
Cathedral Library at St. Gall, correctly dated Cal. Febr., instead of
iii, Cal, Feb., as Morel has it. An elegy on the Blessed Virgin by
Pius II. is published in his works, p. 964 (Basle edition). Lamius, Catal.

Bibl. Riccard., 8 (Liburni, 1756), gives the beginning of another hymn

"Ad beatam virginem" by this Pope, and I believe that one which
commences with the words :

Virgo decus celi, virgo sanctissima, virgo

Que super angelicos es veneranda choros.

Cod. 710, f. 7ib-73, Riccardian Library, Florence, has not yet been
published.
 Ills LOVE OF TRAVELLING. 35

" Apostolic Wanderer," which the prophecy of Malachy

bestows upon Pius VI., was equally applicable to him.
Considerations of policy and health,* an insatiable thirst
for knowledge, a delight in unrestrained social intercourse,
and finally, an enthusiastic admiration of the beautiful
scenery of his country, furnished the motives for an
amount of travelling unusual in his days. A visit to the
country was the chief solace which he allowed himself when
pestilence and excessive heat made the low-lying districts

insupportable.The summer sojourn of the Pope on

Monte Amiata, of which we have a description from his
own pen, has often been mentioned. During the hot
season of the year 1462, he took up his abode in the
Abbey of San Salvatore, which is situated half-way up
the mountain. " Splendid chestnut trees clothe the
edge of the precipice, which commands a view of the
whole of southern Tuscany with the towers of Siena in

the distance." An inscription still reminds the traveller

that under one of the finest of these trees the affairs of
both Church and State were despatched by the Pope.
He never allowed his love of travelling to interfere with
business. He made a point of discharging the duties of
his office both personally and promptly. " Often and
often did he hold Consistories and sign state papers, and
give audiences to Ambassadors beneath the giant old chest-
nuts or in the shade of olive trees, on the green sward,
by murmuring watcrs.""|"

* " It was not," Reumont, IIL, i, 392, observes, " really by way of
recreation that he repeatedly sojourned at the Batlis of i\Iacerato and
Petriolo." The disturbed state of the capital must also be taken into
account. " It was not without reason that Pius preferred any place
of residence to Rome." Burckhardt, Cultur., I., loo, 3rd ed.
t Burckhardt, Cultur., II., 21, 3rd ed. In his description of Monte
Amiata, Pius II. speaks of himself as " silvarum amator et varia
36 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The beautiful descriptions of his travels left by Pius 11.

are justly esteemed, and even at the present day excite

the admiration of those who can appreciate the charm of

Italian scenery. "Diana's hiding place" on the blue lake

of Nemi, Todi, enthroned amid vineyards and olive-
covered slopes, Subiaco in its wild solitude, the view
from the summit of the Alban hills over "the wide
Campagna studded with the ruins of a primitive civilisa-

tion, the mountain heights of Central Italy,with woods and

valleys and shining lakes at their feet," had never before

been portrayed with such enthusiasm and in such detail.

" charm to a landscape, corn-fields, and

All things that give
meadows, high mountains and low-lying lakes, the rushing
brook, the murmuring river overhung with dusky foliage,
the contrasted hues of the blue waving flax and
the

yellow broom, the distant prospect over land and sea,

city, mountain and valley," were all observed by the

delighted eye of the Pope, and recorded by his pen.*
Nor was his interest less in the memorials of antiquity
and the treasures of art which he met with in his travels ;

him.
no relic of the Christian or heathen past escaped
brought
In the convents he had all the old manuscripts
tohim at Chiusi he sought for the Labyrinth mentioned
;

by Pliny ;
at Mincio he visited Virgil's Villa, and in the

neighbourhood of Rome he traced out the old Roman

roads and aqueducts, and endeavoured to determine
the boundaries of the ancient tribes. In Hadrian's villa
" to interpret the fragments of walls,
at Tivoli he tried
and in imagination to restore their former connection."

Comment. 217 see also Campanus, 982-3. With

videndi cupidus." ;

see Piccolomini,
regard to the Pope's speedy despatch of business,
Doc. 26.
* BiESE, Die Naturanschauung des Hellenismus und der Renais
sance, in the Preuss. Jahrb., LVII., 552.
Burckhardt, loc. cit.
 DISCONTENT OF THE HUMANISTS. IJ

"Time," he writes in his Memoirs, "has here defaced

everything. The walls, which were once adorned by
coloured tapestry and gold-embroidered hangings, are
now clothed with wild iv)'. Thorns and briars arc

growing where the Tribunes once sat in purple, and

snakes are dwelling in the chambers of queens. Such is

the transitory nature of all earthly things."*

The constant pecuniary difficulties of Pius II. in some
measure account for the remarkable fact that very little

was donefor the Humanists during his reign. His election

had awakened great expectations among them, and their
disappointment was all the keener. Moreover, the Pope,
who was himself a distinguished author, proved a very
fastidious critic. Orators and poets, he used to say, must
be really original, else they are worthless.-f During the
early years of his Pontificate, death removed several

. * Pn II. Comment. 138; VOIGT, II., 310 seq.\ BURCKHARDT, I.,

227 seq.^ 3rd ed.

t Campanus, 986 ; VoiGT, III., 608 seq. The number of poets who
sang the praises of Pius II. was, as Vahlen (378) observes, much
greater than Voigt's description would lead us to suppose. Regarding
the Roman poet, Niccolo Valle, who repeatedly strove for the favour
of Pius II., Gregorovius, VII., 598, 3rd ed., may be compared with

Vahlen (376). I found a printed copy, which has apparently escaped

the notice of Vahlen, of a poem, " Constantinopolis Rome sue salutem
edita a Nicolao de Valle," in the University Library at Innsbruck, II., 11

E. 1580, 14. Cod. Db. 75of the Dresden Library contains "Hesiodi op-
era et dies interprete Nicolao Valle carmine heroico " ;
at its conclusion

is a notice from a more modern hand to the effect that a translation of the
" Opera et dies Nicolai de Valle " is to be found printed in the Appendix
of the Silius Italicus published in Rome in 1471. The Library of
Dresden possesses a copy of this rare edition, and in it the translation

is preceded by a dedication to Pius II. There is a collection of the

poems in his honour in Cod. I., VII., 260 of the Chigi Library, Rome,
and among them is also one of a complimentary character, addressed

to the worthy Battista Pallavicini ; see infra, Book II., Chapter i.

38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

prominent Humanists ;
Vegio died in 1458, Manetti,
Poggio and Aurispa in 1459; and some of their successors
were of little note. Versifiers of the calibre of Giantonio
Porcello evidently could have little interest for a man of
Pius II.'s intellect. Filelfo ruined his fortunes by his
" shameless importunity."* The value to be attached to
the complaints of other Humanists is uncertain. Until the
manuscripts bearing on the subject have been thoroughly
examined it will not be possible to come to a definite con-
clusion in regard to the relations of Pius H. with the
literary men of his day. The following may serve as an
instance of the caution required. One 'who is thoroughly
versed in the literary affairs of the period asserts that
" the translators of Nicholas V.'s time were a jealous and
quarrelsome set, and were entirely unnoticed by Pius H."
In contradiction to this statement we have the fact that
Francesco d'Arezzo, a disciple of Valle's was expressly
charged by the Pope to complete his master's translation
of the Iliad, and to undertake a translation of the Odyssey
as a companion volume. In return for his labours he
received a permanent appointment, which " not only
sufficed for his own necessities, but also enabled him to

* VOIGT, III., 629 seq. Regarding Porcello, see VoiGT'S Wieder-

belebung, 494 seq.^ 589-91, 2nd ed., where there is evidence that
I.,

this writer shared the impure tastes of Beccadelli. *Cod. Vat. 1670,
contains : Ad divum Pium II. Pont. Max. Porcelii Pandoni poetae laur.

epigrammata poemataque temporum divi

soluta, fol. 2 : de felicitate

Pii II. P. M. liber primus f. 14b seq. on the Congress at Mantua

; ;

f. 11 seq.: poema de podagra et eius crucibus ad divum Pium II. P. M.,

Por. poeta dolorum impatientissimus. Lege bona cum valetudine,

f. 28b :Porcelius poeta ad Romanes ut Pium P. M. Tybure redeuntem
maximo honore complectantur f. 75b concerning the artistic under-
;

takings of the Pope; some passages are given by MuNTZ, I., 229-30,
from the same MS. of the Vatican Library. In relation to Porcello's
Feltria -in Cod. Urb. 373, see Schmarsow, 75 seq.
 PIUS II. AND THE FALSE RENAISSANCE. 39

carry out his long-cherished wish of providing for his

mother and sister." Several Humanists were, during this
Pontificate, employed in the College of Abbreviators ;

amongst others we may mention Bartolomeo Platina,

Leodrisio Crivelli, and Battista Poggio.*
While it is true that the scholarly Pope did not neglect
the Humanists to the degree that his latest biographer has
supposed, it cannot be denied that a certain reserve is

evident in his conduct towards them. This fact has been

accounted for by his pecuniary necessities, by his engross-
ing ecclesiastical and political cares, and by his zeal for

the Crusade. We may add another motive, which is to be

found in the Pope's aversion for the false Renaissance.
Pius n. was but too well-acquainted with this dangerous
aspect of the movement which he had once favoured, and,
after his elevation to the chair of St. Peter, resolutely
opposed it. Here, too, it may be said that ^neas was
now forgotten and Pius alone remained. Christian works
formed the principal part of his private library, and
heathen authors were little regarded.f In his own writ-

ings he scrupulously avoided everything which could

be looked upon as an approach to heathenism. If

the ancient gods were mentioned they were spoken of as

demons or idols ;
" the ideas and opinions of Roman
philosophers were corrected and conformed to the
Christian standard. Scepticism and criticism were

* Vahlen, 3875-^7., 393 seq.^ 376, 410. VOIGT, III., 617 seq. is mis-
taken in supposing the relations between Pius II. and Agostino Dati
to have been unfriendly, and in suggesting politics as the cause. In

the Archives of Siena I saw *Letters from Dati, and especially one of
April 14, 1462, addressed to Siena, in which he manifests the most
sincere reverence for " Papa Pio Senese."
t MuNTZ, La Bibl. du Vatic, 122. In regard to the fate of the MSS.,
see De Rossi, Bibl. Vatic, 365, note.
40 •
HISTORY OF THE POPES.

silenced in presence of the authority of the Church."*

Authors whose lives were immoral, as for example A.
Contrarius, were relentlessly banished.f The representa-
tives of the Christian Renaissance, on the other hand,
such as Flavio Biondo, enjoyed the special favour of
Pius II. Biondo accompanied the Pope on his excursions

in the beautiful neighbourhood of Rome and recalled the

various historical associations of the landscape. He also
took part in the Congress of Mantua, and, while in that

city, completed his " Roma Triumphans." This work,

" the first great attempt at a general picture of Roman
antiquity," was dedicated to Pius I I.J The high esteem
in which the Pope held this good man may be gathered
from the fact that he made an abstract of Biondo's great
historical work, the first twenty books of the " Decades,"
and also made his son Gasparo notary to the Papal Treasury.
In the spring of 1463, when Biondo became very ill, the
Pope sent his own Confessor to visit him, and he after-
wards provided for his burial. § Gasparo at once
succeeded him as secretary.l]

Pius II. also endeavoured to attract to Rome some schol-

ars from other countries, as for example the celebrated
astronomer, Battista Piasio, and the learned German theo-
logian, Gabriel Biel ; the latter, a simple and modest man,

* VoiGT, III., 579, 640 ; also I., 13, and II., 280.
t Agostini, II., 431 ; Apponyi-Abel, Isote Nog., Op. I., cxxviii.

:j: Masius, F1. Biondo, 27 (Leipzig, 1879, Dissert.); Burckhardt,

Gultur, I., 228, 3rd ed.; Gaspary, 131.
by Giovanni de Pedrinq in Cod. 234, f. 280 of
§ Cronica di Forli,
the Liljrary of Prince Boncompagni at Rome. Here the 4th June is
also given as the day of his death.

II
See WiLMANNS in the Gott. gel. Anz., 1879, p. 1500 seq., where the
reproaches of Filelfo regarding Pius II.'s neglect of Biondo are shewn
to be utterly unfounded.
 HE COMPOSES THE PAPAL BULLS. 4I

declined the invitation. Niccolo Sagundino of Negroponte

went to Rome and died there in 1463.*
Two Sienese, Agostino and Francesco de' Patrizzi ;
the

Roman, Agapito di Cenci de' Rustici ;

Jacopo Ammanati
and the witty and genial Giantonio Campano, shared with
Biondo the special favour of the Pope. Campano, "a
master of style," was the Court Poet of Pius II., who
thought so highly of his productions that he inserted
a number of them in his Memoirs.f These Memoirs
were the constant occupation of his leisure hours; many
portions are apparently written by his own hand, and
others were dictated. He saw, with regret, that time
would not permit him to give his work the finishing

touches he might have desired. Yet the original manu-

script contains numerous literary corrections.^ Pius II.

also purposed to reform the style of the Papal Bulls, but

was obliged to relinquish the attempt, as he found that the
changes made gave rise to suspicions of their authen-

ticity.§ He used himself to compose Briefs and Bulls of

importance. "Though sentences and images from Holy
Scriptures took the place of quotations from Horace and
Virgil in the Pope's discourses, their elegant and flowing
style proved to the world that he was both a scholar and
a man of modern culture." ||

* Renazzi, 170 ; Tiib. Quartalschrift, 1865, p. 204 ;

ReUMONT, IIL, I,

337-
t VoiGT, IIL, b20seq.

X See Appendix N. 65.

§ SiGISMONDO DE' CONTI, I., 223.

VOIGT, II., 283. For some account of Pius' relation to the Roman
II

University, see Renazzi, 170 j^^.,and Papencordt, 515. His love of

learning was e\inced by the foundation of the Universities of Ingolstadt
(Prantl, I., \-},seq.)\ of Basle (H AGEN BACH, 49-51 ;
ViSCHER, Gesch.
der Univ. von Basel, 26 seq.) ; and of Nantes (BULAEUS, V., 661 ;

Bull, v., 1 53-6), as well as by the encouragement given to the High

42 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

It is really wonderful that, notwithstanding his constant

and the immense burden of affairs which pressed
sufferings
upon him, the Pope found time for serious literary work.
During the first years of his Pontificate, in hours stolen

from sleep, he laboured to carry out his magnificent pro-

ject of writing " A geographical and ethnographical
description of the whole of the known world with
historical illustrations." Asia, the first part, which Pius
had begun when a Cardinal, and which had occupied him
during his summer sojourn at Tivoli in 1461, alone was
completed. In the unfinished section on Europe the
history of recent events fills a considerable place.

Germany is treated in detail, and many errors which pre-

vailed in Italy regarding that country are corrected. A
far from indulgent critic praises the elevation of thought
displayed in this acute and learned work, and declares that
a book which exercised such a powerful influence on
Christopher Columbus must not be lightly esteemed.*
Nor is less importance to be attached to the Memoirs
of Pius II., to which allusion has frequently been made
in these pages. In the spirit of a genuine historian
Piccolomini had, throughout the whole of his eventful life,

made notes of all that had befallen him, and all that
he had seen, and also of what he had heard and learned
from others. As Pope he still kept up the custom, and
this was the origin of his Autobiography, the most com-
prehensive and characteristic of his writings. This work

Schools already in existence ; see Hautz, I., 308-g ; Denifle, I., 452 ;

Bellesheim, I., 296.

* VoiGT, Wiederbelebung, II., 515, 2nd ed. ; Gaspary, 133 ; HUM-
BOLDT, Kosmos, II., 291 (Stuttgart, 1847). Burckhardt, I., 5-6, 3rd
ed. ;
see also PeSCHEL, Gesch. der Erdkunde, 217 (Miinchen, 1877),
and Gengler, ^neas Silvius' Bedeutung f. d. Rechtsgesch. (Erlangen,

i860).
 AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PIUS II. 43

is, at once, a history of the remarkable period during

which he occupied the Papal chair, and a portrait of
it as reflected in his mind. He was generally so over-
whelmed with business that it was but seldom that he
could devote two consecutive hours to his task, and, if he
did, they were mostly borrowed from his sleepless nights.
" Accordingly, the Memoirs are composed of a multitude
of fragments of different length, whose connection is but
slight, and, in many cases, merely arbitrary. The first

book, his life previous to his elevation to the Papacy, is

the only one which is more than a rough draft. He often

made his secretaries write down the events of the few
preceding days, both personal and political, adding his-

torical or geographical matter culled from the treasures

of his memory, or from his collections of extracts. Here
and there unconnected episodes are introduced." The
narrative proceeds from day to day like a journal, "and
only ceases with the commencement of his last illness."*
Pius H. was well aware of the defects necessarily incidental

* VoiGT, II., 336 seq.\ CUGNONi, 15 and 180; Christophe, II.,

107 seq. Regarding Cod. Regin. 1995 of the Vatican Library, in
which I believe I have discovered the Original MS. of the Pope's
Memoirs, see Appendix N. 65. Notwithstanding the evidence furnished
by Voigt to shew that the Bonn Priest, Johannes Gobelinus, from
Lintz on the Rhine, whose name appears on the title-page of the
printed editions (Rome, 1584 and 1589; Frankfort, 1614) as author or
editor, was merely its transcriber, this error still holds its ground.
Hegel, Stiidtechroniken, XVIII., i, 92, for example, speaks of the
"ecclesiastical historian, Gobelinus," as author of the Comment. Pn II.

Hartzheim, Bibl. Colon., 174, brings forward nothing new concerning

Gobelinus. The Parish Archives of St. Martin at Bonn are equally
barren, for the more ancient protocols of the Cassius foundation only
date from 1 568. From information kindly imparted by Vicar Hurth, I

find that a Gobelinus was parish priest in Waldorf, two hours' journey
from Bonn, on the 23rd Jan., 1580.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to a work composed in this manner, and Campano was

entrusted with the duty of removing them. It was well
for posterity that the Court Poet did not expend much
labour on the task.
Delicate and sympathetic observation of men and things,

sound judgment, a youthful freshness of perception and

description, are merits universally conceded to this remark-
able work. If it is not exempt from the faults which charac-
terise the historical writings of the time, and of Memoirs
in general,* it still remains a highly valuable authority.
The narrative in its details may often fail in accuracy and
impartiality ; but from this, as from everything written by
this gifted man, we carry away a " vivid and personal
impression, which has a value of its own quite as real as that

of historical documents."-]- The unprejudiced reader of the

geographical and historical works produced by Pius II.

during the period of his Pontificate will not fail to agree

with the verdict of a non-Catholic writer, who declares
that they furnish ample testimony of the genuine love of
art and learning, and the noble aspirations by which he
was animated.^

* There is no doubt that, as GaSPARY remarks, 133-4, Pius II.

drew his own portrait in a favourable light, and that his digressions
manifest something of the garrulity of age ; see ibid., 665, for a
striking example of the manner in which Voigt misjudges and under-
rates this Pope. Gaspary also points out the great political sagacity
displayed in the Commentaries.
+ VoiGT, II., 317: Reumont, III., I, 335 seq.; MONOD in the
Rev. Hist., I., 8-9; Gregorovius, VII., 584 seq., 3rd ed.; CiPOLLA,
489 seq. ; J. B. Christophe, Pie II. Ecrivain (Lyon, 1865).
X Hagenbach, 41.
 CHAPTER II.

The Eastern Question and the Congress

AT Mantua. 1459-60.

The beginning of February 1459 had been fixed as the

date of the Pope's departure from Rome, but the tidings
of the victorious advance of the Turks into Servia induced
him, notwithstanding his weak state of health, to resolve
on setting out on his journey in January.* The Vene-
tians, afraid of disturbing their commercial relations with
the Porte, refused to let the Congress be held at Udine,
and Mantua was finally selected as its place of meeting.f

* Cedule affixe pro recessu S.D.N, pape :

" Nos Georgius episc.

Lausan Car''^- Aquilej. locumtenens tenore presentium intimamus,

insinuamus et notificamus, quod idem S.D.N, infra quintum decimum
diem post festum Epiphanie Domini proxime futurum intendit iter
arripere ad civitatem Mantuanam." Dat. Romae, 1458, Dec. 6,

Pii II., Div. Cam. 1458-60 Arm. XXIX.,

; T. 29. Secret Archives of the
Vatican. Nicodemus, writing to Fr. Sforza from Florence under date
1548, Oct. 17, mentions Pius II.'s intention of setting out in February.
Fends Ital, 1588, f. 174, National Library, Paris.
t Pn II. 42. The letter of the Marchioness Barbara,
Comment.
given byHofmann, Barbara, 35-7, bears witness to the great efforts
which had been made in Mantua to ensure the assembling of the
Congress in that city. Janner, III., 519, speaks of the disappointed
hopes of the Town Council of Ratisbon.
G. Cavriani wrote from
Rome to the Marquess Lodovico on the i6th Jan. 1459: *" Questi
di gionse qui Bartol. Bonatto cum li capituli chi se haveano a conclu-
dere per el transferire li de la corte li quali questa mattina sono con-

clusi et ratificati. The Pope is better ; he is full of the greatest zeal

4.6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

With the object of protecting the Christians in the

Greek waters against the rapidly increasing naval power
of the Turks, the Pope, shortly before his departure,
instituted a new religious Order of Knights. This Order
was framed on the model of that of St. John at Rhodes.
It was to bear the name of Our Lady of Bethlehem, and
to have its headquarters in the Island of Lemnos.*
On the 20th January, 1459, Pius II. left the Vatican
for Sta. Maria Maggiore, where he spent the following day,
and gave his blessing to the sorrowing people. An
attempt was again made to dissuade him from his journey
on the ground of his state of health and of the inclement
season of the year. When these arguments proved
unavailing, the dangers which threatened the States of

for the Turkish expedition." See *Letter of the same Cavriani of the
22nd January, 1459, and one from B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1459, Jan.
1 6th. Both of these are in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
* Bull "Veram semper et sohdam" dated Romae, 1458 (st. fl.

quartodec. Cal. Febr. A° 1°, Register 470, f. 4-6b of the Secret Archives
of the Vatican. Given in part, and with a wrong date, by Raynaldus,
ad an. 1459, N. 2-4, and Leibniz, Cod. I., 418-9. It is not known whether
this Order ever actually came into existence see ZiNKElSEN, II., 237-8 ; ;

VoiGT, III., 652. The latter also mentions the scheme for trans-
ferring the Teutonic Order from Prussia to the Turkish frontier.

Another Order, the Societas Jesu Christi, was founded with the object
of fighting the Turks. Pius II. confirmed it at the request of Bessa-

rion, but it did not attain any great importance, its principal promoter
having turned traitor. See Castan in the Rev. des Societes Savantes,
1876, p. 479 seq.., and Le Fort, Una Societe de Jesus au quinzieme

siecle. Documents inedits des Archives de Geneve in Mem. et Docu-

ments, publ. par la Societe d'Hist. de Geneve, XX., 98-118. A *Bull
of Pius II., Register 469, f. 386: " Societati domini Jesu nuncup. con-
ceditur licentia eundi contra Turchos per unum annum et datur eis
indulgentia," dated Romae, 1458 (st. fl.), Id. A° 1°, Secret
Jan.
Archives of the Vatican, has not come to the knowledge of either of
these students.
 PIUS II. LEAVES FOR MANTUA. 47

the Church were laid before him. As soon as he was

known to have crossed the Po, the tyrants would, it was
predicted, rush like ravening wolves upon the patrimony
of St. Peter, and on his return, he would not know where
to lay his head. But the Pope replied that Mahomet was
menacing his spiritual authority, and that its recovery

would be a matter of far greater difficulty than that of the

States of the Church, which had already been often lost
and as often regained.*
On the 22nd January Pius II. accordingly took leave of
Rome.f Among those who accompanied him were
Cardinals Calandrini, Alain, d'Estouteville, Borgia, Barbo,
and Colonna, with a number of courtiers and Envoys.^
They passed out of the city by the Ponte Molle, and
travelled as far as Campagnano, where the Orsini, to
whom this place belonged, had prepared a splendid
reception. § The next day, on the way to Nepi and Civita
Castellana, the Pope was met by the joyful tidings of

* Pll II. Comment. 39.

t N. DELLA TUCCIA, 257, compare 7^, N. 2 ; Infessura, 1138, Cron.

Rom. 26 ; Cronica di Bologna, 727. Hergenrother, VIII., 102, is mis-

taken in giving the 22nd January as the day of the Pope's departure from
the Vatican. In several Briefs of the 20th January, Pius II. speaks of
leaving Rome on that day for Mantua ; amongst others, in that to Albert

of Brandenburg in Wurdtwein, Nov. Subs. XIII., 61-2, and in *one to

Cologne, dated Rome, St. Peter's, 1458, tertiodecimo Cal. Febr. A° l°,

in which he again urges on the preparations for the Congress. Cologne

City Archives. The Brief arrived: 1459, <^'^ mercurii p. f. pasche.

A similar *Brief of the same date addressed to the city of Nuremburg,

is preserved in the Kreisarchiv, and another to Duke Frederick of

Saxony, is in the State Archives at Dresden. Orig. Doc. N. 7600.

X Ghirardacci, Storia di Bologna, III., f. 328, Cod. 768 of the Uni-

versity Library, Bologna, is wrong in giving eight, and SiSMONDI,

X., 120, in giving ten, as the number of the Cardinals.
§ Pll II. Comment. 39. N. DELLA TUCCL\, 257.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Piccinino's submission. At Civita Castellana, pic-

turesquely planted on a rock of tufa, he enjoyed the

satisfaction of meeting in its Bishop his old friend,

Nicholas Palmerius. At Magliano he crossed the Tiber

by a wooden bridge, which was richly decorated. Every-
where laity and clergy vied with each other in manifesting
their respect for the Vicar of Christ. Youths and
maidens crowned with laurel, and bearing olive branches

in their hands, wished long life and happiness to their

noble guest. The streets and roads were strewn with

green boughs, and filled with crowds who deemed it a
happiness even to touch the hem of the Pope's garment.*
Thus Pius II. passed through Narni and Terni to Spoleto,
where he remained two days.-j-

Even on this journey the indefatigable Pope allowed

himself no rest. From Terni he wrote to Duke Sigismund
of the Tyrol, to the Margrave Albert of Brandenburg, and
to Duke Frederick of Saxony about the Congress.^
During the following days, while at Spoleto, he addressed
similar letters to Cardinal Carvajal, to the Emperor's
Council, to the Emperor himself, to the Bishops of
Eichstadt, Wiirzburg and Bamberg, and to the cities of
Strasburg, Basle and Constance.

* Pn II. Comment. 41. The tumult in Narni is not mentioned here,

see Campanus, 975.
t See the Vatican Itinerary in Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 5 and
again in the Mittheil. des CEsterreich. Inst., 83 (1885).

t Chmel, Urkunden u. Briefe, 180-1. Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 6.

The *Brief to Frederick of Saxony is in the State Archives, Dresden,
N. 7601.
§ Raynaldus, /oc. cit. *Lib. brev. 9, f. 5 and 6b to Carvajal (dated
Spoleto, 26th Jan. 1459) ; f. 8 to the Emperor's Council (dated Spol. 27
Jan., Hortamur devotionem tuam in domino et instanter requirimus,
ut commemoratione continua Serenitati Sue velis ostendere quid
honor proprius et debitum dignitatis sue requirat) ; f. 6b to the
 HIS RECEPTION AT PERUGIA. 49

In the monastic city of Assisi, the Pope was received

with special rejoicing. He
walls and forti-
visited the
fications which Nicholas V. had restored, and desired that
they should be strengthened. He also received the oath
of fealty of the citizens.* Even greater honours awaited
him in Perugia, where no Pope had been seen for eighty
years. All the houses and churches of the city were
splendidly decorated ; the keys of its gates were presented
to the Pontiff, who immediately returned them to the
magistrates. The joy of the people was deep and heart-
felt. The Chronicle of Perugia describes his solemn entry
on the 1st February, when, in Pontifical vestments and
wearing the mitre, he was borne through a delighted
throng, in a litter adorned with purple and gold. In the
Cathedral of San Lorenzo, where three of his predecessors
repose, he adored the Blessed Sacrament, and thence
proceeded to the Governor's Palace. During the succeed-
ing days the inhabitants paid the Pope every possible
honour. He remained for three weeks in the city, and
consecrated the Church of San Domenico. He did his
best to reconcile its contending factions, issued fresh

invitations to the Congress,^ and received the Envoys of

Emperor (dated Spol. 26th Jan., see Appendix N. 5) ; f. 7 to

the above-named Bishops and Cities, dated Spoleti ex itinere

26 Jan. ; they were to send to Mantua Ambassadors furnished with

complete powers. Secret Archives of the Vatican. For the time spent
at Spoleto, see S.^NSi, Storia, 51.
* Pn II. Comment. 42. Cristofani, 318-19,
t *Lib. brev. g, f 13: to Rudolf von Rudesheim, dated Perusii,

17th Feb. (he was to admonish the Archbishop of Mayence, over

whom he had great influence, to send Ambassadors to the Congress)
f. 13b " Joh. Lesura canon. Spiren., decret. doct. d. ut s." (Devotionem
tuam hortamur in domino et requirimus ut omni impedimento
seposito in dieta prefata interesse des operam. Tua enim presencia
consolacioni nobis erit.) Secret Archives of the Vatican.

VOL. III. E
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

*
the Duke of Savoy and of Federigo, Count of Urbino
A mission also arrived from Siena to endeavour to compose
the differences which made it doubtful whether the Pope
would visit his birth-place.f

Even while Bishop of Siena, Pius II. had had to contend

aeainst the distrust of his fellow-countrymen. " He was
looked upon as a partisan of the nobles who had been
driven out of the Government, and since his elevation to
the purple he had never entered the city.":|: After his

election to the Papacy, the dignities and offices of State

had been again opened to the Piccolomini family. This,

however, was far from satisfying Pius 11.,^ who required
that the nobles in general should be eligible to all posts.

An autograph Brief of energetic remonstrance, addressed

to his fellow-countrymen on the 25th November, 1458,
had removed all possible doubts as to his views. § An

* Regarding the reception of the Pope and his sojourn in Perugia

(i-i9thFebr.)seeGRAZiANi,632-5;MARlOTTi, II., 534^^5^.; Pli II. Com-
ment. 42-3 ; Pellini, 650 ; BONAZZI, 675 seq. Giacomo Chigi in a*Re-
port to the Marquess L. Gonzaga, dated Siena, 1459, Febr. 24 (Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua), speaks of the joy of the Perugians. In reference

to the solemn reception of the Count of Urbino we have a *Despatch

from Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Perugia, 1459, Feb. 12, which
is unfortunately half-destroyed. (Giunse qui sabato sera che fu, a di
X. de questo lo mco. Conte d' Urbino al qual la Sta. de Nro. S. et li Rmi-

Car'i. mandarono le loro famiglie et cosi ce anday io et molti prelati.)

The other *Despatches of this Envoy of the 6th, 7th, and 14th

February^ preserved in the State Archives at Milan, are written in

cipher which cannot be made out. The *Bull, dated 1459, March
4, by which Pius II. took Federigo de Montefeltro and his heirs
under his protection, is in the State Archives at Florence (Pergam.
d' Urbino, Eccl. N. 70).

t *Despatch of the three Sienese Envoys, dated Perugia, 1459, Febr.

12, in the State Archives, Siena.

X VOIGT, III., 32.

§ The postscript added by the hand of Pius II. to the Brief of the
 HE VISITS CORSIGNANO. 5

Embassy sent to Rome December was informed that

in
the Pope would not any punishment upon the
inflict

Sienese for their contumacy, but that if his demands were

not complied with, he would withhold the favours which
he had intended to confer upon the city.* He also
allowed it to be understood that he would not pass
through Siena on his journey. The popular party yielded
to this pressure in so far as somewhat to modify their
resolutions against the nobles. A special Mission was
despatched to Perugia to acquaint the Pope with this deci-
sion, and to urge him to visit Siena. Pius II. graciously
accepted the invitation and the concession, at the same
time expressing a hope that more would follow. He
refused to agree to the demand of the Envoys that no
further mention should be made of the questions at

issue.f
On the 19th of February, amidst the regrets of its

citizens, the Pope left Perugia. On the frontier of the

Sienese territory a solemn deputation awaited his arrival.

The people everywhere received him "with heartfelt

joy." His journey lay through Chiusi and Sarteano to
Corsignano, the home which he had left as a penniless
lad, and now revisited as the Head of Christendom.
" There upon the hill, and above the vineyards, stood the
lowly houses in which the Piccolomini had dwelt, and
there was the old parish church." The Pope's joy in
again beholding the home of his youth was deep and
tender; but many of his contemporaries were dead, and
those who survived were confined to their houses by age

25th November, 1458, preserved in the State Archives of Siena, is

printed in PiCCOLOMlNI, Doc. 11.

* Report of the Envoys in Banchi, Istruz. e relaz., 67.
t VoiGT, III., 33 seg'.; Thomasius, 57 se^.; Mal.WOLTI, 61 ;

Banchi, /oc. cit., 76-7 ; Cugnoni, 53.

52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and sickness, or so altered that he could with difficulty

recognise them. It was on this occasion that an aged

priest came and cast himself at the Pope's feet — the

Father Peter, who had taught the now learned and
famous author to read and write. Pius II. spent three
days in the little town, all too short a time for its inhabi-
tants, who could never have enough of gazing at their
renowned fellow-citizen. "On the feast of St. Peter's

Chair (22nd February), he celebrated the High Mass in

the lowly parish church."*

Before his departure, Pius II. made the necessary
arrangements for the erection of a Catljedral and of
a Palace ; for Corsignano, under the name of Pienza, was
now become the See of a Bishop.f
to
On the 24th February the Pope entered Siena, where
his arrival was awaited by the dominant party with
feelings of anxious suspense. His reception, although
not wanting in suitable magnificence, was cold. Atten-
tive observers were struck by the contrast which it

formed with the enthusiastic welcome of Perugia.:J:

Pius II. nevertheless manifested " nothing but goodwill

and kindness." The Golden Rose was bestowed on the
Prior of the Balia, with a speech from the Pope in praise

of the city.§
The lengthened sojourn of Pius II. brought unwonted
animation to the quiet streets of Siena, and the price of

* VoiGT, III., 35 ; see I., 7.

t Pll II. Comment. 44.

:J:
See the interesting ^Report of Giacomo Chigl to the Marquess
of Mantua, dated Siena, 1459, February 24th (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua), where the solemnities attending the Pope's reception are
also described.

55 Mansi, Orat., II., 1-4 ALLEGRETTO, 770 VoiGT, III., 35-6.

; ; Re-
garding the Golden Rose, see Cartari, 86, and Faluschi, 115.
 ENVOYS MEET THE POPE AT SIENA. 53

provisions at once rose considerably.* The Kings of

Castille, Aragon, Portugal, Hungary, and Bohemia,
Dukes Philip of Burgundy and Albert of Austria, and the
Margraves Albert and Frederick of Brandenburg, all sent
their representatives thither to do homage. The Pope
answered all the addresses with his wonted eloquence.
The Emperor, to whom he had written from Spoleto, and
again on the 28th February from Siena, urgently pressing
him to come to Mantua,-|- sent men of comparatively
inferior rank. They shewed their annoyance with the
Pope for having addressed Matthias Corvinus as King of
Hungary, by putting off for a while their arrival at
Siena. But Pius H. appealed to the example of his pre-
decessor and to the custom of the Holy See, by which the
title of King is given to the actual possessor of the

kingdom without prejudice to the rights of others. The

Humanist Hinderbach made the profession of obedience
on behalf of the Imperial Embassy, to which the Pope
graciously replied.
Not till towards the end of his stay in Siena did the

* The key to the cipher used in the *Letter of Otto de

Carretto from Siena of the 25th March is unfortunately wanting.
t *Brief of 28th February 1459, in Appendix N. 7, Secret Archives
of the Vatican.

X VOIGT, III., 37-40. Regarding the Bohemian Embassy see tJifra,

chapter 5. The discourse of Hinderbach is in Cod. 3786, f. 168-73,

State Library, Munich. (For a further account of him, see ZiNGERLE,
Beitr. zur Gesch. der Phil., I., 54 seq. I may here observe that the
Episcopal Archives at Trent contain nothing else by Hinderbach
everything has been transferred to the Government Archives at Inns-
bruck.) In reference to the proceedings towards Hungary, see Her-
GENROTHER, Staat und Kirche, p. 785. Presents were given to the
Imperial Envoys. In the account of expenses of Pius II. on the 29th
March, 1459, is the entry: Y\or. auri de camera 200 "oratori imperat.
Friderici." *Div. Pn II., 1458-60, f. 85, State Archives, Rome.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pope speak of his wishes in regard to the Sienese Consti-

tution. He again asked for the restitution of the nobles
as a body, and desired that party names might be laid

aside, for they kept up irritation amongst the people and

fostered strife. Long deliberations ensued, in the course
of which " some of the nobles proposed to rouse the mob,
and carry their point by a coup de main; but Pius II.

refused to sanction this. He would not do violence to

his native city ; at worst he would only withhold the
favours that he had meant to bestow." It was finally

decided that the nobles should be eligible for all posts and
dignities, but that their actual share of preferment at any
given time should be limited to a fourth, or, in some
cases, an eighth part. So small a concession could not
have satisfied the Pope, yet he accepted it graciously, at
the same time expressing a hope that more would here-
after be done to carry out his wishes. As a token of his
gratitude, he raised Siena to the dignity of a Metropolitan
Church, and conferred the little town of Radicofani on
the Republic as a perpetual fief.*

Before the departure of Pius II. from Siena, attempts

were again made to dissuade him from holding a
Congress. Its opponents not only sought to alarm him
by representing all its possible dangers, but endeavoured
also to prove that it was both useless and injurious.
Some Cardinals, devoted to the interests of France,
even ventured to attempt to prejudice King Charles VII.
against it. A letter written with this object fell into the
Pope's hands, and nothing but the fear of a scandal

* VoiGT, III., 36-7, 562. The Bull making Radicofani a fief, dated
Siena, 1459, April 18, is in the handwriting of the Pope, and is sub-
scribed by Cardinals d'Estouteville, Scarampo, Orsini, Alain, Rolin,
Calandrini, Barbo, Mila, Bessarion, Colonna, and Borgia. I found
this Bull in the State Archives at Siena. C. Leone, 199.
 HIS RECEPTION IN FLORENCE. 55

deterred him from punishing its author.* Meanwhile

those who flattered themselves
hope that with the
Pius II. would be
any degree influenced by such arts
in

were greatly mistaken. Firmly resolved to accomplish

the promise which he had made before the whole world,f
he steadily pursued his journey.;]:
The Envoys received him at the frontier.
Florentine
Others awaited him at San. Casciano. Next came the
Lords of Rimini, Forli, Faenza, and Carpi, and finally
Galeazzo Maria Sforza, aged sixteen, the son of the
Duke of Milan, attended by a retinue of 350 horsemen.
The reception took place at the Certosa. Young Sforza
leaped from his horse, kissed the Pope's foot and bade
him welcome in a speech composed by the Humanist
Guiniforte da Barzizza. The Gonfaloniere, Angelo Vettori,

* PlI II. Comment. 48 ; CUGNONI, 192.

t Pius II. legato urbis dat. Senis, i April. 1459: Ex his, que variis

ex locis accipimus, non putamus ipsam dietam etiam absente

imperatore ita iufructuosam futuram sicut est quorundam opinione
multique respectus nos tenant ut personaliter sicut toti orbi promissum

est illuc accedamus. Lib. brev. 9, f. 28, Secret Archives of the

Vatican.

X Pius II. left Siena (to which place books were brought from Rome
for him on the 3rd April, see *Div. Pn II., 1458-60, f. 86, State

Archives, Rome) on the 23rd April, and arrived at Florence on the

25th ; see Mittheil., 1885, p. 83, and *Ghirardacci, /oc. a'/., University
Library, Bologna, Cod. 768. In a *Brief, dated Siena, 1459, March 21,
he had already announced his arrival to the Florentines (X-2-23,
f. 72b-73) ; a special messenger followed : *Die 14 Aprilis, 1459, venit ad
mag. dominos magister Stephanas prothonotarius et referendarius ap.

sedis, summi pontificis orator ;

he brought word that the Pope might
soon be expected (X-i-52, f. 31b.). In the *Answer of the Florentines
on the 1 6th April 1459, they say : Itaque S.V. sibi persuadeat volumus
nos eam honorifice letissimis animis suscepturos et daturos operam, ne
qua desint que vobis aut vestris accepta grataque fore arbitrabimur.
State Archives, Florence, X-2-51, f. 103.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

went before the Pope, whose litter was borne by the

Lords, in some cases " reluctantly," to the Cathedral,
and thence to Sta. Maria Novella, which had also been the
residence of Martin V. and Eugenius IV.'-' Theatrical
performances, combats of wild beasts, races and balls

were given in honour of the illustrious guest.-f " The

learned and artistic Pope fully appreciated all the
beautiful things which the wealthy city had to shew him."
Cosmo de' Medici, having on the plea of indisposition
excused himself from appearing, no business could be
transacted. The only exception was the election of an
Archbishop, St. Antoninus having just died (2nd May).
The Florentines prayed that one of their fellow-citizens
should be chosen, and Pius II. acceded to their wishes.:J:

The Pope had intended to leave Florence on the

4th May, but remained there one day longer. On
the 9th of the month he was at Bologna. § In

* Pii II. Comment. 49 ; ^Ghirardacci, St. di Bologna, III., f. 328,

Cod. 768, University Library, Bologna; Tartinius, II., y^-^ seq.;

RiCHA, III., 116, VI.,241 ; Palacky, Urk. Beitr., 181 ;

MuNTZ, Precurs.,

130; CiPOLLA, 502. A good description of Pius II.'s entry is given

also by Antonius Donatus in a letter to the Marquess of Mantua,
dated Florence, 1459, April 26, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t See ^Giovanni de Pedrino, Cronica di Forli, f. 261, Cod. 324 of
the library of Prince Boncompagni at Rome.
Reumont, Lorenzo, I., 128, 407, 2nd ed. Reumont believes that
:J:

Cosmo was really indisposed. See for the opposite opinion CUGNONi,
193. The account given by Gregorovius, VII., 170, 3rd ed., is
incorrect. The nomination of Orlando Bonarli (see RiCHA, VI., 241,
and Ughelli, III., 231) is announced to the Florentines by Pius II.

in a *Brief, dated Bononiae, 1459, quinto Id. Maii A'' l°. State
Archives, Florence, X-2-23, f. 75.

§
*" El papa si parti da Fiorenza a di 5 del presente ; a Bologna
zonse a di 9." Juan Francesco da Cremona to Filipo and Matheo de
Strozis at Naples, dated Roma, 28 maggio I4[59]. State Archives,
Florence (C. Strozz., 242, i. 259). See *Despatch of Ant. Ricao to
 HOSTILITY OK BOLOGNA. 57

crossing the Appenines, he ventured on dangerous

ground. Latium, Sabina, Spoleto, and Tuscany were
at least " within the sphere of Rome's influence, even if

her hold on them was somewhat insecure. But on the

other side of the Appenines, the Marches and Romagna,
though included among the States of the Church, had
their political centre in Milan and Venice." *
Bologna, proud of her freedom, was in a state of
perpetual disquiet. The dominant party was as averse to

the authority of the new Pope, as it had been to that of

his predecessor,-]- and long deliberations had been held in

reference to this journey. At last it had been decided

that Pius II. should be invited to Bologna, but that at
the same time Milanese forces should be brought into the
city. The Pope consented to this arrangement on
condition that the troops should swear fealt}' to him.
The command was entrusted to Galeazzo Maria Sforza,
who had already given proofs of his devotion to the Holy
See.+ These circumstances are sufficient to account for

the Marquess of Mantua, dated Horence, 1459, May 5. Regarding

Pius' intention of departing sooner, see ^Despatch of the same, dated
Florence, 1459, April 28 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and a *Letter
from Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Florence, 1459, April 27,
State Archives, Milan.
* Gregorovius, VII., 170, 3rd ed.
t vSee ^Despatch of Nicodemus de Pontremoli to Fr. Sforza, dated

Florence, 1458, Nov. 14, Cod. 1588, f. 188 of the Fonds Ital. of the

National Library, Paris. Pius II. had appointed the e.\cellent A.

Capranica, Governor of Bologna ; see ^Despatch of Otto de Carretto
to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1458, Sept. 12, in the State Archives, Milan.
*Ghirardacci, St. di Bologna, III., i, 30, Cod. 768, University
Library, Bologna.

X Pll II. Comment. 55 ; Cronica di Bologna, 728 se^.; see Faleoni,

496. Regarding the mistrust of the Bolognese and the Pope's

annoyance at their pretensions of independence, see *Despatch of
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the shortness of his stay in the unfriendly city, which lasted

only from the 9th to the i6th of May.* From thence he
sent a Brief to King Rene of Provence, who, resenting
the Coronation of Ferrante of Naples, would not permit
it to be published. He also sent Briefs to King John II.
of Aragon, and Henry VI. of England, both of whom he
invited to take part in the Congress.-j-
Pius II. made his entry into Ferrara under a gold-
embroidered baldacchino on the 17th May. His reception
was magnificent. The streets were strewn with green
branches, the windows adorned with splendid hangings
and garlands of flowers, music and singing resounded
on all sides. Borso, the Duke of Modena, did every-
thing in his power to shew extraordinary honour
to the Pope.;}: But the long list of requests which he
produced, considerably marred the effect of all this homage.
Pius II. was not able to satisfy him completely. On the
25th May he bade farewell to his host, " whose petitions kept

Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Bologna, 1459, May loth, Cod.
Z-219 Sup. of Ambrosian Library.
* *GiOV. DE Pedrino (see supra^ p. 56, note t), f. 261b ; Cronica di

Bologna, 729 seq. ; Annal. Bonon., 891 ; GumiClNl, Miscell. Bol., 44,

55 seq. A detailed account of the sojourn of Pius II. in Bologna is

given by *Ghirardacci, St. di Bologna, III., lib. 30, Cod. 768 of the
University Library, Bologna ; see Arch. St. Ital., Sen, 3, 120 seq.
t Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 39, and Appendix N. 10, Secret
Archives of the Vatican. The *Brief from the State Archives of
Bologna given in Appendix No. 17 shews that negotiations regarding
the preliminaries of the Congress were at this time being carried
on with the Bolognese.
X Diario Ferrar., 203 seq.; Palmerius, 243; MuRATORl, Antichitk
Est., II., 215 seq.; and especially the full *Reports of Antonius Donatus

to the Marquess of Mantua, dated Ferrara, 1459, May 16, 17, 19, 20,

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also the ^Chronicles of Ferrara in

Cod. I-I-5, f. 33b and I-I-6, f. in the Chigi Library.

 PIUS II. ENTERS MANTUA. 59

pace with his demonstrations of respect." * Thence the

Pope passed on through Revere to the marshy plain in

which lies the city of Virgil.

It was on the 27th Mayf that Pius II. entered Mantua,
where he was welcomed with a splendour rivalling that

which had been displayed at Perugia. " Three banners

were carried before him ; one of them bore the Cross,
another the keys of the Church, and the third the arms of
the Piccolomini, five golden crescents on an azure cross.
The Pope, in gorgeous vestments, resplendent with purple
and jewels, was borne in a litter by the nobles and vassals
of the Church. At the gate, the Marquess Lodovico
Gonzaga dismounted from his horse and presented him
with the keys of the city. Perugia and Florence were the
only other places where this had been done. Carpets
were laid down in the streets, the houses were almost
hidden by flowers, and the balconies and roofs were filled

with richly-dressed ladies. The streets through which

the Pope passed to the Palace were thronged with people
shouting, Evviva Pio Secondo.":|:
The Duke of Milan had sent his consort to Mantua
to welcome the Head of the Church. On the following
day the Duchess and her children appeared before the
Pope. Sforza's charming daughter, Ippolita, who was

* PlI II. Comment. 56-8 ; VoiGT, III., 43.

t Vast says (235) the 28th ;

but*GHIRARDACCi, the Vatican Itinerary,

cited siipra, p. 48, note t ; the inscription under Pinturicchio's fresco in

the Library of the Cathedral at Siena; the Cronica di Bologna, 731 ;

Wadding, XIII., 152, agree with Pius II. himself in naming the 27th as

the day. See Lib. brev. 9, f 34b : *Cardinali Augusten. (s.d.) :

" Ad diem
27 Maii duce deo Mantuam venimus." See in Appendix N. u, the
*Brief to the Bishop of Eichstiidt, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

X Pn II. Comment. 58-9, and \'oiGT, III., 44. See 1st. Bresc, 891 ;

Platina, Hist. Mant, S58 and *GHn<ARDACCl, loc. cit., supra, p. 58,
;

note *.
6o HISTORY OF THE POPES,

but fourteen years of age, on this occasion made a speech

in Latin, which excited general admiration.* " A Goddess
could not have spoken better," wrote Luigi Scarampo to
a friend.j-
But all this outward show of respect could not blind
Pius II. to the real state of affairs. The city was crowded
with strangers ; excellent arrangements had been made
for his accommodation ;J but of all the Christian Kings
and Princes to whom he had addressed repeated and
urgent invitations, not one had taken the trouble to
appear, and notwithstanding all their promises they had
not deemed it necessary to send representatives invested
with full powers. § Such want of consideration towards

* See *Report of Otto de Carretto, dated Mantua, 1459, May 30,

State Archives, Milan. Several MS. copies of Ippolita's speech and
the Pope's answer exist ; for example, in Rome, in the Barberini Library,

XXIX., 157 ; at Munich, in the Court Library, Cod. Lat. 522 and 650 ;

in Cod. 138, f. lo-ii of the Albornot Library, Bologna ; in the Parma

Library (see Pezzana, IIL, 187). They are printed in Mansi, IL,
192-4 ; see M. d'Escouchy, II., 382 ; VoiGT, Wiederbelebung, I., 525,
2nd ed. ; Cipolla, 526 ; M.\genta, 456 ;
Janitschek, 113.
t *L. Scarampo to F. Strozzi, dated Mantua, 1459, June 2, State
Archives, Florence. VoiGT'S idea (III., 615 and elsewhere) that the
Poetess, Isotta Nogaroli, also made a speech in presence of Pius II.

in Mantua, rests on mere conjecture ; see Apponyi-Abel, I., CXLIIL,

II., MS-y^i'-
X See the *Report of the Protonotary, Teodoro de Montefiore to
the Marchioness Barbara, dated Siena, 1460, February 6, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. Regarding the lodging provided for individual
Cardinals, see Equicola, Istoria di Mantova, 182 (Mantova, 1610), and
of the place of Congress, Arch. St. Lomb., VI., 272.
§ Cribellus, yy, says that only those Envoys who had accompanied
the Pope on his journey were present. The names of the Repre-
sentatives of Siena are in Bangui, Istruz., 78. See the complaints in
the *Letter of Pius II. to the Cardinal of Augsburg, Lib. brev. 9,
f. 34b ;
see also Appendix N. 11, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 HE OPENS THE CONGRESS. 6

the Pope, who had himself arrived some days before the
appointed time, promised ill for the future. Processions
were at once made to implore the protection of the
Almighty for the assembly.
On the 1st June, Pius II. opened the Congress with a
solemn Mass* and a discourse in which he made no secret
of his dissatisfaction. At the same time he declared him-
self resolved to persevere. If those who were invited did
not come it would at least be evident that it was not the
Pope who had been wanting in good will.f A circular
letter to the same effect, and bearing the same date, was

despatched to all the Christian Powers, and was immedi-

ately followed by exhortations to send Envoys invested
with full powers.^
Under these circumstances it was impossible that
business should be definitely commenced. We cannot
but admire the energy of the suffering Pontiff, who firmly
refused to leave Mantua, though all those by whom he was
* See L. Scarampo's letter of June 2nd, 1459, cited supra, p. 60, note t,
from the State Archives, Florence.
t Mansi, II., 206, according to a MS. in Lucca. (A second MS. of
the discourse is in Cod. Harl., 4913, N. 2, in the British Museum) ; see
VOIGT, III., 46, note i.

+ The circular letter " lam duce altissimo," published by Raynaldus,

ad N. 43 also in Kaprinai, II., 304-5 and with an Appendix
an. 1459, ; ;

in the Fontes Rer. Austr., Pars Dipl., XLIL, 279-80 from the original in
the Archives of Weimar, is in *Lib. brev. g, not f. 34, but f. 37b, 38b.
On the first and second of June special letters were sent to the
Emperor (see infra) and to the free cities. Of the latter, that to
Cologne of ist June, 1459 (original in the City Archives, Cologne), and
one in similar terms to Frankfort of 2nd June (see the text in Appendix
N. 13, City Archives, Frankfort), are still extant. In the Lib. brev. 9,

f. 37, the following letters of exhortation are noted on the 2nd June,
Salzburgen. archiepiscopo ; communitati Basil. ; ducibus Brunsvic. ;

duci Calabrie ;
duci Janue and to the Bank of St. George. Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

surrounded did everything in their power to induce him

to do so. The Pope, they complained, had acted with-
out due consideration in coming to this place. Few
Envoys were present. The situation was marshy, unhealthy,
and hot, the wine and provisions bad. Many had fallen

sick, pernicious fevers were carrying off not a few, and

there was nothing to be heard but the croaking of
frogs.*

The attitude of a certain number of the Cardinals was

particularly distressing to the Pope. Those who, on
different pretexts, departed from the dreary city, or who
engaged in the pursuit of pleasure, were by no means the
worst.-f Others, especially those who sympathised with
France, sought to defer the meeting of the Congress. No
one spoke of the Pope more contemptuously than did
Cardinal Scarampo. He characterised his scheme as
childish ; the Pope, he said, had left Rome and was now
wandering hither and thither asking for hospitality, and
hoping by his persuasions to involve the Princes in the war,

and to annihilate the Turks, whose troops were invincible.

He would have done better to stay at home and take care
of the Church. Scarampo even went so far as to dissuade
the Venetians from sending representatives. Cardinal
Tebaldo declared that the Pope had foolishly come to
Mantua to enrich strangers, while he left his own people
in poverty. Other Cardinals asked Pius H. to his face
whether he wished them all to die of fever in the pestilent

* Pn II. Comment. 6i. The Sienese Envoy, Mignanellus, complains

of the great heat in a *Report dated Mantua, 1459, die apostolor.
29th June. State Archives, Siena.
t Among the entertainments were boating parties, in which Cardinals
Colonna, Alain, and Borgia joined. The Pope rebuked them sharply ;

see the interesting **Letter from the Marchioness Barbara to the

Duchess of Milan, dated Mantua, 1459, July 10. State Archives, Milan.
 INDIFFERENCE OF EUROPE. 63

air of Mantua. He ought, they said, to return to Rome ;

having come to the appointed place of meeting he had

done enough to satisfy his honour. Did he really believe
that he could by himself conquer the Turks?*
Notwithstanding all these efforts the Pope held firmly
to his purpose of doing everything in his power for the
defence of Western Christendom ; Cardinals Bessarion
and Torquemada stood by him loyally.f Again he issued
letters of warning and of menace to all parts of the world ;

" but only slowly, and very slowly, did Envoys appear from
one quarter and another." The European Princes in

general shewed the greatest indifference. The}' had no

sympathy with the noble aspirations of Pius II., "who
aimed at reviving the era of the Crusades."^:
The conduct of the Emperor was deplorable. On him,
as the defender of Christendom, devolved, according to
mediaeval ideas, the duty of protecting the West against
the attacks of Islam. Even if the Imperial dignity
of that day was but a shadow of what it had been in the

past, a certain prestige still clung to the throne of Charles

* Pn II. Comment. 61, with the additions in CUGNONI, 195. Car-

dinal Scarampo had gone back to Rome in the beginning of February,

1459. O" the 8th of that month he wrote to Lodovico Gonzaga :

*" Significamus vobis nos post \arios casus ac pericula que hactenus
terra marique perpessi fuimus tandem concedente altissimo ad almam
urbem Romam rediisse atque in ea ad presens esse sanos atque
incolumes." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. The forbearance of Pius
II. is shewn in a *Brief, dated Perugia, 1459, Febr. 13, in which he
congratulated Scarampo on his return. Lib. brev. 9, f. 12, Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
t Torquemada wrote at this time a Treatise against the Arch-heretic
Mahomet see Lederer,
; 268, and Bibl. Hisp. Vet., II., 289. Besides
the MS. in the Vatican Library I know of two copies of Torquemada's
work in the Library at Siena, G. VI., 4 (saec. 15) and G. VI., 3 (saec. 16).

X Gebhardt, 29.
64 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Great. Pius II. therefore, from the beginning, at-

tached special importance to the personal appearance of

Frederick III. at Mantua, hoping that it would be the
means of attracting the other Princes to the Congress.*
The excuses of the Emperor were pitiful. He pleaded
urgent affairs in Austria, and represented that he was not
bound to attend, because the invitation had been indefinite,
either to Udine or Mantua.f " The reply which our
envoy at your Court transmits to us," wrote Pius II., on
26th January from Spoleto to the Emperor, " meets neither
our expectations nor the necessities of the case. If you
remain absent every one will deem himself sufficiently

excused. For the honour, therefore, of the German

nation, for the glory of your own name, for the welfare of

the Christian religion, you are entreated to reconsider

the matter and decide on attending the assembly."^:
Frederick III. was, when these exhortations reached
him, engaged in political schemes directly opposed to the
Pope's plans. " Instead of upholding Hungary in its

integrity as the bulwark of Germany and of his own

States, he entered upon a course calculated to break,
or at least greatly weaken, the defensive power of that
kingdom." He made an alliance with that party of
Hungarian magnates which was hostile to the house of
Corvinus, and, on the 4th March, 1459, had himself pro-
claimed King of Hungary. I

* Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 6.

+ Pn II. Comment. 41 ; see SCHMrnx's opinion, Deutsche Gesch.,

IV., 234.

X *Lib, brev. 9, f. 6b, see Appendix N. 5 ; see f. 4b (Bapt. Brende.

Dat. Spolet., 1459, Jan. 27), Secret Archives of the Vatican. The
answer contained in the commentary gives us an insight into the
sentiments of the Pope ; see VOIGT, III., 47.

§ Fessler- Klein, igseg'.; Menzel, VII., 262 ; Hoffmann, ig se^.

 HE REMONSTRATES WITH THE EMPEROR. 65

Pius II. had sought to assuage the strife between

these two Princes, which interfered so seriously with his
hopes, and enhst them both in the war against the Turks.*
He was in Siena when the tidings of Frederick's usurpa-
tion arrived, and lost no time in remonstrating with him.
While the King of Hungary," he wrote on the 2nd
April, " would willingly draw his sword against the Turks,
he is harassed by hindrances from Christians. Discon-
tented magnates persuade your Highness to take part in
a change of government in this kingdom. We exhort
You, for the sake of your own honour as well as for the
common welfare of Christendom, to cease to give ear to
the counsels of restless persons. For if, as may easily
happen, war should break out in consequence of your
action, the King, should he seek deliverance by a peace
with the Turks, will be less to blame than he who has
constrained him to so shameful a treaty. This kingdom is

the shield of all Christendom, under cover of which we

have hitherto been safe. But if the road is thus opened
to the barbarians, destruction will break in over all, and
the consequences of such a disaster will be imputed
by God to its author."f Cardinal Carvajal, the Papal
Legate in Hungary, was charged to use all diligence to

avert violent proceedings and procure at least a truce for

* Menzel, VII., 263; Mailath, 40 seq.; Fessler- Klein, 21;

Hoffmann, 15 seq. See in Appendix N. 6, the *Brief of 26th
February, 1459, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t Rayn.aldus, ad an. 1459, N. 15 ; MiJLLER, I., 721-2 ; Pray, III.,

230-1 ; Kaprinai, II., 288-9; Mailath, Appendix, 12-16; Theiner,

II., 324. See Menzel, loc. cit.; Voigt, III., 663. O. de Carretto,
writing on the 25th March, from Siena to Fr. Sforza, says *" Qui e
:

venuta novella che li Ungari hanno ellecto lo Imperatore per suo Re,
pur la Sta. de Nro. S. dice ancora non haverla ben certa, monstra li

dispiaceria questa cosa propter damnum christiane fidei." State

Archives, Milan.

VOL. in. F
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the ensuing summer. But his labours were vain, and

open war was declared between Frederick III. and
Matthias Corvunus.*
The Emperor soon caused fresh trouble to the Pope.
Instead of the distinguished embassy which had been
expected, men of so little consequence appeared on his

behalf that Pius II. at once dismissed them, requiring him

to send personages fitted by their rank, to represent him
worthily at the assembly and have a decisive voice in

its deliberations.^ On the nth June, Pius II. again

addressed the Emperor. " We have learned," he says,
" that our beloved son in Christ, the illustVious King of
France, is negotiating with your Highness for the transfer
of the present Congress of Mantua to some place in

Germany. If this be the case the labour will be lost,

for as we have left our Apostolic Chair and come a

distance of two hundred and fifty miles, not without great
personal inconvenience, to meet your Highness and the
other Christian Princes, it is right that they also should
leave their courts, and at the summons of the Vicar of
Christ, have the affairs of the Faith laid before them
and consider their duty. We beg your Highness to give
no encouragement to such suggestions." |
On the 6th July, Pius II. admonished the Emperor in

view of the complaints which might be expected from the

* Mon. Hung., I., 51 seq. ; VoiGT, loc. cit. ; Hoffmann, 25 seq.
t *Brief of 30th April, see Appendix N. 9 Comment. ; see Pll H.
65 ; and a Mailath, Appendix, 26-8 and
letter of the ist June in ;

Kaprinai, H., 305-6. A *Brief of 2nd June again demanding that

Ambassadors should be sent by the Emperor is in the Lib. brev. 9,
f. 40, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

X In Mailath, Appendix, 39-42, the Brief is dated June 4th, but in

the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Lib. brev. 9, f. 45, the nth June
is clear ; here is also the correct reading, Vacet poiius, instead of
7'ocet.
 DELAY OF THE GERMAN PRINCES. 6/

Hungarian Envo}'s, quickl}' to appoint suitable representa-

tives. Finally, the Pontiff sent him a blessed sword and hat
to remind him of his duty. All, however, was in vain. The
autumn arrived and no Imperial mission was yet in sight.*
The German Princes were not more zealous than their
Head repeatedly and in vain were they summoned, and
;

when, after considerable delay, some came or sent Envo}'s,

itwas not on account of the Turks or of the Faith, but
from merely selfish motives.f

* Mailath, Appendix, 45 seq. ; VoiGT, III., 51. The conclusion of

the Brief which accompanied the sword and hat is wanting in Ray-
NALDUS, ad an. 1459, N. 44. It is as follows: " Praesentator autem
huius ensis ac pile! erit dil. fil. Sebaldus N., familiaris noster ac
scutifer, cui cum nonnulla commiserimus eidem tue Subl. nostro
nomine referenda eandem in domino exhortamur, ut [velis] ipsum
benigne audire et commendatum habere nostro intuitu. (The Brief
immediately preceding this is dated : Mantuae, x. Julii, A° \\) Lib.
brev. 9, f. 54b-55, Secret Archives of the Vatican. The exact date
appears from the following entry: *"Sebaldo de Noremberga S.D.
N. pape scutifero et deferenti spatam ad seren. Romanorum impera-
torem flor. quinquaginta pro eius expensis. Mantuae, xiiii. Julii, 1459."
Div. Pii II. 1458-60, f. 102, State Archives, Rome.
t VoiGT, III., 51. The Brief of July 25th to William of Saxony, given
by MULLER, Reichtags-Theater, I., 620, is preserved in the Archives of
Weimar. Bachmann needlessly publishes it again in the Fontes
Dipl., XLII., 282-3, and makes some mistakes. For e.xample, instead
of Anonia, it should read quoniatn ; and instead of accedat, accendat. A
Papal Letter of the 13th August, 1459 (original in the Archives at
Dresden), complains that the Elector, Frederick the Mild, like the
other German Princes, notwithstanding frequent invitations, failed to
appear at Mantua on the appointed day, June ist, and requests him
to attend a new Assembly on St. Martin's Day. We do not, however,
learn that the Elector complied with this fresh invitation ; see Weber,
Archiv fiir Siichs. Gesch., V. (1867), p. 129. The ecclesiastical Princes
were equally dilator)'; see Appendix N. 11 : ^Letters to the Bishop
of Eichstatt and the Archbishop of Salzburg. Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

"Day and night," wrote the Pope on the nth June to

Cardinal Carvajal, " We are unwearied in exhorting the

Christian Princes and powers to unite for the salvation of
Christendom. We shall not cease to labour to the end ;

We shall neglect nothing that seems to be pleasing to

God and Our duty, hoping that the Divine goodness will
not permit our efforts to be fruitless."* Pius II. certainly

was not wanting in zeal, but all his eloquence did not
avail to rouse the German Princes from their lethargy.
Worse even than the indifference of Germany was the
hostile attitude of France, the second of the great Powers
of Christendom. Ever since Ferrante's investiture with
Naples, the French King, Charles VII., who favoured the
pretensions of Anjou, had constantly aimed at reversing
this act. He hoped to attain his object by making his

co-operation in the Crusade conditional on a change in

the Italian policy of Pius II. The King next manifested
his discontent by answering the Pope's letter of invitation

by a " significant menace," reminding him of the anti-

Roman Assembly of Bourges, and then, in spite of all

exhortations, delaying as long as possible in sending his

Envoys. No one at the Papal Court doubted that
violent dissensions were to be expected when they
arrived.f
The Republics of Florence and Venice used the Neapo-
* Mailath, III., Appendix, pp. 33-5. The trouble that the Pope
took to induce individual Princes to attend the Congress appears from
H. Leubing's reports in Kluckhohn, Ludwig, 367 seq.

t Pius II. 's letter of invitation and the King's (undated) reply are in
^N. Sylv. 0pp., pp. 859-60, edit. Basil. Both are also to be found in
Cod. Regin. 557, f. gS-gSb, Vatican Library. Here again Charles
VII. 's letter is without a date. See also VoiGT, III., 52. Two *Horta-
tory Briefs, issued by Pius II. on the 8th June and 14th July 1459, are
in Lib. brev. 9, f. 40 and 55, Secret Archives of the Vatican ; see
Appendix N. 14.
 PALAEOLOGUS IMPLORES HELP. 69

litan difficulties as a cloak to cover that aversion to the

war which was really due to their mercantile interests.
Pius II. ceased not to exhort them both by messengers
and by Briefs. On at Bologna, he
the 14th of May, when
had again called upon the Florentines to send Envoys to
the Congress, invested with full powers. On the ist and
on the 1 2th June the same request was repeated from
Mantua, but in vain. Accordingly, on the 28th July,
another letter was addressed to Florence. It proved as
ineffectual as its predecessors. On the i6th of August,
Pius II. complained that the Florentines, although so
near to the city where the Congress was to meet, had not
yet sent any representatives. He had, he said, waited for
eighty days ;
his patience was now exhausted, and, if this
last summons should remain unheeded, he would be com-
pelled to bring a public accusation against Florence.*
Meanwhile, living witnesses to the danger which threat-
ened from the East had arrived in Mantua. Messengers
imploring succour came from Epirus, Cyprus, Rhodes,
and Lesbos, together with Envoys from the hard-pressed
Thomas Palaeologus. These latter, who b rought the
Pope sixteen Turkish captives, declared, with true Byzan-
tine boastfulness, that a small army of assistance from
Italy would suffice to drive the Turks from the Peninsula !

When the matter was discussed in Consistory, the Pope

justly observed that so small a force would be utterly
insufficient. Only the representations of the enthusiastic
and unpractical Bessarion induced him to grant the
troops, a third part of which were furnished by the

* I found the **Documents cited above in the State Archives,

Florence, Class. X., dist. 2, N. 23, f. 75b-8ob. See also the Lib. brev. 9,
f. 65-6 (*Brief to the Archbishop of Florence, s. d., circa 14th August)
and f. 68 to Florence ; see Appendix N. 24, Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
70 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Duchess of Milan. The event proved the Pope to have

been right. The Crusaders arrived in time to assist

Thomas in a fresh and fruitless siege of Patras, and then

dispersed and scattered themselves over the unhappy
land, plundering and devastating as they went*
The representatives of Matthias Corvinus reached
.Mantua in the end of July, and were received as Royal
Envoys. They had been preceded by messengers from
the King of Bosnia asking for assistance, and then
the alarming tidings had come that the important fortress
of Smedervo, at the junction of the Morawa with the
Danube, was in the hands of the infidels. " There is

nothing now," said the Pope, " to prevent the Turks from
attacking Hungary." -j-

For eleven weeks Pius II. waited, but as yet none of

the European sovereigns had arrived, and of the Italian
Princes the King of Naples alone had sent repre-
sentatives. There was no prospect of a commencement
of business. In order to avoid vexatious disputes, such
as had already broken out among the members of the
Court, the Pope, on the 1 5th August, issued a proclama-
tion to the effect that the order of precedence adopted

* Pii II. Comment. 61 ; Wadding, XIII., wj seq. ;

Zinkeisen, II.,

193-200; VoiGT, III., 57. Regarding the troops provided by Milan,

see the Despatch of G. Mignanelli of the i6th July 1459, in Tre
Lettere, p. 9.
+ Pll II. Comment. 61. Despatch of Carretto of the 29th June in

Mon. Hung., I., 62 seq. Despatch of G. Mignanelli of 26th July, see Tre
Lettere, p. 12; Klaic, 407 seq. Pius II. announced the fall of Sme-
dervo to Albert of Brandenburg on July 24th (Raynaldus, ad an. 1459,
N. 56), and on the same day to Duke Sigismund of the Tyrol (Secret
Archives, Vienna). On the 25th July he wrote to Steph. de Nardinis :

*"Zendren. oppido amisso secundum vulnus christianitati inlatum est

et Turcis liber in Ungariam patet excursus." Lib. brev. 9, f. 56b,
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 EMBASSY FROM BURGUNDY. 7

in the Assembly should not prejudicially affect any future

claims on that point.*
At last, in the middle of August, to the great relief of
Pius II. a brilliant Embassy from the powerful Duke of
Burgundy made its entry into Mantua. The Duke,
indeed, did not appear in person as he had promised,
but in his stead he sent his nephew, Duke John of Cleves,

and Jean de Croix, the Lord of Chimay, with a retinue

of 400 horse.f The Marquess of Mantua, with an
equally splendid suite, and several of the Cardinals, went
forth to greet Duke John, who, on the following day,
appeared before the Pope in Consistory. Jean Jouffroy,
Bishop of Arras, who accompanied the Duke, made a
speech in which he excused his master's absence, and
gave assurances of his readiness to take part in the
defence of Christendom. The little importance to be
attached to these professions became evident during the
ensuing days, when negotiations were entered on in detail.

The Duke of Cleves declared that he could not enter

* R.WNALDUS, ad an. 1459, N. 59.

t SCHIVENOGLIA, 1 39, is wrong in placing the entry on the 7th

September. In the Chroniques des Dues de Bourgogne (ed. Kervyn
de Lettenhove, p. 227, Brussels, 1873), and in the Mem. de J. du
Clercq, III., c. 45, there are no dates. *Pius II. wrote on the loth July
to the Duke of Burgundy :
" Intelleximus generositatem tuam delegisse
oratores ad dietam ducem Cliven. et alios"; his appearance in person
would have given him still more pleasure, but the Envoj's are very wel-
come, the Pope praises the Duke for having sent them. Lib. hrev. 9,
f. 54, Secret Archives of the Vatican. From a *Brief of Pius II. to
the Duke of Savoy, dated Mantua, 1459, Sept. 3 (Plut. LXXXX., Sup.
Cod. 138, N. 24 of the Laurentian Library, Florence), which contains
the following words *" Dux Clivensis iam per mensem apud nos fuit,"
:

it might be supposed that the Emljassy had reached Mantua in the

beginning of August. From M.VTTH. d'Escouchy, II., 386, we learn,
however, that it halted five miles from Mantua on the i6th the entry ;

must accordingly have taken place on the i8th.

72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

upon Turkish affairs until the Pope had complied with

his wish in regard to the affair of Soest, Pius IL yielded,
but gained no thanks by his concession. The Envoys then
explained that their master had only agreed to co-operate
in the Crusade if some other of the Princes first set the

example, and the Pope had to content himself with a

promise that the Duke would send 2000 horsemen and
4000 foot soldiers to the relief of Hungary.* The Duke
of Cleves now wished to return home, and it was with
the greatest difficulty that the Pope induced him to defer

his departure until the 6th, and afterwards until the loth
September, when the Duke of Milan and "Borso d'Este
were to arrive.f As, however, to the Pope's great
annoyance, the latter retracted his promise,^ and
* Pn II. Comment. 65 seq.\ Matthieu d'Escouchy, II., 387 seq. ;

VoiGT, III., 60 seq. ;

FlERVlLLE, 86 seq. In a *Brief of the i6th Sept.

1459, to the Duke of Burgundy, Pius II. expresses a hope that he

would do more to aid the Turkish war. Regarding the promises of
the Ducal Envoys, he here observes :
" Qua^ etsi contemnenda non
sunt, sed laudanda, non tamen ea sunt quae sperabamus nee expecta-
tioni aharum nationum satisfactum videtur.'' Copy in the Codex of
the Laurentian Library cited above.
t See Appendix N. 25 and Lib. brev. 9, f 70b : *Duci Mediolani,
dated 3rd Sept. : "To-day, after many prayers, the Duke of Cleves
has consented to wait until the nth of September. The Duke must,
therefore, hasten so as to be in Mantua by this time." (Secret
Archives of the Vatican.) The arrival of Fr. Sforza had been looked
for by the middle of August ; see Despatch of G. Mignanelli, dated
Mantua, 1459, Aug. i, in Tre Lettere, p. 16. Mignanelli's death
occurred soon afterwards, and in announcing it to the Sienese, Pius II.
wrote as follows *" Hortamur de\otionem vestram in domino, ut
:

quantocius oratores novos et pleno mandato instructos mittatis.''

Brief of August 21, 1459, Plut. LXXXX., Sup. Cod. 138, N. 18 of the
Laurentian Library, Florence.
X Pn II. Comment. 73, and CUGNONi, 195. See the **Briefs to Borso
of 29th July, 4th and 8th Sept., Lib. brev. 9, f.
59, 71, 76b, Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
 ARRIVAL OF THE DUKE OF MILAN. 73

Francesco Sforza again postponed his arrival, Duke John

refused to wait any longer. The Lord of Chimay, who
was suffering much from fever, also left Mantua. " With
difficulty the Pope detained two subordinate members of
the Embassy, so that Burgundy might not be altogether
unrepresented. For several days he was nearly alone
with the members of his Court and the Eastern Envoys.
Three months had now passed since the day appointed
for the opening of the Assembly, and with the exception

of the Imperial Embassy which Pius II. had sent back,

the Burgundian Mission which he had been unable to
detain, and some unimportant Envoys from certain

Bishops and Cities who were carrying on business of

their own at the Court, no representatives had appeared,
save those sent by Ferrante of Naples."*
A change for the better took place in the latter part of
September, when Francesco Sforza, after repeated in-

vitations from the Pope, at last came in person to the

Congress.j- He arrived in the Mincio with forty-seven
ships ;
the Marquess of Mantua, and his Consort Barbara,
with twenty-two vessels, went some way out to meet him.
A Mantuan chronicler gives a vivid description of the
approach of this magnificent fleet to the City.+ The

* VoiGT, III., 63; Magenta, I., 456. In relation to F'errante's

Envoys, see Pellicia, IV., 299 ; Arch. Neapolit., II., 47 (1877).

t See si/pra, p. 72, and the *Briefs of the 29th July, and the 25th
August, in .Appendi.K N. 18 and 25, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

X SCHIVENOGLIA, 140. This chronicler, who is little to be relied on in

the matter of dates, gives the 25th September as the day of Sforza's
arrival. In the State Archives of Milan (Pot. Sovrane), however,
there is a ^Letter from the Duke to his wife, written from Mantua on
the 19th Sept. 1459. If the date attached to Filelfo's Speech 92b
(Oratt. Paris, 15 15, f. 92b, and MiTTARELLi, Bibl. S. Michael, 888)
is genuine, Fr. Sforza arrived at Mantua on the 17th September.
SiMONETA (689) has no date.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Duke and his sumptuous retinue excited universal admi-

ration. On the following day he went with great pomp
to the Pope. Pius II. received him in open Consistory
and assigned him a seat immediately after the Cardinal
Deacons. The Humanist Filelfo made a speech he ;

promised that his master would, at the Pope's command,

devote all his energies to the war against the Infidel, " as

far as the state of Italy permitted."* This last point

was warmly discussed in the private interviews which
took place on the ensuing days between the Duke and
the Pope. Neapolitan affairs formed the subject of
consideration.
The party opposed to Ferrante, headed by Giovanni
Antonio degli Orsini, the tyrannical Prince of Taranto,
had, even as early as the commencement of 1459, begun to
agitate against the King.f Pius II. had at once done his
best to meet the danger which thus threatened the peace
of Italy.iJ: But the Prince of Taranto never rested until,

in August, an open insurrection against Ferrante broke

out. Jean, the son of Rene, the French claimant, was

* Fr. Sforza had already, on the 24th Feb., 1459, assured the Pope
of his readiness to proceed against the Turks, adding, however, that
he could not carry out so great an undertaking alone. *Fr. Sforza to
O. de Carretto, dated Milan, 1459, Feb. 24, State Archives, Milan.
t On the 1st August, 1458, O. de Carretto in a cipher *Despatch
from Rome to Fr. Sforza says :
" II Card, di Colonna me disse che il

principe de Taranto per niun modo delibera dare obedientia al Re

Ferrando." State Archives, Milan.

I See Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 79-80, *Brief of the iSth March

in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Appendix N. 18) and **Fr.

Sforza's letter of the 17th March, 1459, State Archives, Milan. In

a*Brief, dated Siena, 1459, February 27, Pius II. speaks of his grief
at the strife
between Ferrante and the Prince of Taranto, and calls
upon the Florentines to send a Mission to Naples to bring about a
reconciliation. X-2-23, f 7ob-7i, State Archives, Florence.
 EMBASSIES FROM ITALIAN STATES. 75

summoned to support the rising, and assumed the title

of Duke of Calabria. The success of this chivalrous

Prince in Naples would have given Sforza reason to fear
a similar attack from Orleans on the Duchy which he had
won with no small difficulty, and his title to* which
had not yet been recognised by the Emperor.* More-
over, French influence would have become predominant
in Italy, and a death-blow been struck at its existing poli-

tical constitution. In view of the opposition of France

to the Crusade, Sforza had no difficulty in inducing
Pius II. to support Ferrante.f
The immediate effect of the presence of the most
distinguished of Italian Princes at Mantua was to induce

most of the other States of the Peninsula to send repre-

sentatives. Almost every day witnessed a fresh arrival.

The Sienese Envoys, writing on the 25th September, were

able to describe the beautiful city of Mantua as adorned
by the presence of many Prelates, many Lords, Am-
bassadors and Courtiers. Even the Venetians ;J:
at last

made up their minds to send a mission. This determina-

tion was arrived at after long and animated discussions.

* BuSER, Bezieh., 95 seq. In a ^Despatch from O. de Carretto to Fr.

Sforza, dated 1458, Aug. 20, Cod. 1588, f. 131 of the Fonds Ital.,
Rome,
National Library, Paris, I found the first intimation that the Pope,
who was on such friendly terms with Frederick 111., might intervene
in the question of the Imperial confirmation.

t SiMONETA, 690. No mention of these important negotiations occurs

in the Duke's *Letters to his wife, but Fr. Sforza repeatedly speaks of
his many affairs. *Letters of 21st and 29th Sept. 1459, in the State
Archives, Milan, loc. cit.^ see Appendix N. 28.

t SCHIVENOGLIA, 141. ^Despatch of the Sienese Envoy Nicol.

Severinus and Lodovicus de Pctronibus, dated Mantua, 1459, Sept.
25: "Mantua hoggi e molto ornata di prelati, di signori, di

ambascatori e di molta corte et e una bella Mantua." State Archives,

Siena.
y^ HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The most influential personages in the city opposed the

Crusade from purely commercial considerations, because
it threatened to put a stop to their profitable trade with
Turkey. The Doge, Pasquale Malipiero, " a great friend
of peace, a lover of good cheer, and of the fair sex," kept
up very amicable relations with the Sultan.* Efforts had
at first been made to put the Pope off with fair promises f ;

at last, after repeated importunities on his part, on the

29th July, Orsato Giustiniani and Luigi Foscarini were
chosen to represent the Republic at the Congress. All ij:

through the month of August their departure was delayed

in the hope that Pius II. would be wearied 'out by pro-
crastination and disappointments. I As early as the 3rd
August he had exhorted the Doge to send the Envoys who
had then just been elected. On the 25th of the same
month he issued another Brief to the Venetians, com-
plaining bitterly of their delay. He now adopted "a tone

* VoiGT, III., 69 ;
great confusion regarding dates prevails in this
work, and in Malipiero, 7. Sanudo, 1167, and ROMANIN, IV., 309,
give but scanty details. The real facts are found in the hitherto
unknown *Acts of the State Archives, Venice.
t *Sen. Seer. XX., f. 183b: "1459 die xi. Junii. Delatum est

nobis breve S. Vre. die! primi presentis . . . Intelleximus quoque

quantum S. Vra. cupida est, ut ad eius conspectum legationem nostram
mittamus. Nos, beatissime pater, de more maiorum nostrorum in

consueto proposito nostro perseverantes Vre. B. nunciamus, quod

quemadmodum et per oratores nostros et per litteras sibi significasse

recordamur dispositio et intentio nostra est mittere legationem nostram

ad presentiam Vre. Clementie. De parte 128 ; de non 7 ; non sine.

5." State Archives, Venice.

X **Sen. Seer. XX., f. 188, State Archives, Venice. The **Brief to

Paolo Morosini, dated Mantua, 1459, July 21, bears witness to the
pressure used by the Pope. In the Cod. of the Laurentian Library,
cited supra^ p. 72, note t.

§ Duci Venetiarum, dated Mantua, 1459, Aug. 3, Lib. brev. 9, f. 68,

Secret Archives of the \^atican.
 DELAY OF THE VENETIAN EMBASSY. "J-J

of reproach instead of one of supplication ; it was whis-

pered," he said, " that the Venetians held more with the
Turks than with the Christians, and were concerned for

their trade, not for faith and religion." At the same time
Pius II. declared his settled determination of beginning
the business of the Congress on the ist September. If

Venice still tarried he would be constrained to complain

publicly of the bad dispositions of the Republic* The
Signoria, on the 3rd September, made answer that their
representatives would without fail set out on the iSth.f
This promise was due to the appearance of the Duke of
Milan at Mantua. A glance at the instructions given to
the Ambassadors reveals the real purpose of the Republic :

" They are only to give a general promise, that if the

Christian Princes unite their forces in a common expedi-
tion against the infidels, Venice will do her duty."| On
the evening of the 23rd September, the Venetian Envoys,
escorted by 500 horsemen, made their entry into Mantua
with great pomp. The whole Court and all the Princes
who were there, including even the Duke of Milan, went
forth to meet them.§ On the following day they were

* Malipiero, 7-10 ; VoiGT, III., -JO. The bearer B. de Boscho was

only to deliver the letter in case of necessity ; see the *Brief of the
25th August addressed to him. To this matter also relates a **Letter
to the Archbishop of Crete, who was to influence Venice in the interests

of the Pope. Copies of lioth Letters in the Laurentian Library,

Florence, loc. cit.

t **Sen. Seer. XX., f. 188, State Archives, Venice.

X Malipiero, 10 VoiGT, IIL, 70. The excuses to be offered by the

;

Venetian Ambassadors were of a very general nature see the ;

**Letter of the 17th Sept., 1459, Sen. Seer. XX., f i89b~i90, State
Archives, Venice.
§ See Pll n. Comment. 82, and the *Despatch of Nic. Severinus and
Lod. de Petronibus, dated Mantua, 1459, Sept. 25, State Archives,
Siena. Schivenoglia, 140, is wrong in asserting that the Venetians
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

received in public Consistory. Foscarini promised great

things if the expedition against the Turks were taken up
by all the Christian powers in union. " It was evident
that this condition would furnish a ready pretext for
evading an engagement which was only made because it

could not be avoided. How could it be expected that

all nations without exception would join in this expedi-
tion ?
"* The Pope in his reply pointed out the difficulty of
this condition. He also could not refrain from reproaching
the Venetians for being, although the nearest to Mantua,
the last to appear there. In all else he corpmended the
good intentions of the Republic.f
At last, on the 26th September, four months after the
arrival of the Pope, it was possible to hold the first

sitting of the Congress. The assembly was to meet in

the Cathedral. After a Mass of the Holy Ghost had
been said,J the Pope rose, and, in a carefully considered
discourse, which lasted two hours, explained the necessity
and the object of a general crusade, the means by which
its success might be assured, and the reward which
awaited those who should take part in it.§

arrived on the 26th September. Luigi Scarampo writes to Filippo de

Strozziis at Naples " dd. In Mantoa a di xxiii. Setembre,
:
1459.
Questa vi scrivo solo per avisarvi como eri sera gionseno li am-
basatori di Venitiani con grandissimo triomfo. II Sre. ducha di Milano
gle ando ascontrare circha ii. migla ; fo reputato da ogni persona
ch'abia usato una grandissima humanita ; altro non avemo . ,
."

C. Strozz., :^^7, f. 40, State Archives, Florence.

* K. A. Menzel, VII., 267.
t Pii II. Comment. 82. See the *Despatch of the Sienese envoy of
25th Sept. 1459, cited supra. The discourse of Pius II. is in Mansi,
II., 182.

I See *Sforza's letter of the 26th Sept. 1459, Appendix N. 27,

State Archives, Milan. Regarding the contest for precedence, see
ZiNKEISEN, II., 258.

§ The discourse (regarding which the Report of P. Camulius in

 PIUS II. ADDRESSES THE CONGRESS. 79

Pius II. began his address with a pra}^er, and then

proceeded in eloquent terms to describe the losses which
Christendom had suffered at the hands of the unbelievers.
" The Holy Land flowing with milk and honey, the soil

which brought forth the Saviour, the temple of Solomon,

in which He so often preached, Bethlehem, where He
was born, the Jordan, wherein He was baptized, the
Mount of the Transfiguration, Calvary, whereon His
Precious Blood was shed, the Sepulchre, in which His
Sacred Body had rested, all have long been in the hands
of our enemies ; without their permission we cannot
look upon these Holy places. But these are ancient
losses let us turn to what has happened in our own days
;

and through our own fault. We ourselves, and not our

fathers, have allowed Constantinople, the chief cit)' of
the East, to be conquered by the Turks, and while we sit

at home in slothful ease, they are pressing on to the

Danube and the Save. -In the royal cit}- of the East
they have slain the successor of Constantine and his

people, desecrated the temples of the Lord, defiled the

noble church of Justinian with their Mahometan abomi-
nations. They have destroyed the images of the Mother
of God and of the Saints, cast down altars, thrown the
relics of the Martyrs to the swine, killed the priests, dis-

honoured wives and daughters, even consecrated virgins,

and murdered the nobles of the city. At the Sultan's

ViGNA, I., 951 seq.^ may be consulted) is frequently to be met with in

MS. (Rome, Barberini Library, xxix., 152, f. I seq.^ and Vatican

Library, Cod. Vatic. 5667, f. I seq. ; British Museum, 4913, N. 7 ;

Vienna Court Library, 3449 ; Munich Librar}', Cod. 519 ; Berne

Library, Cod. 531, f. 125a scq.) and has been repeatedly puljlished.
yENEAS Sylvius, 0pp., 905 seq.\ Mansi, IL, 9-29 ;
Muller, I., 647
seq.; Labb6, XVIII., 220 j^^. ; ZiNKElSEN, II., 258 J^i^. ; Menzel, VII.,
267 seq.\ VOIGT, III., 71 seq.; Heinemann, 23.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

banquet, the image of our crucified Redeemer was dragged

through the mire and spat upon, while they shouted
'
This is the God of the Christians
!

' All these things

have been done before our eyes, yet we remain as it were
asleep, though indeed we are alert enough in fighting
among ourselves. Christians fly to arms and shed each
other's blood for any trifle, but no one will raise a hand
against the Turks who blaspheme our God, who destroy
our Churches, and seek utterly to root out the Christian
name. Truly, '
all have turned from the way ; they
are become unprofitable together ; there is none that doth
good, no, not one !
' People say, indeed, that these things
are past and cannot be undone, that now we shall have
peace ; but can we expect peace from a nation which
thirsts for our blood, which has already planted itself in

Hungary, after having subjugated Greece? Lay aside

these infatuated hopes. Mahomet will never lay down his
arms until he is either wholly victorious or completely
vanquished. Each success will be only a stepping-stone
to the next until he has mastered all the Western
Monarchs, overthrown the Christian Faith, and imposed
the law of his false prophet on the whole world."
After shewing that in the populous countries of the
West it was possible to levy forces amply sufficient to
cope with the Turks, he concludes by exclaiming :
" Oh,
that Godfrey, Baldwin, Eustace, Hugh, Boemund,
Tancred, and those other brave men who reconquered
Jerusalem, were here ! Truly they would not need so
many words to persuade them. They would stand up
and shout as they did of old before Our predecessor
Urban 'God wills it! God wills it!'
II.: You wait
in silence and unmoved for the end of Our discourse.

And it may be that there are some among you who say :

'
This Pope exhorts us to fight, and expose our lives to
 HIS PERSONAL APPEAL. 8l

the sword of the enemy ; that is the way of priests.

They lay heavy burdens on others, and will not them-
selves touch them with a finger.' Do not believe it,

my Sons ! No one who, within the memory of your

fathers, has occupied this chair has done more for the faith

of Christ than We, with your help and the grace of God,
will do. We have come here, weak enough, as you see,
not without bodily risk, and not without detriment to the
States of the Church. We have deemed the defence of
the Faith of more value than the Patrimony of St. Peter,
than our own
health and repose. Oh, had We but the
youthful vigour of former days,* you should not go without
us into battle or into danger. We ourselves would bear
the Cross of our Lord ; We would uphold the banner
of Christ against the infidel, and would think ourselves
happy if it were given to us to die for the Faith. And
now, if it seems well to you, We will not hesitate to devote
our sickly body and our weary soul to Christ the Lord in

this holy enterprise. you advise it, will We be

Gladly, if

borne in our litter into the camp, and into the battlefield
itself. Go and take counsel, and see what may be most
profitable to the Christian cause. We do not deal in fine
words, hiding a cowardly heart. We will hold nothing
back, neither person nor goods."
Bessarion, the one among the Cardinals who had
always taken the most lively interest in Oriental affairs,

answered in the name of the Sacred College. He began

by praising the Pope, and declaring that the Cardinals
were well inclined for the Holy War. In a discourse
amply garnished with Christian and classical allusions, he
described the deeds of horror perpetrated by the Turks,

* O si, quae fuerant, juvenili in corpore vires ! VoiGT, IIL, 72, rightly

conjectures these words to be taken from a classical author, but does

not mention his name. The passage is from ViRGIL, Aen., v., 475.
VOL. in. G
82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and the danger which threatened religion, concluding by

calling upon all Christian Princes and nations, for whom
our Lord had shed His blood, to take up arms against the
infidels with full confidence in the help of God.*
The Ambassadors now all expressed their adhesion,
and Francesco Sforza also declared himself ready to
comply with the Pope's wishes. The Bishop of Trieste,
who acted as the Emperor's representative, kept silence,
even when the Hungarian Ambassadors made bitter

complaints against Frederick HI. Pius H. rebuked them

for this unseemly introduction of their private quarrels.

At Assembly unanimously resolved on war against

last the

the Turks. For the carrying out of this determination,

the Pope adopted the "only expedient possible" under
the existing circumstances. He did not again call the
Congress together, but treated with each of the several
nations separately.f

* Vast, whose monograph is very defective, is mistaken (238) in

believing this discourse to be unpublished. It appeai-ed in the last
century in CONTARINI, Anecdota Veneta, 276-83. Besides the Codex
cited by Vast (National Library, Paris, Fonds Lat., 4154, f. 116-23),
I may mention the following MS. copies :— (i) Ibid.^ 12,532, f. 187
seq.\ (2) Rome, Vatican Library, Ottob. 1754; Altaemps, f. 279-80
(defective) ; Vatican, 3526, f. 26 seq. ; Vatican, 4037, p. i, f. 77-81 ;

Vatican, 5109, f. 27-33b ; (3) Florence, Laurentian Library, Plut. LIV.,

Cod. ii., f. 223 seq. According to Ersch-Gruber, IX., 298, there is
also a copy in the Library at Naples, Cod. ii., d. 44. His remarks on
the copy in BORGiA, Anecdot. Litt., are founded on a mistake. In
Cod. 4154 of the National Library, as well as in Cod. Vatic. 5109, the
following words, which are wanting in Contarini's version, are at the
conclusion of the discourse :
*" Dixi et quidem prolixius quam
debueram, sed quaeso afifectui meo id tribuendum putet tua dementia
et vestra humanitas veniamque prestetis."
t See *Letter of Fr. Sforza of 26th September 1459, State Archives,
Milan, in Appendix N. 27 Pii II. Comment. 82-3 ViGNA, I., 952-3
; ; ;

VOIGT, III., T^ ; ZiNKEISEN, II., 260 seq.

 HE CONSULTS THE ITALIAN STATES. 83

The first consultation was with the Italians, and took

place on the 27th September. The Duke of Milan, the
Marquess of Mantua, and the Marquess of Montferrat, the
Lord of Rimini, Sigismondo Malatesta, the Envoys of the
King of Naples, and those of the King of Aragon, as ruler
of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, with the representatives
of Venice, Florence, Siena, Ferrara, Lucca, and Bologna,
were present.* After some introductory remarks from the
Pope, the details of the expedition came under considera-
tion. In regard to the operations by sea, the Venetian
Envoys, though they only took part in the Council as
private individuals, were given a decisive voice. For the
prosecution of the war on land, Francesco Sforza
recommended that the best soldiers from the countries
nearest to Turkey should be chosen, because they had
most knowledge of the enemy, while Italy and the more
distant countries should contribute only money. All
present agreed to this, except Sigismondo Malatesta. " I

also," replied Pius II., with his usual tactful consideration

for the susceptibilities of his fellow-countrymen, " should

advocate the choice of Italian soldiers, whose prowess in

the field is unsurpassed, were any other nation capable of

furnishing pecuniary aid. But Italy alone can do this,
and therefore the other nations must provide men and
ships, that all the burden may not fall on one. We must
also consider that it would be difficult for us to call on

* Pn n. Comment, loc. cU. The "^Instruction of the 14th Sept.

1459, for the Sienese Envoys, desires them to represent to the Pope
the exhausted state of the resources of the city (Instruct. VIII., State
Archives of Siena). Regarding the Bolognese Envoys, see Cronica di

Bologna, 731, and *Ghirardacci, St. di Bologna, loc. cit. (Cod. 768 of
the University Library, Bologna), and Atti dell' Emilia, N.S. IV., i, 169.

Bologna also had to be exhorted to send them ; sec in Appendix, N.

17, the Brief of 28th July, 1459, State Archives, Bologna.

84 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

our captains to fight in a foreign country. Here war is

carried on with no danger to life, and for high pay.

With the Turks the strife is deadly, and the reward
rather in the next world than in this. We, therefore,

advise that for three years the clergy shall contribute the
tenth, the laity the thirtieth, and the Jews the twentieth
part of their income to the support of the war."*
The representatives of Venice and Florence, the States
which had the largest resources at their command, raised
the greatest objections to this proposal.f Both of these
Republics leaned to the side of France, which maintained
the claims of Anjou on Naples, and were accordingly
already ill-inclined towards the Pope but the narrow ;

and selfish policy of these mercantile States, which con-

sidered nothing but their own commercial interests, was '

the chief cause of their opposition to the war.

On the 30th September the representatives of the
Italian powers again assembled. The Pope insisted that

all present should, with their own hands, sign the decree
regarding the tenth, twentieth and thirtieth part. None
but the Venetian Envoys openly refused to comply with
his desire. The attitude of the Florentines was doubtful,
but it was believed that they would follow the example of
the Venetians. J Pius II., however, succeeded in making
* Pn II. Comment. 83 seq. ;
Platina, Hist. Mant., 859 ; Menzel,
VII., 270 seq. ;
ZiNKElSEN, II., 26 1 seq. ; Heinemann, 23-4. Regai-d-
ing the possibility of warfare being carried on by the mercenary bands
without bloodshed, to which Pius II. alludes in his discourse, see
BLONDUS, 394Hist., (Basil., 1559).

t Regarding the delay of both these States in sending their repre-

sentatives, s&Q supra, pp. 68 and 70. A *Letter dated 1459, Aug. 23,
at last announced to the Pope that the Florentine Orators would
shortly be sent. CI. x. dist. i. N. 51, f. 155, State Archives, Florence.

X See Appendix N. 31, *Despatch of the Sienese Envoys of the ist

Oct., 1459, State Archives, Siena.

 VENETIANS REFUSE ASSISTANCE. 85

a secret agreement with them ;* but all his efforts to win

Venice were in vain. This State continued to pursue its

ancient policy of laying down impossible conditions. It

claimed the sole command of the naval forces, the

possession of all the spoil that might be acquired, in-

demnification for all expenses ; 8000 men for service

on its ships, and a maintenance of an army of 50,CK)0

horse and 20,000 foot on the Hungarian frontier. The

Pope could not conceal his anger at the conduct of this
great power, which might have been expected to take the
foremost place in the enterprise. " You demand impossi-
bilities," he is said to have exclaimed. " Your Republic
has, indeed, degenerated. Once it prepared a magnifi-
cent fleet for the defence of the Faith, and now it cannot
furnish a single ship. You have fought well for your
allies and subjects against the Pisans and Genoese,
against Emperor and King ; and now, when you ought
to fight for Christ against the Infidels, you want to be
paid. If arms were given to you, you would not take
them. You only raise one difficulty after another in

order to prevent the war, but if you succeed, you will be

the first to suffer,"-]- All was in vain ; the Venetian Envoys
remained inflexible^

* From fear that the Turks might seize the trading vessels of the

Florentines in the Levant, the Envoys were expressly desired to treat

with the Pope " secretamente et in luogo secreto." Instruc-

tion of the 26th Sept., 1459 ; see also the ^Instruction of the ist Oct.

1459, State Archives, Florence, X., i, 53.

t Pn II. Comment. 85; Cugnoni, 197; Campanus, 980. See

Makuscev, II., 228. The**Letters of the 3rd, nth, and 27th Oct.,

1459, are characteristic of the attitude of the Venetians. Sen.

Seer. XX,, f, 19 1-4, State Archives, Venice. See also the *Despatch
of O, de Carretto, dated Mantua, 1459, Nov. 29, Ambrosian Library.
X In the middle of January 1460, G, Lolli came as Papal Legate
to Venice in order to induce the Republic to take part in the
86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The representatives of the Polish monarch afforded little

satisfaction to the Pope; a profusion of words took the

place of actual offers of assistance, and all his concessions

failed to bring about a better state of feeling.*

The results as yet obtained were small enough, but those
who surrounded the Pope deemed them sufficient to justify

a return to Rome, for Pius II. could not consider his task

accomplished while many Envoys and Princes from France

as well as from Germany were still expected.f
The Duke of Milan bade farewell to the Pope on the
2nd of October. He was, as he informed* his wife, so
busy during his last days at Mantua that he had scarcely
time to eat. He left the city on the 3rd of the month.ij:
At length, before the end of the month, the representa-
tives of Duke Louis of Savoy arrived. Notwithstanding
all the Pope's exhortations, this Prince, whose sympathies
were French, had delayed so long that the consultations

Turkish war, but he gained httle or nothing. Further details of the

negotiations are to be found in *Sen. Seer. XX., f. 204 seq., State
Archives, Venice.
* Caro, v., I, 174 seq.^ 190. Schivenoglia's statement, 142, that
the PoHsh Ambassador did not enter Mantua till the i8th Nov. must
be incorrect, as his discourse is dated the 14th of that month in Cod.
Epist. 193.
t See *Despatch of the Sienese Ambassadors of Oct. ist, 1459,
State Archives, Siena. On the 3rd Oct., 1459, Pius II. writes to
Stephano duci Bossinae :
*" Nos cum Dei auxilio et gratia foeliciter
tenemus hanc Mantuanam dietam in qua plures ex christianis
principibus personaliter venerunt et plurimos venturos speramus.
Oratores vero omnium fere nationum adsunt." Plut. LXXXX. Cod.
138, N. 35 of the Laurentian Library, Florence.
\ II duca di Milano parti mercoledi a di iii. di questo et hore xvi.

Despatch of the Sienese Envoys, dated Mantua, 1459, Oct. 5.

Schivenoglia is wrong in saying the 4th of October. See in Appendix
N. 28, 32 and 33, Sforza's ^Letters of Sept. 29 and Oct. i and 2, 1459,
State Archives, Milan.
 PIUS II. AND THE ENVOYS OF SAVOY. 87

with the Envoys had already been concluded.*

Italian
On the 19th October, when at last the Envoys appeared,
Pius II. received them in a public Consistory, and in his
address expressed his dissatisfaction in severe terms,
almost amounting to a reprimand.f In the afternoon he
left Mantua to pay a visit to the Church of Sta. Maria
delle Grazie. This venerable sanctuary lies on the other
side of the lake, five miles to the west of the City. He
spent four days in the adjacent convent ; on the Sunday
he said Mass in the Chapel of the Miraculous Picture,
and granted an Indulgence to all the faithful who should
visit the church and receive Holy Communion there on
the first Sunday of October.^
On his return to Mantua, where his absence had been
kept secret, Pius II. encountered fresh mortifications.
The first German Embassy that appeared was that of the
Archduke Albert of Austria, and its mouthpiece was
Gregor Heimburg, who, with his wonted coarseness, laid

* SCHIVENOGLIA, 141, says that the Envoys of Savoy arrived on

the 9th Oct.; but the incorrectness of this statement is shewn by a
**Brief of the loth Oct. to the Bishop of Turin, Lib. brev. 9, f. 84.

See in Appendix N. 12, 20, and 30, the *Briefs to the Duke, of the
1st June, 6th Aug., and 30th Sept., 1459, Secret Archives of the
Vatican. I found a fourth *Brief of the same description of the
3rd Sept. in the Codex of the Laurentian Library, Florence, mentioned
in p. 86, note t.

t " El papa ieri mattina fe concistoro publico per la venuta di mi

ambasciatori del duca di Savoia, quali anno facto grandissime offerte

publice." Despatch of the Sienese Envoys, dated Mantua, 1459,

Oct. 20, State Archives, Siena. The speech of Pius IL is in ManSI,
n., 204-5.

X See PelleGRETTI, Madonna delle Grazie, 39 seg., 54, 64 WAD- ;

DING, XIII., 151. Schivenoglia, 141, wrongly gives the 22nd Oct.
as the date of Pius II.'s departure; the 19th of Oct. is also named
in the Despatch of the Sienese Envoys cited in the above note from
the State Archives, Siena.
 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

himself out to annoy and insult the Pope. At the audience

accorded to him on the 29th October, he did not even
uncover his head, and the tone of his speech was sneer-
ing and contemptuous. On two other occasions Heim-
burg spoke in the Pope's presence, once in the name of
Duke William of Saxony, and again in that of Duke
Sigismund of the Tyrol, who, himself, came in person on
the loth November. In the last of these discourses he
had the insolence to remind Pius II. of the love-letters
which, as .^neas Sylvius Piccolomini, he had composed
for the youthful Sigismund.*
The appearance of the Tyrolese Duke in Mantua was
not due to the Turkish question, but merely to a private
dispute with Cardinal Cusa, who had already betaken
himself to the Pope.f
The Envoys from France and Germany, who appeared
in the latter part of November, displayed no more zeal
than their predecessors. The fact that the representa-
tives of these great powers, who ought to have been the
first to answer the Pope's summons, did not come until
the end of the Congress was in itself sufficiently strange.
It would have been well if even then they had manifested
some goodwill towards the great cause which filled the
soul of the Pope.
The dislike of Charles VII. of France, to the Crusade,

was evinced by the efforts made by his Envoys in Venice to

* VoiGT, III., 77-8, loo-ioi ; here are particulars concerning the dis-

courses of Heimburg which are preserved in Cod. 522 of the State

Library at Munich. The account given by Brockhaus, 141 seq.^ is very
unsatisfactory. See also Denkschr. der Wiener Akad., IX., 277 seq. ;

J ACER, I., 331 seq. ; Gebhardt, 30 seq.

t SCHIVENOGLIA, 1 42, is mistaken in giving the 24th October as the
day of Cusa's arrival ; see Pius II.'s Brief of the 6th October in Jager,
I., 330-1.
 HIS ADDRESS TO THE FRENCH ENVOY. 89

dissuade the Republic from taking part in it.* InMantua

they pursued the same course. On the 14th November
they reached the city simultaneously with the Envoys of
King Rene and of the Duke of Brittany, j-
Soon afterwards came the Margrave Charles of Baden,
and the Bishops of Eichstatt and Trent. In the first :|:

audience granted to the French on the 21st November,

they did homage, and everything passed quietly. Pius II.

in the discourse which he addressed to them insisted on

the plenitude of the Papal power. No one, he said, was
to imagine that the authority of Councils could limit the
power which God Himself had established in the throne
of St. Peter. To oppose to it the opinions of any body
of men, however learned, was wholly inadmissible, and had
been condemned by the Council of Florence. All Catholic
Princes are subject to the Roman Church. §

* See Bibl. de I'JEcole des Chartes, III., 184 seq. (1841), and Dansin,
Hist, de Charles VII., 409 seq. From the *Report of the Sienese
Ambassadors, dated Mantua, 1459, October 5 (State Archives, Siena),
it is evident that Pius II. at once perceived the real import of the

French Embassy to Venice. Charles VII. exerted his influence in

Genoa for the same purpose ; see Giornale Ligustico di arch, storia
dir. da Belgrano e Neri, III., 132 seq. (1876).
t Pii Comment. 85 seq.; Jean de Reilhac, 1., 78 seq.;
II.

Matthieu d'Escouchy, II., 393-4. Letter of Jean de Chambes in

Bibl. de I'Ecole des Chartes, III., 195 (184 1). Report of Nicolas Petit in

d'Achery, III., 806 seq., and the Relation de I'ambassade envoyee par
Charles VII. a Mantoue, published by M. de Beaucourt in L'Annuaire
Bulledn de la Soc. d'Hist. de France, II. (Paris, 1864), where is the
correct date of the entry of the Ambassadors, which VoiGT, III., 81,
erroneously assigns to the i6th November. See also Magent.\, I., 436.
X According to Schivenoglia, 142, the Margrave of Baden and the
Bishop of Trent rode into Mantua on the 17th November with three
hundred and forty horses.

§ ManSI, II., 31-7. See the authorities cited in note* and VoiGT,
III., 83.
90 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The deliberations on the NeapoHtan affairs demanded

by the Envoys took place on the 30th November.* Those
of King Rene and of the Genoese were present, also the
Margrave of Baden, not, however, in his character of
Imperial Ambassador. The Dukes of Brittany and Savoy
were represented, but no one appeared on behalf of
Burgundy or of Venice. Sigismund of the Tyrol did
not take part in the audience. To the great regret of
the Pope he suddenly left Mantua just before it, without
having settled his dispute with Cusa. The spokesman of
the French Embassy began by an enthusiastic eulogy of
the " nation of the Lily " and its King, whose right to
Naples he sought to establish, and then bitterly attacked
the Pope's Italian policy. Ferrante's investiture was a
wrong to the Royal House of France, and the refusal to

allow Piccinino to pass through the Papal States an act

of injustice. Finally, he demanded that Pius II, should
cancel all that he had done in Ferrante's favour, and
confer Naples on King Rene. The Pope, who listened
with much patience to the discourse, answered in a few
words. Hitherto, he informed them, in dealing with
questions of this kind he had always acted in conjunction
with the Sacred College, and from this practice he did not
mean to depart. At the same time he requested the
French to present their claims in writing, as was usual at
the Papal Court.
On the following day Pius II. received the represen-
tatives of the Emperor and the other German powers,
and at a later hour those of the Duke of Brittany ; the
latter were especially praised, because their master had

* Pn II. Comment. 87; VoiGT, III., 84 seq.; see the interesting

^Despatch of the Sienese Envoys of the ist December 1459 (State
Archives, Siena), and that of O. de Carretto of the same day (Ambro-
sian Library) ; see Appendix N. 35.
 HE DEFENDS HIS ACTION IN NAPLES. 9I

repudiated the Pragmatic Sanction, and adhered faithfully

to the Holy See.* After this the Pope sent word that he
was ill.

The French now gave in their proposals in writing.-f

The speech in which Pius II. replied is a master-piece
of its kind. J He would not deny, he said, at the beginning
of a discourse which took three hours to deliver, that he
was a sinner, but he had yet to be convinced that he had
done any injustice to P'rance. France had done much
for the Church, but the Church had also done much for

France. They required impossibilities. He could not

remove the Archbishop of Genoa without transgressing
the Canon Law, according to which bishops might not
be translated against their will without trial. What had
been done in Naples was in accordance with reason and
justice. Going back to the past, he urged, in defence of
the changeable policy of his predecessors, the necessities
own action by the force
of the times, and justified his
of circumstances. was not he who had excluded the
It

French from Lower Italy he had found them already ;

shut out. The Aragonese claimant had been acknow-

ledged by the Barons at Capua not a single voice was ;

then raised in favour of Rene. The chief powers of

* See the *Despatches of the Sienese Envoys and of the Milanese

Orator of the ist Dec, 1459. Regarding the audience of the Envoys
of the Duke of IJrittany, see VoiGT, III., 89.

t *Propositiones legatorum regis Franciae factae in conventu coram

S.D.N. Pio II., 1459. Cod. 215, f. -JT^ seq., State Library, Munich.

t Such is the opinion of VoiGT, III., 85. The discourse is printed in

Mansi, II., 40-72, and d'Acherv, III., 811-20, and was disseminated
in many MS. copies, even as far as Sicily. According to information
kindly furnished by Prof. Gaetano Millunzio, there is one to be found
at Monreale in Sicily, in a Codex left by Auxias Despuig de Podio,
Archbishop of Monreale, 1458-83, a Prelate whose sympathies were
with Aragon ; see PiRRO, Sicilia Sacra, I., 404-5.
92 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Italy, Venice, Milan and Florence begged us to grant

investiture to Ferrante ; had we refused them, the Church
was threatened with a dangerous war. We could only
have supported the Duke of Calabria if he had been on the
spot, and as powerful as his rival. Therefore, in con-
sideration of the danger to the States of the Church, and
in view of the most necessary war with the Turks, we
determined to grant investiture to Ferrante ; his coronation

was a necessary consequence of this step which we were

compelled to take. The Pope further maintained, that
he had never injured King Rene, but had been repeatedly
injured and deceived by him ; above all he had been
greatly distressed by the despatch of a fleet against
Naples during this very Congress, and the consequent
disturbance of the peace of Italy.
It was impossible to cancel all that had been granted
to Ferrante in favour of Rene without giving the former a
hearing. The Pope had not deprived Rene of anything,
or even denied his right to the throne. How could he
now dispossess Ferrante until his cause had been heard ?

If a legal decision were desired, the sword must be

sheathed. He would be a just judge.
In regard to the other demand of a free passage
through the States of the Church for Piccinino, Pius II.

insisted on the untrustworthiness of the promises given

by such mercenary chiefs. He solemnly declared it

to be the duty of Christians, in presence of the danger

threatened by the Turks, to preserve peace among them-
selves. On
no condition would he permit the Neapolitan
difference to be settled by war. If an appeal to arms
were resorted to in this case there was reason to fear that
the whole of Italy might become involved. This was the
ardent desire of the Turks. But
was the duty of the it

French, formerly such powerful champions of the Catholic

 HE CONDEMNS THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION. 93

Faith, now to help in attacking the enemy. The French

Monarch, called by universal consent the Most Christian
King, had a great task before him, and the Pope awaited
suitable proposals from his Ambassadors.
At the conclusion of his discourse, the Pope spoke of
his desire that the French nation should be blameless.
This, however, could not be the case until the stain of
the Pragmatic Sanction was effaced. By this measure
the authority of the Holy See was impaired, the power
of religion weakened, the Church robbed of her freedom
and universality.Laymen were constituted judges of the
clergy. The Bishop of Rome, whose cure extends over
the whole world, and is not bounded by any ocean, is

only allowed in France such jurisdiction as it pleases the

Parliament to grant him. "If we let this continue," said

the Pontiff, "we destroy the liberty and unity of the Church,
and turn her into a many-headed monster. The King has
not indeed perceived this ; it must be pointed out to him,

thathe may abandon this course, and really merit the

name of Most Christian."*

The French Envoys in a private audience made a
feeble reply. Their chief endeavour was to justify the
King in regard to the Pragmatic Sanction
action of their ;

they again recommended their petitions to the consider-

ation of the Holy Father.f

The audiences of the representatives of King Rene and
the Duke of Calabria gave rise to somewhat stormy
encounters. The former desired to issue a protest against
the adverse attitude of the Pope in regard to the inves-
titure, and Pius H. threatened, if they adopted this

course, to proceed against them as heretics. " But the

* Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 114-18; VoiGT, III., 86-8; see
Dansin, 257.
t VoiGT, III., 88 ; Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 1 18-19.
94 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

full vials of his wrath were poured out upon the Envoys
of the Duke of Calabria, who had carried off the fleet
destined to attack the Turks from Marseilles, and begun
the disturbances in Italy. The Pope received them with
angry looks, and would hardly listen to their address."*

The real object of the Congress was thus thrust into

the background by the Neapolitan question. When

Pius II. again insisted upon it, and plainly asked the
French Envoys what assistance their King meant to give,
they answered that it was useless to discuss this matter

so long as the war between France and England con-

tinued. When the Pope expressed his intention of sum-
moning an assembly to arrange these differences, they
replied that the initiative King must rest with their
They also declined tobody of
furnish even a small
troops. The representatives of Genoa and of King Rene
spoke, as was to be expected, in the same sense. Envoys
at last arrived from England, " but they came rather with

a view of finding some remedy for the unhappy condition

of their country than with the intention of doing any-
thing for the cause of Christendom."!
* VoiGT, III., 89-90; in the letter of September 29th, 1460, King
Rene to the Count Palatine of the Rhine, says in regard to Pius II.
*" Oratores insuper illustris precarissimi filii nostri Calabrie vel
Lotharingie ducis viros graves ad se transmissos ore et facie turbida
vix in sua relacione audire voluit, eisque diversimode et quod de rege
alio iam providerat comminatus fuit." Court Library at Vienna.
t Pll II. Comment. 88 ; Zinkeisen, II., 266 seq. ; VOIGT, III., 91.

Regarding Genoa, see Vigna, I., 16 seq.^ 35 seq.; III., 2, 465 seq.;
CiPOLLA, 527 ; and A. Neri, Di Gottardo Stella, specialmente della sua
legazione al concilio di Mantova nel 1459 ; Giornale Ligustico, III.,

125-39 ^cf. A. Neri, Scritti di storia patria, Genova, 1876). It is

much to be wished that the *Instruction for the Genoese Envoys

preserved in the Archives of Genoa (Instruct, i) were also printed.
Pius II. sent the Bishop of Terni (Interamnensis, not Teramo, as
Brown in the Cal. of State Papers, 89-92, and in the document we
 PROMISE OF A GERMAN CONTINGENT. 95

Notwithstanding his frequent disappointments, the

Pope still cherished some hope of better success with the
Germans. But here also disunion reigned supreme. " The
representatives of the Emperor could not come to an
agreement with those of the Electors and Princes, nor
the latter with each other or with the Envoys of the
cities."*

These dissensions were zealously fomented by Gregor

Heimburg. With a mind soured by disappointment, and
steeped in the ideas of the Council of Basle, he raged
equally against both Pope and Emperor. Pius II., there-
fore, must have greatly rejoiced when, on the 19th of
December, the Germans came to an agreement with each
other, which had at least a show of sincerity, although in
reality the strife was merely postponed.-]- The contingent
of 32,000 infantry and 10,000 horse, formerly promised
to Nicholas V., was granted. The details were to be
arranged with the Apostolic Legates in two diets, one of
which was to be held in Nuremberg and the other in

Austria, in order to settle the dispute between the

Emperor and Hungary.
shall cite, reads it), Francesco Coppini, as Nuncio to England see ;

Theiner, Mon. Hibern., 423. This man made so bad a use of his
ecclesiastical and diplomatic position that Pius II. disavowed him, and

caused him to be confined in a monastery. See Pauli, Gesch. von

England, V., 343; VoiGT, III., 190 Calendar of State Papers,
;

"Venice," I., 89 seq.; and BROWN, L'Archivio di Venezia, V., 172-3

(1865).
* DrOYSEN, II., I. 156 ;
VOIGT, III., 92.

t VoiGT, III., 97. With regard to the agreement between the

Emperor and the Pope as to the division of the money contributed for
the war, VoiCT observes (94-5), tliat although there is the greatest
probability in its favour, circumstances make it impossible to produce
documentary proof of it. See also Gebhardt, 32 seq. According
to GoTTLOB, Camera Ap., part 3 shews that in the 1 5th century the
tithes and indulgence-alms were in most cases divided.
96 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

On the following day letters of invitation were sent to

all the Princes and States of the Empire. The Pope, in
the most pressing terms, urged them to appoint Envoys
with full powers. The diet at Nuremberg was to be held
on Invocavit Sunday, 2nd March, and that at the
Emperor's Court on Judica Sunday, 30th March.*
Similar summonses were issued on the 21st January 1460,
in the name of Frederick Ill.f

The thorny post of German Legate was confided to

Cardinal Bessarion.J The Emperor, by a Bull of the

* The form of the Brief issued on the 20th December is in

Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 72 (see VoiGT, III., 98, 219). The

Archives of the German cities contain many such documents, e.g.^

Breslau (see Script. Rer. Sil., viii., 36), Frankfort (see Janssen, II.,

142), and Cologne. In the copy in the Archives of Cologne some

variations occur, as opporiuna for optima, and convettiat for oporteat.

t Letter to Frankfort in Janssen, II., 142 (where the date is wrongly

stated as the i8th instead of the 21st January), on the same day to the

Burgomaster and Council of Cologne in the Archives of that city

(Kaiserschreiben) ; to the Confederates in TSCHUDY, Chronic. Helvet.,

II., 594-5. These are in German. That to the city of Lucca, dated
Vienna, 1460, January 21st, is in Latin. "If the time is too short, they
might send their Envoys to the second Diet " (State Archives, Lucca).
Lett. orig. 444 (honorabil. et prudent, gubernatoribus et consulibus
civitatis Lucan. nostris et imperii sacri fidelibus dilectis). Similar
letters from the Emperor to Florence (State Archives, Florence, X.,
2-23, f 89) and to the city of Pavia in the Fonds Ital., 1588, f 288,
National Library, Paris.

X The Bull of the 15th January, 1460, is in Raynaldus, ad an. 1460,

N. 18, and in part in *Regest. 475, f 49. A complete copy also exists
in the city Archives of Frankfort-on-Main, R. T. A., IV., f. 21-23,
attached to which are fol. 24 the Beslosse des tags zu M. The
whole in form of a pamphlet. The nomination of Bessarion took
place on the 2nd January in a Secret Consistory. *Report of the
Sienese Envoys of this day, State Archives, Siena. Register 474,
{. 283 seq. Numerous Faculties for Bessarion, dated Mantuae, 1459,
(st. fl.), prid. Id., Jan. A° 2°, are in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 MARGRAVE ALBERT OF BRANDENBURG. 97

1 2th January, 1460, was appointed commander of the

German Crusading army, and if unable personally to
take part in the expedition, he was empowered to appoint

a German Prince to take his place.*

The Pope made it very evident that he wished this

post conferred on the Margrave Albert of Brandenburg,

who, to his great joy, had arrived in Mantua at the end
of 1459. f Pius II. had always had great confidence in
the military capacity of this Prince, and now showered
"
praises and presents upon him. The German " Achilles
saw his opportunity, and wliile flattering to the utmost
the fancies of the Pope, sedulously applied himself to
obtaining Bulls from him curtailing the jurisdiction of
the Bishops of WiJrzburg and Bamberg, and enabling
him to gain a firmer footing in Franconia. ^

On the 14th January, special Collects composed for the

occasion were introduced in the High Mass celebrated
by the Pope.§ At its conclusion the Bull ordaining a

* Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 20. Other copies are noticed by

Lichnowsky-Birk, Reg., N. 303.
t SCHIVENOGLIA, 1 43. In August and September Pius II. had most
urgently invited Albert, and he had promised to come ; see in

Appendix N. 21, 26, and 29, the Briefs of the 13th August, and 9th
and 30th September. Secret Archives of the Vatican and Laurentian
Library.

J VOIGT, III., 105 ; HOFMANN, Barbara, 15 ; Droysen, II., i, 157 ;

Kluckhohn, 133 ; MiJNTZ, I., 310. Regarding the honourable recep-

tion of the Margrave of Brandenburg by Pius II., see the *Report of
Leodrisio Crivelli to the Duke of Milan, dated Mantua, 6th January,

1459 (1460), Fonds Ital., 1588, f. 219, National Library, Paris.

§ The Preces habitae a Pio II. in Missa solemni Mantuae, xiv.

Januarii, 1460, in Plut. LXXXIX. Sup. 16, f. i4oa-b of the Laurentian

Library are not unpublished as VoiGT, III., 106, supposes, but are identi-
cal with those given by Mansi, II., 84-6, and are evidently the Versiculi
alluded to in the Comment. 93. The date (14th Jan.) assigned in this
MS. to the close of the Congress has more probability to support it
VOL. in. H
98 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

three years' crusade against the Turks was published. It

was decreed that on every Sunday during Holy Mass the

Divine assistance should be invoked for the Christian
arms. A Plenary Indulgence was granted to every one
who, for the space of eight months, should personally
take part in the expedition. The same Indulgence was
granted to all convents and religious communities which
should maintain for eight months, at their own expense,
one soldier for every ten of their members.*
The necessary Decrees for obtaining the pecuniary
resources required for the Holy War were issued simul-
taneously with this Bull. The Holy Se'e " itself led
the way with a good example." f The whole Papal
Court, that is to say, all officials paid by the Holy See
and out of the Papal treasury, were required, like

the rest of the clergy, to contribute a tithe of their

income. The laity, especially those in Italy, were to
pay a thirtieth, and the Jews a twentieth part.:[: Col-

than that adopted by Voigt loc. cit. (19th Jan.), for Cardinals Colonna
and Orsini left Mantua on the i6th ; see Schivenoglia, 143-4.
* Bull " Ecclesiam Christ!," Reg. 474, f. 256b-259b. Raynaldus, ad
an. 1460, N. 1-7, and Theiner, Mon. Hung., II., 366-9. The Bull is
frequently to be met with in MS., and there is a copy in the State
Archives at Mantua. VoiGT, III., 106, remarks concerning this Bull:
"All other Indulgences, with the sole exception of those granted to
the visit to Roman churches, are declared by the Pope to be revoked,
which was equivalent to telling the faithful who thought they had
already purchased bliss that they must pay for it over again." It is

lamentable that a serious student should betray such ignorance on a

point which has been repeatedly explained. Apart from the funda-
mental errors of his statement (for according to the Catholic doctrine
a remission of sins is not a synonym for bliss, nor beatitude a thing
that can possibly be purchased). Indulgences already gained were in

nowise affected by the Decree of Pius II.

t VoiGT, III., 107.

X Register 474, f. 333-5, Secret Archives of the Vatican. Bull

 CLOSE OF THE CONGRESS. 99

lectors were appointed in great numbers to gather in the

money.*
In his farewell discourse Pius II. again summed up the
results of the Assembly ; he looked upon them as far

from satisfactory, yet not altogether hopeless. He then

closed the Congress with a solemn prayer :
" Almighty,
eternal God, who hast deigned to redeem the human
race by the Precious Blood of Thy Beloved Son, and to
raise the world which was sunk in darkness to the light
of the Gospel, grant, we beseech Thee, that the Christian
Princes and nations may so valiantly take up arms
against the Turks and all the other enemies of the Cross,
that they may be victorious, to the Glory of Thy Name."f
On the 19th January, 1460, the Pope left Mantua
for Siena, his feeble health making a season of rest
absolutely necessary after the labours and agitations of
the Congress. ;j:

" Pugnantium contra Amalech hostem," dated Mantuae, 1459 (st. fl.)

decimo nono Gal. Febr. A° 2° (tithe from the clergy), f. 2 59b-26o ;

" Si ecclesiasticos omnes," f. 262-3. " Prospicientes de summo apos-

tolatus apice" (thirtieth part from the laity), XIX. Gal. Febr. A° 2°;
see Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 7 seq.
* Register 474, f 310 seq.

t Mansi, Orat., 11., 78-86.

X Acta Consist., f 28b, Secret Archives of the Vatican ; Istoria Bresc,

892 SCHIVENOGLIA, 144 WADDING, Xlll., 152. N. DELLA TUCCIA,
; ;

261, wrongly places his departure on the 22nd, the *Cronica di Forli
(Library of Prince Boncompagni, see supra, p. 56) on the 17th, and
VoiGT, 111., 109, on the 20th January. The greater part of the Pope's
journey, which brought him through Revere, Bologna, Firenzuola,
S. Pietro a Sieve, Florence, S. Casciano, and Poggibonsi, is described
by the Protonotary Teodoro de Montefiore in his *Report to the
Marchioness Barbara, dated Siena, 1460, Feb. 6th (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). He describes in detail the suffering state of Pius 11., who
arrived at Siena on the 31st January. The inscription still to be seen on
the unfinished wall of the Cathedral of that city refers to this visit of
100 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

A short time before his departure, Pius II. had pub-

lished an important Bull in defence of the monarchical
constitution of the Church. It was directed against the
custom of appealing from the Pope to a general Council,
which was an outcome of the false teaching regarding the
supremacy of Councils, and which still prevailed, notwith-
standing the prohibition of Martin V. Under Calixtus
III., the clergy of Rouen and the University of Paris
appealed against the levy of the Turkish tithes. It was
to be expected that such appeals, which had always been
the war-cry of the opposition, would now b^ repeated in
connection with a similar question.
Pius II. said that the continuation of this practice
" must end in the complete degradation of the Papal
authority and the dissolution of all ecclesiastical orders.

It was in itself an absurdity to appeal to a non-existent

judge, to a tribunal which, even if the decrees of the
Council of Constance were literally carried out, would
meet only once in ten years."* Accordingly,! with the

the Pope :
"
1459 (st. fl.) a di V di febraio PPA., P. II. vene in questa
butiga."
*D0LLINGER, II., 1,350; Hergenrother, Staat und Kirche,966j'^'^.
DE Maistre, Du Pape, 7 seq. (Louvain, 182 1) Beets, 81 Walter, ; ;

Kirchenrecht, p. 371, 14th edition; Katholik, I., 307 (1850); ROHR-

BACHER-Knopfler, 223 Freib. Kirchenlexikon, I., 1158^-^^., 2nd ed.
;

When Ranke, Deutsche Gesch., I., 234, remarks " The respect gained :

by the Councils only induced the Pope to pronounce it damnable to

appeal to a Council " one might enquire, iibi nexus ? In any case
;

Ranke passes too lightly over the Bull whose " far-reaching import

is justly pointed out by Voigt.

t Bull "Execrabilis et pristinis temporibus." Bull. V., 149-50,
in Pn II. Comment. 91-2, with the date: XV. Cal. Febr. (= i8th
January). VoiGT, III., 103, observes that Raynaldus, ad an. 1460,
N. 10, gives us to understand, on the authority of the Vatican Register,
that the Bull was not published till the 23rd January. This date is

disproved by the fact that Pius II. left Mantua on the 20th January
 APPEALS TO A COUNCIL CONDEMNED. lOI

consent of the Cardinals, he renewed for the future, under

pain of excommunication, the prohibitions of previous
Popes and denounced all such appeals as had already
been made.

(19th ; see supra, p. 99), and even in the Bull " Infructuosos palmites"in
Raynaldus, ibid., N. 35, the 19th January is mentioned by the Pope as
the day of the publication of the Bull " Execrabilis." On reference to
the Register cited by Raynaldus, I found that in X. Register, 475,
f. 1 98- 98b, decimo Cal. April, originally stood as the date of the Bull
1

"Execrabilis," and had been altered into sextodecimo Cal. Febr.

The ^Register, 502, f. 280, has Dat. Mantuae, 1459, decimo Cal. April.,

A° 2°, and above the Bull in more recent ink : XXIX. April. (Secret
Archives of the Vatican). The copy of the Bull in the Archives of
Brixen has Mantuae, XV. Cal. Febr., 1459 (JaGER makes a gross
mistake in the CEsterreich. Archiv., IV., 316, by referring the Bull
to the year 1459, and then calmly marks the following Register
"Pius II. invites Duke Sigismund to Mantua"). A copy in the State

Archives, Dresden, loc. 7384, f 200, bears the same date as that at
Brixen. In the Indiculus Bull. Ord. Seraph., ed. Fr. Petrus de Alva et
Astorga, II., 42 (Romas, 1655), the Bull "Execrabilis" is dated the
"XVI. Cal. Febr."
 CHAPTER III.

The contest for the Neapolitan Throne and its re-

action ON the States of the Church. The Repub- —
lican movement in Rome, 1460-61. Favour shewn to
the Piccolomini and the Sienese. — Humiliation of the
Savelli and Malatesta,

While Pius II. was seeking to unite the Christian

Princes against Islam, the dispute in Italy between the
houses of Anjou and Aragon had broken out into open
war. King Charles VII. of France espoused the Ange-
vine party, and made over to King Rene for the expedition
against Ferrante of Naples, the twenty-four galleys which
Cardinal Alain had collected for the Turkish war.* In
the beginning of October 1459, Rene's son, Duke John of
Calabria, appeared before Naples with these ships. His
hope that an insurrection would break out against the
King, who was absent in Calabria, was disappointed.
Accordingly he sailed back and landed at the mouth of

* Pll II. Comment. 94; SiMONETA, 696-9; Chronica di Bologna,

732; see the Brief of Pius II. to Carvajal in Raynaldus, ad an.

1459, N. 78, and that to *E. Barbaro, Bishop of Verona, dated Senis,
4 Junii, A° 2°. The Holy See here complains, "non vident quid de
triremibus iUis sit factum que per dil. fihum nostrum Card. Avinion.
apost. sedis legatum in portibus GaUicanis pro subventione fidei sunt
fabricate : sine ulla licentia, sine indulto apost. sedis armate sunt
contra Christianos et per hec nostra maria quottidie volitant. Cruciate
ilia fuit pecunia in obsequium Dei, in opus fidei, in subventionem
Christifidelium, non oppressionem proximorum collecta." Lib. brev. 9,
f. 1 14b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 ANGEVINE ATTACK ON NAPLES. IO3

the Volturno.* This was the signal for a general rising

against Ferrante under the leadership of the ancient

Angevine party and the most powerful of the feudal lords,
and the cause of the house of Aragon seemed lost.
Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, strenuously opposed
the pretensions of the Angevines. Clearly perceiving
that the success of the French in Italy, and their establish-
ment in Naples, must destroy the political independence
of the Peninsula, he induced the Pope to take Ferrante's
part. Florence and Venice professed neutrality ;-|- on the
other hand, the Condottiere, Jacopo Piccinino, managed
to elude thePapal Legate and Federigo of Urbino, and
march southwards along the coast to assist the insur-
gents.
Military operations began in the spring of 1460. The
Milanese forces wefe commanded by Alessandro, Fran-
cesco's brother, and the Papal troops by Simonetto. When
the Duke of Calabria approached the city of Nola, Ferrante,
with the army of the Pope, advanced to meet him. On
* Giornali Napolit., 1133 ;
Simoneta, 699-700; N. DELLA TUCCIA,
260 ; Cagnola, 147. The authorities and works concerning the
Neapolitan war are enumerated by VoiGT, III., 133 seq.^ where,
however, the work of P. Mazio, La guerra di Ferdinando d'Aragona e
di Renato d'Anjou (pubhshed in Saggiatore, L, 177 ^^17.)— important
on account of its extracts from the Gaetani Archives, Rome — is
omitted. Mazio has, however, by no means exhausted the treasures
of these private Archives. In the Index of MSS. I found a great many
other documents concerning the Neapolitan war mentioned ; see also

Carinci, Lettere di O. Gaetani, 128 scq. (Roma, 1870). Lecoy de la

Marche, I., 289 seq., also brings forward some new documents ; the
picture here given is certainly very one-sided, II., 433 seq., the com-
piler furnishes valuable extracts from a Chronica di Napoli in the
Brancacciana Library at Naples, 2 G. 11. Regarding G. Pontano as the
historian of this war, see the article in Rivist. Univers., 1874, Ouob.,

529 seq.
t See supra, p. 75 ; Buser, Beziehungen, 94-5.
I04 HISTORY OF THE TOPES.

the 7th July the Neapohtan king having rashly attacked

the enemy, who was encamped in the little town of
Sarno, a few miles from the capital, was completely
defeated. His troops were for the most part taken
prisoners, and he himself escaped with but twenty horse-
men to Naples. Almost all the chiefs, and most of
the cities of the Campagna, with the exception of Naples,
joined the Angevine party.*
Had the enemies of Ferrante been more united among
themselves, and more energetic, the consequences of the
victory at Sarno might have been far ^more serious
than they were. As it was, the King, who was
powerfully supported by Milan, found time to recover
his strength.

At the end of July a sharp encounter also took place in

the north. On the 22nd of the month, at San Fabiano,
not far from Ascoli, Piccinino attacked the army com-
manded by Alessandro Sforza and Federigo of Urbino,
and a sharp engagement ensued. Neither side could
claim the victory, but eventually Alessandro and Federigo
were obliged to retreat. •]-

Pius n., who had been at the baths of Macerata and

* SiMONETA, 710-13 ; Pll II. Comment. 104-5 ; Raynaldus, ad

an. 1460, N. 62 ; NOTAR Giacomo, 102 ; Cronica di Napoli in Lecoy de
LA Marche, II., 434 ; two undated letters from Ferrante to Pius II. in

SUMMONTE, III., 296-8. I found in the State Archives at Milan

(Napoli e Sicilia, III.) the letter mentioned by Simoneta, similar to the
first printed by Summonte, in which Ferrante informs Fr. Sforza of his
defeat, dated Naples, 1460, July 7. Details of the encounter are also
given in the *Letter of the Duke of Calabria to the Prince of Rossano,
Marino da Marzano, written on the battlefield on the 7th July, and sent
on the 9th by the Prince to Caterina Orsini. Both letters are in the

Gaetani Archives, Rome. See also Carinci, /oc. cit.^ supra, p. 103, note*.
t Cronica di Bologna, 734 ; Simoneta, 714 scq. ; Chronic. Eugub.,

997 ; CiPOLLA, 492, N. 3.

 INDECISION OF PIUS II. I05

Petriolo to seek relief from his old enemy the gout * was
at Siena when he received the evil tidings. As early as

May, King Rene had sent an unsuccessful embassy to

induce the Pope, by threats of insurrection in Avignon
and an appeal to a Council, to abandon the cause of
Ferrante.f But the unfortunate issue of the battles at

Sarno San Fabiano so alarmed Pius II. that he

and
began to waver. He seems even to have thought of
"yielding to the pressure of the French and forsaking
Ferrante." The representations of the Duke of Milan,
who " had the most urgent interest in this war," and the
concessions of Ferrante, held the Pope in this critical

moment to his agreement. :|:

Ferrante not only made
over the little city of Castiglione della Pescaja, in

Tuscany, and the island of Giglio to the Pope's nephew,

Andrea, but also renounced his claim to Terracina.
After the battle of Sarno, a party adverse to the French
interest had there arisen which besought the protection of
the Church. Pius 11. upon this sent his nephew Antonio,

* See PORTIOLI, VI., 3, 9, II, 15, ig, 20, according to the Acts of the
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. (O. de Carretto, writing from Siena on the
5th April, 1460, to Francesco Sforza, says : "*La Sta. de N.S. sta. pur

alquanto pegio de le sue gotte quale 11 danno grande noia " (Ambrosian
Library). The sufferings of the Pope, and spring as the time for

baths, are also mentioned in Card. Papien. Epist., f. 37b. See also
Haeser, I., 748.
t See VOIGT, III., 143. See the **Brief to the Cardinal de Foix of
the 24th May, 1460. Secret Archives of the Vatican, Lib. brev. 9,

f. 109.

X SiMONETA, 713-16 ; VoiGT, III., 1 14. On the *i ith August, 1460,

Pius II. begged the Duke of Milan to send troops quickly to Naples,

and also promised himself to despatch further succour. (Secret

Archives of the Vatican, Lib. brev. 9, f. 131b.) IMd. a second urgent
Brief s. d. (the previous Brief is dated Senis, 19th August, A° 2°)
requires Fr. Sforza to support Ferrante.
I06 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

who occupied this important city, which was the key of

the Campagna. The King of Naples and Francesco Sforza
were both equally dissatisfied with this proceeding, but they
were compelled to submit if they wished to retain the
alliance of Pius II.* The Pope won the goodwill of the
inhabitants " by confirming their municipal constitution and
other privileges, and acceding to their request that the Jews
might be allowed to settle in their city, and enjoy its free-

dom and rights." f

Meanwhile the strife in Naples was reacting most

injuriously on Rome. As long as Nicholas of Cusa, who
had been appointed Papal Vicar-General, remained in the
city, all was quiet, a fact acknowledged with commenda-

tion in many of the Pope's Briefs.;]: Soon after his depar-

ture, however, we hear of riots and outrages, and the
citizens anxiously desired the return of the Pope.§ In a
Brief of February ist, 1460, Pius again alludes to dis-

turbances in Rome, and charges the Senators of the city

to repress these "daily recurring scandals."|| Contem-
* Regarding Castiglione della Pescaja, which Alfonso of Aragon had
taken from the Florentines in 1448, see Simoneta, 727 ; Thomasius,
61 ; Marini, II., 162 ; and the *Brief to King Ferrante of 15th April,

1460, Secret Archives of the Vatican, see Appendix N. 40. For

the acquisition of Terracina, see Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 65 ;

Contatore, 120. The determination with which Pius II. claimed

Terracina appears from the ^Despatches of Otto de Carretto, dated
Sancto Quiricho, 17th September, 1460, and Rome, October 14th, 1460.
State Archives, Milan.
t Contatore, 121-5 Sugenheim, 336.
;

X See in Appendix N. 15 the *Brief of June 9th, 1459. Secret

Archives of the Vatican.
§ Briefs of the 27th November, 1459, in the Laurentian Library,
Florence, and of 30th January, 1460, in the Secret Archives of the
Vatican ; see Appendix N. 34 and 36.

II
*Brief of February ist, 1460. Lib. brev. 9, f. 99, Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
 ANARCHY IN ROME. lO/

porary chroniclers inform us that two bands of lawless

youths had formed themselves in Rome, who were
perpetually at war with each other, and had ended by
establishing a veritable reign of terror. Rape, plunder,
and murder were the order of the da)'.* The municipal
authorities did little or nothing to restore order, hoping
that the continuance of this state of anarchy would induce
Pius II. to return. On the 30th March the Pope expressed
to the Conservators his surprise that they could suffer
these excesses to be perpetrated by the youth of the City ;

and informed them that if they expected by such means

to force him to come back they were greatly mistaken.
He might be moved by submission and obedience, but
never by turbulence. f The situation soon became so
critical, that the Governor withdrew from the Vatican,
and asked for militar}' assistance, which Pius II. at once
granted. J
In the month of May the troubles increased. It now
appeared that the party of revolt in the city had warm
supporters in the Savelli, the Colonna, and the Anguillara.
" For these Barons again lifted their heads when the
Neapolitan war broke out ; they espoused the cause
of Anjou, and entered into an alliance with Piccinino and
Malatesta."! Jacopo Savelli afforded a secure asylum to
the Roman banditti in Palombara, at the foot of Monte
Gennara. On the i6th May a young Roman, surnamed,

* N. DELLA TucciA, 261 ; Paolo della Mastro, Cron. Rom., 26.

t RaynaLDUS, ad an. 1460, N.69 VlTALE, II., 441-2 LlJNIG, Codex
; ;

Dipl. Ital, IV., 183.

X By a *Brief of 9th April, 1460. Four days later the Pope e.xhorts

the Conservators to greater firmness. Both **Briefs are in Lib. brev. 9,

f. 178 and 154b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
§ Gregorovius, VII., 178, 3rd ed. In regard to the connection of
the Colonna and Savelli with John of Calabria, see Saggiatore, I., 183.
I08 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

on account of his amorous propensities, the Innamorato,

carried away a maiden who was about to be married ; he

was arrested for this offence, and delivered to the Senate.
His friends at Palombara at once hastened to rescue him.

The band was headed by Tiburzio and Valeriano di Maso,

two brothers, who belonged to a family of conspirators.
Their father, brother-in-law to Stefano Porcaro, had, to-
gether with his elder brother, been executed as principal
accomplices in Porcaro's plot Tiburzio and Valeriano
wished " to avenge these martyrs of liberty, to cast off

the yoke of the priests, to restore the ancient Republic."

They fortified themselves in the Pantheon, laid the sur-
rounding quarter under contribution, and never rested
until they had procured the liberation of the Innamorato.*

As time went on, things got worse in the city, where the
absence of the Pope, and his participation in the Neapolitan
contest, caused great dissatisfaction. A new band was
formed, and under the leadership of a certain Bonanno
Specchio, committed all sorts of crimes. A tower near
San Lorenzo in Lucina served as a hiding-place for these

rebels, who when driven hence by the Pope's nephew,

Antonio, fortified themselves in the Capranica Palace.
Here they spent their days in revelry, and at night sallied

forth to plunder. Tiburzio was their king.f

On hearing of these disorders, Pius H. seriously thought
of returning to Rome. The city continued unquiet, even
after Tiburzio, at the request of some of the nobles, had
gone back to Palombara. Unarmed citizens were mal-
treated in the open streets, women and maidens outraged,
* INFESSURA, 1 Eccard, 1891, 1460 is to
138 (here as well as in
be substituted for 1459) Paolo della Mastro, 26-7 N. della
; ;

TucciA, 263 ; Pll II. Comment. 106-7 VoiGT, III., 147 seq. Regarding
;

Angelo di Maso, see Vol. II., p. 224 seq.

t Pn II, Comment. 107 Gregorovius, ;
VII., 179, 3rd ed.
 INVASION OF PICCININO. IO9

and a convent situated near the city completely sacked.

The Pope now saw that his presence was the only remedy,
and he resolved to put an end to these disturbances.*
The beginning of September brought terrible tidings.
Piccinino had burst into the Sabina, plundering and
murdering as he went, and threatened, with the help of
the Ghibelline Barons, to attack Rome, f Cardinal
Colonna had great difficulty in keeping Tivoli quiet, where
the Ghibelline party supported Piccinino, whose troops,
harboured by Jacopo SavelH in Palombara, from thence
ravaged the surrounding country. " Confusion and terror
reigned in Rome. From the walls and heights of the
city, burning castles and villages were to be seen, and
it was expected that the enemy would soon enter its
gates. The party of revolt within was in communication
with the Condottiere. Everso of Anguillara had resumed
his raids, and Malatesta openly espoused the cause of
Anjou.":|;

Meanwhile the Roman police arrested a certain Luca

da Tozio, whose confessions " revealed the abyss of danger
in all its depths to the Pope." In the castle of St. Angelo,.
without being subjected to torture, he declared that Picci-
nino had been invited into the Roman territory by the Prince
of Tarento, Everso of Anguillara, Jacopo Savelli and the
Colonna, and that Tiburzio and his band were to open

* Pii II. Comment. 107. See the **Briefs to the Governor and the
Conservators of Rome, of the 26th and 31st August, 1460, Lib. brev. 9,
f. 145b, Secret Archives of the Vatican, which shew that even at
this time, before Piccinino's attack, the return of the Pope had been
resolved upon. His departure from Siena took place on the loth
September. Thomasius, 61 ; Cronica di Bologna, 732.
t SiMONETA, 716; Pn Comment, no; Pontanus, Lib. I.; * Briefs
II.

of the 20th Sept. (Theanensi) and 21st Sept., 1460 (castellano S..
Angeli). Secret Archives of the Vatican, Lib. brev. 9, f. Ii5b-ii6.
X VOIGT, III., 149. Regarding Tivoli see Card. Papien. Epist.,f. 37IX
no HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the eates of Rome to the Condottiere, after which the

city was to be plundered, and the Pope's nephew slain.*
Ill though he was, the Pope, on receiving these tidings,

resolved to start as soon as possible. After having pre-

pared the way for peace between the contending parties
in Orvieto,! he and reached Viterbo on the 30th
set out

September. The Roman Envoys here awaited him and

begged him to pardon the excesses of the Roman youths.
" What city," the Pope is said to have replied, " is freer

than Rome? You pay no taxes, you bear no burdens,

you occupy the most honourable posts, you sell your

wine and corn at the price you choose, and your houses
bring you in rich rents. And, moreover, who is your
ruler? Is he a Count, Marquess, Duke, King or Emperor?
No ! one greater than all these, the Roman Pontiff, the
successor of St, Peter, the Vicar of Christ. He it is

who brings you glory and prosperity and attracts the

wealth of the whole world to your gates."J
On the 4th October, Pius II. started for Rome escorted
by five hundred horsemen, sent at his urgent request by the
.Duke of Milan. On the 6th, to the great joy of the inhabi-

* Pll II. Comment, 108-9. The Pope alludes to this affair in the
Brief to Card. Forteguerri, dated Rome, 1460, Oct. 19, where he says
in relation to Savelli, " Sunt nobis et alia cognita, que litteris credenda
non sunt." Laurentian Library, loc. cit.

t See Manente, Hist. d'Orvieto, II., 90 (Venezia, 1566) ;

FUMI, Cod.
719, and Pio II. e la pace d'Orvieto, in the Studj e Doc. VI., 249 scq.

from Documents in the Archives of Orvieto.

X Pli II. Comment. 1 13-14 ;N.dellaTuccia, 81-2. VoiGT, III., 150,

looks upon the discourse as an oratorical fiction, while Gregorovius,

VII., 180, 3rd ed., considers it to be genuine, and observes that the argu-
ments are the same as in Cod. Vat. 3618 (see Vol. II. p. 235). Similar
ideas occur in the *Commentary of V. Albergato, of which MSS.
«xist in the Archives, Vienna, and the Corsini Library, Rome. See
my sketch in the Hist. Jahrb., III., 128.
 EXECUTION OF TIBURZIO. Ill

tants, he entered the city.* He at once summoned the

Conservators and chief citizens, and, in a discourse
lasting two hours, put before them the necessity of re-

sisting John of Calabria, Piccinino, and the other authors

of agitation.f
The presence of the Pope produced a momentary calm,
but the situation continued very perilous. In the middle
of October a report was current to the effect that
Piccininowas planning a last and decisive attack on
Rome, and had secured the assistance of the Neapolitan
Insurgents.^ In the same month Tiburzio destroyed
himself b}- an act of Bonanno Specchio,
fool hardiness.

venturing into the city on the 29th October, fell into the
hands of the police. Tiburzio immediately hastened
from Palombara with fifteen companions, and called upon
the Roman populace to rise. " It is too late," was the
reply. The agitators were as little prepared for this
want of sympathy, as for the energetic opposition offered
by the friends of order and the Papal soldiers. They
sought safety in flight ; a certain number succeeded in
escaping, but Tiburzio was captured, together with five

of his associates. On the scaffold he acknowledged that

he had intended, with the help of the Ghibelline Barons
and of Piccinino, to overthrow the Government of the

* SlMONET.\, 717-18 ; PlI II. Comment. 1 15-16 N. BELLA TUCCIA,

;

82 and 263. INFESSURA, 1 136, wrongly gives the 5th October as the day
of his arrival (see VoiGT, III., 151), and L'Epinois, 32, the 7th. The
latter mistake is due to the fact that the Pope returned on that day to
the Vatican. To this circumstance Card. Scarampo, in a *Letter to
Lodovico Conzaga, dated Rome, 1460, Oct. 8, refers when he says the
Pope came back yesterday, "cum grandissima letitia universalmente
da tucto el popolo Romano." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t N. DELLA TucciA, 263 Pll II. Comment. 121-24.
;

X *Despatch of Otto de Carretto and Augustinus de Rubeis, ex urbe

die 14 Octobris, 1460. State Archives, Milan.
TI2 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pope, and to plunder the rich merchants and Cardinals.

Soothsayers had persuaded him that the power of the
priests was to be overthrown that year ; he did not ask
for mercy, only for a speedy death. His companions
expressed similar sentiments. The Pope forbade them
to be tortured ;
but on the last day of October, Tiburzio,
Bonanno Specchio, and six others, were hanged in the
Capitol.* " If in Porcaro the democratic movement had
already degenerated to the level of Catiline, in Tiburzio
and Valeriano, the heroes of 1460, it had sunk to that of

mere brigandage."
The position of Pius II., threatened as he was by
Piccinino, was so precarious that he offered on fair

conditions to make peace with Jacopo Savelli.J Early in

December a reconciliation with this " most audacious
opponent " of the temporal power of the Pope seemed
actually effected ; § but Piccinino again advanced with

* Infessura, 1
139 (where again 1460 is to be substituted for 1459) ;
N. D. TUCCIA, 264 Chronic. Eugub., 998 seq. Raph. Volaterranus,
; ;

Comm. 253; Pn Comment. 117-20; *Cronica di Forli, f. 269b

II.

(Cod. 234, Library of Prince Boncompagni, Rome) and the *Despatch ;

of Antonio Ricao of the 6th Nov., 1460. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,

see Appendix N. 41.
t Gregorovius, VII., 177, 3rd ed. " Bandum pro quiete urbis" of
the 2nd Nov., 1460 ; see Theiner, Cod. II., 415-16.

X Brief of 19th Nov., 1460. Pn Epist., Mediol., i8th edit. In

Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 70 and 71, are letters from the Pope to
Milan and Florence, asking for assistance. The threatening attitude
of Piccinino is mentioned in a despatch of " G. de Piccolominibus " to
Siena, dated Rome, 1460, Nov. 25. State Archives, Siena.

§ "Jac°- Savello ha mandato a chiedere misericordia a la Sta di N.

S. il quale e tanto clemente che e contento riceverlo et per tanto sono
levate le offese infino a martedi proximo. Spero fra oggi o domane si

concludara." G. de Piccolominibus to Siena, dated Rome, 1460,

Dec. 6. State Archives, Siena.
 REVOLUTION IN GENOA. II3

his troops, whereupon Savelli broke off the negotia-

tions.*
The misunderstandings between Alessandro Sforza and
Federigo of Urbino, and the irritation of the former at the
occupation of Terracina by the Pope, account for the fact
that they did not pursue Piccinino " when he attacked
the territory of the Church." In the end, however, by
their efforts he was induced to retire to the Abruzzi for

the winter.-j-

The French suffered a serious disaster in the spring of

1461. A revolution broke out in Genoa in the month of

March ; the French garrison was compelled to retire into
the fortress, and was there besieged. Milan supported
the revolutionists. King Rene, who himself came to the
rescue, was completely defeated, and finally the fortress

was taken.;]:

This was a terrible blow to the Angevine party in the

Kingdom of Naples. No decisive battle took place during
the summer of 14.61. Skanderbeg appeared in August,
with between two and three thousand Albanians to support
Ferrante in Apulia, but his undisciplined hordes only added
to the general confusion. §

* Despatch of G. de Piccolominibus, dated Rome, 1460, Dec. 10.

t VoiGT, III., 153 se(^. "*Infine aviso V. E. che trail ill. signori

Alexandre et Conte d' Urbino non e bona intelligentia, ma guerra et

dissentione in modo che non saria possibile nisi aliter provideatur a

fare cosa che ben fosse." O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome,
1460, Nov. 15, third *Despatch of the same day, State Archives, Milan.
X Basin-Quicherat, I., 307 seg., IV., 361-2 ; Vallet de Viriville,
436 ; Lecoy de la Marche, I., 327 seg'. ; Vaesen, Lettres de Louis
XL, I., 354 seg. (Paris, 1883).

§ CiPOLLA, 493 ;'Paganel, 2645^^. VoiGT, ; III., 158, makes Skander-

beg's expedition take place in July. This, however, is contradicted by
the Despatches of Antonius Guidobonus, dated Venice, 1461, Aug. 12
and2^seg. See Makuscev, II., 156, and his work, Slaven, 101-3, where
VOL. in. I
114 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The Pope meanwhile was labouring earnestly for the

own immediate neighbourhood.
restoration of peace in his
Rome was full of fear and excitement ; the Palaces of the
Cardinals were fortified and occupied by armed men.*
In March, 1461, eleven other members of Tiburzio's
band, who had ventured from Palombara to Rome, were
executed.^ In May it was given out that the Pope
intended to make a supreme effort to rid himself of
Jacopo Savelli, who, in his own immediate neighbourhood,
was constantly threatening him. I Great apprehensions
were entertained that this attempt might prove a failure,

but Federigo of Urbino fully justified his' reputation for

generalship. By the beginning of July the whole of
the Sabina was subdued ; Savelli, shut up in Palombara,
was compelled to capitulate. On the loth he threw him-
self at the feet of the Pope, who received him graciously,
and in consideration of his connection with the Colonna,

granted peace on moderate terms. §

however, the success of the Albanians is greatly exaggerated ; as also by

Barletius in his well-known Biography of the Albanian Leader. G.
Lolli, in a *Letter, dated Tivoli, Sept. 9, 1461, gives the number of the
Albanians as 2000, State Archives, Siena.
* "*Quise vive cum grande carestia et suspecto, non ce Cardinale
chi non habia armata la famiglia et casa sua." Bartolomeo Bonatto
to Lodovico Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1461, Feb. 23. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
t N. DELLA TUCCIA, 265, and the Report of Fantinus de Valle in
Palacky, Beitrage, 243. See **Despatch of B. Bonatto, dated Rome,
1 46 1, March 26. Gonzaga Archives.
J "*La impresa de Palombara pur se fara per quello se ne vede
fin qui. E vero che ge sono pratiche assai de accordo, ma il papa ge
malissimo disposto et dice vole batter tucti li altri baroni de Roma
cum lo exempio de questo. Se la reusira bene, sera contra la commune
opinione." ^Despatch of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1461, May 6.

Gonzaga Archives. See also PORTIOLI, 24-8.

§ PlI II. Comment. 135 ; CUGNONI, 209 seg. ; SimoneTA, 727 ;
 FRESH TROUBLES IN ROME. II5

Rome, however, still continued restless. If an ox was

stolen, as Pius II. told the Milanese Envoys, the people
were all in commotion,* At the end of July a plot to
blow up the castle of St. Angelo was discovered. At the
beginning of the following month, bearing arms within
the City was severely punished, f A fresh outbreak of
disturbance occurred when the Pope, who had been ill

ever since the spring, J left Rome on the 21st July for
Tivoli, to escape from the heat. The authorities had
great difficulty in restoring order. The Envo}- from
Mantua relating these occurrences, expresses his fear that
the Sicilian Vespers would be repeated in Rome. The
citizens were utterly ungovernable. Mildness and severity
were alike unavailing. §
During his summer sojourn at Tivoli the Pope was not
inactive. Considering the defenceless state of this City,

Chronic. Eugub., looi ; Palmerius, 245. See the ^Despatches of

Bartolomeo Bonatto to Lodovico Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1461, July 5,

10, 14, and 17 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and the *Report of O. de

Carretto of the nth July, 1461, in Appendix N. 49, State Archives,
Milan.
* *Despatch of O. de Carretto and Augustinus de Rubeis to Fr.
Sforza, dated Rome, 1461, May 21. State Archives, Milan.
t *Reports of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1461, July 3 and 5. See the
Ambassador's **Despatches of June 29 and 2)'^, 1461 also Appendix ;

N. 47, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. On the 28th January, 146 1, Pius II.
had published a decree against murder ; see Bull. 156-8.

X See ^Despatches of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1461, March 23 and

April 3. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
§ See **Report of B. Bonatto of July 22nd, 1461 (Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua). Several of the Cardinals had left the City before the Pope
did. Cardinal L. J. de Mila, on the 21st June, writing "ex urbe,"
expresses his intention "hoc tempore Romanes confug^ere calores"
to come to Siena. A follower of Tiburzio's was executed in the
•end of February, 1463. See ^Despatch of J. P. Arrivabene, dated
Rome, 1463, Feb. 26. Gonzaga Archives.
Il6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

which commanded the passes, he ordered a citadel to be

built, and he also reformed its Franciscan Convent.*
Besides this he found time for scientific studies ; he was
then working at his description of Asia. He also frequently

sought refreshment for mind and body by making excur-

sions in the beautiful neighbourhood.
The peace of the States of the Church was at this time
disturbed not only by the Neapolitan war, but also by the
hostile attitude of Sigismondo Malatesta. The despot of
Rimini is not only the most horrible figure in the history
of the early Renaissance, but "one of the most detest- ^

able rulers of any age. Bold, skilful, and frequently

successful, he united the characteristics of the fox and
the wolf, which Machiavelli holds to be necessary for the
establishment of a tyranny." He was withal a patron of
learning and art, and himself a poet, philosopher, and
scholar. But all this humanistic culture did not hinder
Sigismondo from sinking to the lowest depths of moral
depravity. There was no crime which this reckless
heathen " had not committed, or at least was not deemed
capable of committing. From jealousy or passion he
murdered or put away two wives, and outside his

own family circle his insatiable sensuality and cruelty

drove him to commit the most horrible crimes."f His

* Ammanati, Ep.,f. 37b ;

Wadding, XIII., 201 ; Viola, III., 99 j^j^. ;

NiBBY, Viaggio antiq., I., 153; GORI, Viaggio antiquario di Roma a

Tivoli, I., 17 (Roma, 1855); Mandalari, P. Vitali, 16 (Roma, 1877).
Geiger, 212-13, and LuTZOW,Zeitschr., XVIII., 3-4. See BuRCK-
t
hardt, Cultur, I., 33, 271 (3rded.), II., 225, 327 JanitSCHEK, 31. The ;

account given of Sigismondo by PontanuS, De immanitate c. 17 (0pp.

I., 322) is horrible: "filium suum Robertum cognoscere tentavit."

Burckhardt loc. cit. attributes his crime not to mere depravity, but to
astrological or magic superstition. The latest monograph regarding
Sigismondo by Yriarte (1882) is, indeed, a magnificent work, but
leaves much to be desired in the way of historical accuracy. See
 HOSTILITY OF SIGISMONDO MALATESTA. II

quarrel with Pius II. dated from the peace to which the
Pope had constrained him at Mantua. Sigismondo took
advantage of the invasion of the States of the Church by
Piccinino to resume possession of the territory which he
had then surrendered.* In November, 1460, Pius II.
had invoked the assistance of the Duke of Milan against
him, and had also commenced legal proceedings.!
On the 25th December he was excommunicated as a

notorious criminal, and declared to have forfeited his

dominions.;]:
Heathen as he was, he merely mocked at the sentence,
and jestingly asked whether excommunicated persons
could still taste good wine and relish the pleasures of
the table. The Pagan Humanism found a congenial
soil in his depraved and defiant nature. He had already
shewn his contempt for the ceremonies of the Church.
It is said that on one occasion, as he was returning from
a banquet, he caused the holy water stoup of a church to
be filled with ink. § The unchristian temper of his mind

JanitsCHEK, Repertorium, VII., 156 scq. ;

LuTZOW, Zeitschr., XVIII.,
I seq. Yriarte's exploration of the Archives is very incomplete, or he
could not have overlooked the most interesting letter of his " hero
which I found in the Milan Archives (see zufra, p. 125).
* VoiGT, III., 127 seq., 160.
t Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1460, November 4,

State Archives, Milan. See the *Brief of the 25th November, 1460,
to Cardinal Forteguerri, Laurentian Library.

X **Report of Carlo da Franzoni of the 26th December, 1460.

See **Despatch of G. Chigi, of Jan. 16, 1461, Gonzaga Archives,

Mantua. According to the custom of the time caricatures of Mala-
testa were exhibited in the towns of the States of the Church. It is

worthy of remark that this was not permitted in Bologna. Chronica

di Bologna, 739, and *Brief of Pius II. of 9th October, 1461, State
Archives, Bologna ; see Appendix N. 50.

§ VoiGT, III., 123 seq.

Il8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

was also exhibited in the extraordinary edifice to which

his contemporaries gave the name of the " Temple of
Malatesta."
All historians of art agree in saying that the Church of
San Francesco, when rebuilt according to the plan of
Leon Battista Albert! in the newly-revived Classical style,
had far more resemblance to a heathen temple than
to a Christian church. The only difference, as a witty
observer puts it, is that it was destined, not for the
worship of Juno, Venus, or Minerva, but for that of
Sigismondo's mistress (afterwards his wife), the beautiful
Isotta.*
The profane character of the "Temple of Malatesta"
was strikingly manifested in the interior, which was
adorned with royal magnificence. " In all the marble
tablets lavishly spread over the walls, scarcely a single
Christian symbol, or figure from any saintly legend, is to
be seen." Of the numerous inscriptions but one has a
doubtful reference to religion. The cross, the Christian

symbol of victory, seems to be purposely avoided in the

decoration. On the other hand " heathen allusions abound^
and Isotta and Sigismondo appear as the presiding genii
of the edifice, the divinities to be honoured in the temple."
On the balustrades, friezes, arches, vaults, everywhere
the interlaced letters I (sotta) and S (igismondo), together
with the arms and emblems of Malatesta, are introduced.
Some of the inscriptions deify the builder as the Jupiter

* MiJNTZ, Precurseurs, 87 ; Burckhardt, Gesch. der Renaissance,

8 Yriarte, 180-98 and the Reviews of this splendid work by C. von
; ;

Fabriczv in the Allgem. Zeitung. 1883, Supplement No. 242-4, and

by Geiger in LuTZOW, Zeitschr. fiir Kunst, XVIII., i seq. The founda-
tions of San Francesco were laid, not in 1446, as Yriarte, Geiger, 7^
and Liitzow, 368, say, but in 1447 ; see Cronica di Rimini, 960, and
TONINI, 210.
 PIUS II, ATTACKS MALATESTA. Iig

or the Apollo of Rimini.* Diana, Mars, Mercury, Saturn,

even Venus arising from the sea,-]- together with almost
all the other personages of the heathen Olympus, are
portrayed in the Chapel of St. Jerome ! The sarco-
phagus of Sigismondo, and the splendid monument
of Isotta, which rests on two elephants, the armorial
supporters of the Malatesta, are equally devoid of any
Christian symbol. Isotta's monument, erected in her
lifetime, has an inscription in which the title of Diva
is bestowed upon her ! Many of the sculptures are
illustrations of a love-poem addressed by Sigismondo to
Isotta. J

Certainly such an edifice as this fully merited the con-

demnation of Pius II., who says in his Memoirs that
San Francesco at Rimini appeared to be a temple for

heathen rather than for Christian worship. §

The sympathies of the Duke of Milan were not

altogether with the Pope's expedition against Malatesta,
for he would rather have seen all forces directed to the
Neapolitan war.|| Pius II., however, was not to be deterred,
and sent 5000 men, under the command of Bartolomeo
Vitelleschi, Archbishop of Corneto, against the tyrant.

The two armies met at Nidastore in the Marches, on the

* Yriarte, 196-8, 237-8, and the above-mentioned articles of

Fabriczy and Geiger.
+ See the illustrations in Yriarte, 203, 216-17.

X See Yriarte, 213 and 219. Here are given good representations of
the tombs of Isotta (145) and Sigismondo (272). Yriarte gives proof that
Isotta, whom the court poets celebrated as a model of purity, beauty,
and culture, was utterly uneducated, and even unable to write.

§ Pll II. Comment. 51.

II
**Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1461, Jan. 3rd (Am-
brosian Library). The feverish, excited preparations of Sigismondo
are mentioned in the *Report of B. Bonatto to Lod. Gonzaga, dated
Rome, 46 1, May
1 21. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
 120 HISTORY OF THE POPES,

2nd July, 1461. Sigismondo fought like a " furious bear,"

and completely routed the Papal troops.*
The Venetians rejoiced at the issue of this conflict, and
took the opportunity of accepting from Sigismondo a
mortgage on Monte Marciano. The Pope remonstrated,
but without effect, for it was the policy of the Signoria
"gradually to acquire territory on the coast." Piccinino
and the Prince of Tarento aided Sigismondo by sending
him 16,000 ducats.f
The defeat at Nidastore greatly alarmed the Pope, but
did not dishearten him. He commanded the Legate of
the Marches to collect more troops, and took Napoleone
Orsini into his service.^ In August, 1461, he even seemed
not indisposed to grant a truce to his enemy.
The position of Pius II. was at this time most pre-
carious. His finances were exhausted, his troops hardly

sufficed to resist Sigismondo.§ The Duke of Milan fell

* Pll II. Comment. 141 ; SiMONETA, 730 ; Chronic. Eugub., looi, and
the detailed account from the Chronicle of Broglio, Codex D. III., 48,

Gambalunga Library, Rimini; TONINI, 281 seq.; Reposati, I., 205.

The above date is corroborated by the **Despatch of B. Bonatto of
the 5th July (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) and Ghirardacci's Chronicle,
St. di Bologna, loc. cit., University Library, Bologna. On the 6th
July, 1461, Pius il. endeavoured to console B. Viteileschi ; see
Appendix N. 48, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t See Baldassini, Mem. 165, and App. C. ; Raynaldus, ad an.
1461, N. 10 Battaglini, 644
; Mem. di Rimino, 644 (Bologna,
;

1789) ;
TONINI, 288.^^(7., and App. 220-1 VOIGT, III., 170; L'EpinoiS,;

433-
X *Legato Marchie, dated 5 Julii A° 3°, Lib. brev. 9, f. 190, Secret
Archives of the Vatican. *Despatch of Otto de Carretto of August
18, 1461, State Archives, Milan. The original of the **Document for
N. Orsini, dated Tibure, 1461, XVI. Cal. Sept., in the Orsini Archives
(II. A. XVII. No. 35), Rome.
§ **Legato Marchie {s. d.), Lib. brev. 9, f. 247, Secret Archives of
the Vatican.
 EMBASSY FROM LOUIS XL 121

seriously ill, and the French party at his Court used every
effort to break tlie alliance with Naples. The Pope now
began to say that " it was impossible for him longer to

endure the complaints and grievances daily brought

forward by the King of France, by most of the Prelates,
and almost all the Court ; he had exposed the Church
to much danger on Ferrante's account, whose enemies
were increasing in number like the heads of the Hydra
it would therefore be much better to be neutral and
await the issue of the struggle, to take care of the
States of the Church, and spend the money on the war
with the Turks,"* But Francesco Sforza stood firm, and
the marriage of the Pope's nephew Antonio to Maria,
the natural daughter of Ferrante, which took place late in
the autumn, was a fresh tie binding him more closely to
the house of Aragon. who already bore the title
Antonio,
ofDuke of Sessa, was now made Chief Justice of the
Kingdom and Duke of Amalfi.f
March (1462) a brilliant Embassy from
In the following
Louis XL, the new King of France, arrived in Rome,
and made fresh efforts to win over the Pope to the side
of Anjou. After a short period of indecision, however,
Pius II. determined to adhere to his alliance with Fer-
rante. J
The summer of the same year witnessed the close of
the struggle which had so terribly devastated the Nea-

* SiMONETA, 731 ; VoiGT, IIL, 162. I searched in vain in 1882 in the

State Archives at Milan for Carretto's letter of 1461 which Simoneta

mentions. Perhaps in the new arrangement of the Archives which has
now been undertaken it may again come to light.
t VoiGT, III., 163 seq.; PORTIOLI, 29. On May, 1461,
the 30th
Pius IL in an eloquent ^Letter congratulated his nephew on his ap-
proaching marriage. A copy is in Cod. L, 28, Borghese Library, Rome.
+ See infra., Chap. IV.
122 IITSTORY OF THE POPES,

poHtan kingdom.* On the i8th August, 1462, Ferrante

and Alessandro Sforza gained a decisive victory at Troja
over Piccinino and John of Calabria. f Its immediate
result was that the Prince of Tarento made his peace with

Ferrante. And this was the turning-point of the war.

As might have been anticipated, events now succeeded
each other somewhat rapidly. In the autumn of the
following year (1463), Piccinino entered the service of the
victor for high pay. Aquila, "which had ever since 1460
displayed the banner of Anjou," capitulated ; at last

Marzano, Duke of Sessa and Prince of RiDssano, also'

yielded. J The unfortunate Duke of Calabria fled in

September, 1463, to Ischia. In the middle of October

* "*Et e tanto, S. miei, la destructione dello reame universale che

e una pieta," writes Petronius on the 15th May, 1462, from Rome to
Siena (State Archives, Siena). Rome was at this time quiet, as the
same writer bears witness in the P.S. of a *Letter of the 23rd May,
1462. On the 13th February, 1462, the Pope had strictly forbidden
any vassal of the Church to enter into the military service of any other
power without his permission. ^Despatch of L. Petronius, dated Rome,
1462, Feb. 14. State Archives, Siena.
+ PONTANUS, Lib. IV. SiMONETA, 7^6 seq. Pn 11. Comment. 247
; ;

seq. ; Chronic. Eugub., 1002 Notar GiacomO, 104 CaGNOLA, 157-8

; ; ;

Giornali Nap., 1
133 ; Lecoy de la Marche, I., 340, II., 434. *G. de
Piccolominibus on the 24th August, 1462, writing from Pienza, gives
the Sienese " la felice nuova de la rotta data per la M'^* del S. Re al

duca Giovanni et al conte Jaco." State Archives, Siena.

X For an account of the beginning of the negotiations which led to

the defection of Piccinino and Marzano, see the *Report of Card.
Gonzaga, dated Tivoli, Aug. 10, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua,
1463,
Regarding Marzano's reconciliation, see ^Despatch of G. de Piccolomi-
nibus, dated Tivoli, 1463, Sept. 5 (State Archives, Siena), and the *Bull
of Pius II. of i6th Sept., 1463 (Orsini Archives, Rome). Regarding-
Aquila, see VoiGT, III., 177 seq.; Saggiatore, I., 180, and the *Brief
of June loth, 1461 ; see Appendix Nos. 45 and 46, Secret Archives of
the Vatican.
 NEPOTISM OF PIUS II. 12$

the Pope was able to recall his troops from Naples.* On

the death of the Prince of Tarento in the following
month, Ferrante appropriated his treasure and his fiefs, f
There was no further hope for the house of Anjou, and in
the spring of 1464, Duke John returned to Provence4
It has been already stated that Antonio Piccolomini
had been invested by Ferrante with the Duchies of
Sessa and Amalfi, in recognition of the assistance rendered
by Pius II. in the war with Anjou. The ambition of the
Pope's nephew was not, however, satisfied, and, with the
help of his powerful patron, he succeeded in 1463 in also
becoming Count of Celano.§
His too great attachment to his relations is an often
recurring blot on the Pontificate of Pius II. Laudomia,
who had married Nanni Todeschini, had, besides
his sister,

Antonio, three other sons, named Andrea, Giacomo, and

Francesco. Small fiefs were granted by the Pope to

* See ^Despatch of Nicodemus, of the 21st Sept., 1463, State

Archives, Milan ; Lecoy de la Marche, II., 435. Card. Gonzaga

in a *Letter of Oct. 15, 1463, informs his father of the recall of the
Papal Troops. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Various dates are given for the death of the Prince of Tarento ;

see VoiGT, III., 179 ; that of December 26th in TOMACELLI, Storia di

Napoli dal 1458 al 1464 (Napoli, 1840), is certainly wrong, Baldinus
vicedux in a *Despatch to Siena, dated Naples, 1463, Nov. 18, speaks
of the death of the Prince (State Archives, Siena) ; J. de Arretio, in a
*Report Marquess of Mantua, dated Rome, 1463, Nov. 23rd,
to the

mentions the 14th Nov. as the day of his death (Gonzaga Archives).
Regarding the fiefs of the deceased, see Gothein, 284.

X RINUCCINI, Ricordi XCIII. Lecoy DE LA Marche, I., 342. On ;

the nth August, 1463, Pius II. had exhorted him to give up the hope-
less contest ; see the *Brief of this date in the University Library^
Turin, Cod. I., VI., 21, f. 59b.

§ CORSIGNANI, I., 485 seg. ;

Caraffa, Hist, di Napoli, I., 209 ;

COSTANZO, 258 ; Tuzu, 116 seg^. ;

BRANCA, Mem. Stor. di Sora, i2()seq.

(Napoh, 1847) ; Voigt, III., 1^6 seq. ; TOSTI, 171.

124 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Andrea and Giacomo, and Francesco was in March, 1460,

raised to the purple. Niccolo Forteguerri, a maternal
kinsman of Pius II., was also promoted to the same
dignity. "A crowd" of Sienese relations was introduced
into the Prefectures of the States of the Church.*
This favour was extended to the Sienese in general.
The Pope clung with enthusiastic affection to the home of
his youth, f to the undulating hills, the orchards and vine-
yards which he has so gracefully described. He loved
to dwell in the rural solitude of Corsignano, or in Siena,
the city of castellated towers, which still retains many
memorials of his frequent visits. The principal scenes of
his eventful life are depicted in its Cathedral Library in
the great historical frescoes of Pinturicchio. J

Those who surrounded the Pope were " almost all Sienese,
and of these Sienese the majority were Piccolomini." His
Maggiordomo was Alessandro de Miraballi-Piccolomini, also
Prefect of Frascati from the year 1460. His special con-
fidants were Jacopo Ammanati, created Cardinal in 1460,

and Gregorio Lolli, the son of his aunt, Bartolomea; § "but

* VOIGT, III., 554 seq. See Reumont, III., I, 491 seq., and
Romische Briefe, IV., 164 seq., as well as Sansi, Storia, 51-2. It is

characteristic that in his first *Brief to Siena (dated Rome, 1458,

Aug. 29) Pius II. warmly recommends the Piccolomini Family
(State Archives, Siena). C. Leone, 195.
t See in particular the Report of the Sienese Ambassador, MlGNA-
NELLI in Tre Lettere, 18-19.
X This series of frescoes, painted by Pinturicchio between 1 502-8 for
Cardinal Francesco Piccolomini, furnishes on the whole the best
and truest example of the early Italian Renaissance with its wealth of
form and colour. LiJTZOW, 321 ; Faluschi, id seq. ; BURCKHARDT,
Cicerone, 572 seq.^ and CROWE- Cavalcaselle, IV., 293 seq.; SCHMAR-
SOW, Rafael und Pinturicchio in Siena (Stuttgart, 1880).
§ VoiGT, loc. cit. ; Sansi, Storia, 53. The Archivio Piccolomineo
(Arch, della Consorteria delle famiglie Piccolomini) was early in this
century, by an abuse of confidence, deprived of its most precious
 HE RESOLVES TO CRUSH MALATESTA. 1 25

at any rate Pius II. did not enrich his nephews at the
expense of the States of the Church, and he observed the
same discretion even after Malatesta had been subdued." *
At the very time when the fate of the house of Anjou
was decided at Troja, fortune also turned against
Sigismondo. In the spring of 1462, Pius II. had plainly
manifested his intention of inflicting exemplary punish-
ment on the tyrant. In two different parts of Rome his

effigy, a speaking likeness from the hand of Paolo

Romano, was burned, an inscription in these words being
affixed to it :
" This is Sigismondo Malatesta, king of
traitors, enemy of God and man, condemned to the fire

by the decision of the Sacred College." f Sigismondo not

only sought to avenge himself with his pen for these
words, which expressed the general opinion, but also
determined to defend himself with the sword to the last
drop of his blood, for, as he wrote to the Duke of Milan,
a brave death ennobles a whole life !
I

treasures. What is still preserved there is of no great importance.

Enea Piccolomini gave some extracts in his Documenti, Siena, 1871.
The relations of Pius II. with the authorities of Siena, who viewed
him merely as a Piccolomini, were always more or less strained see ;

supra, pp. 50 and 54 ; also, in regard to the further phases of the consti-
tutional question, VOIGT, III., 558 seq., and the appointments of Sienese
to Bishoprics, 565.
* Gregorovius, VII., 188, 3rd ed.
t Pn II. Comment. 184-5; Tonini, 289 Yriarte, 287 Geiger, ; ; 213,
is wrong in assigning the burning to the year 1461. This date is

opposed by the calculation in MuNTZ, I., 248, and the *Report of B.

Marasca of the 27th April, 1462 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), as also
by a **Letter of Cardinal Gonzaga of April 28, ibid. It was at this

period customary to exhibit the portraits of adversaries, accompanied

by satirical verses ; see Reumont, Lorenzo, I., 105, 2nd ed. It is

interesting to observe that Sigismondo had, in 1461, vainly sought

the aid of Louis XI. against the Pope ; see FlERVlLLE, 115.

X Sigismondo's characteristic ^Letter to Fr. Sforza is given in

Appendix N. 56, from the State Archives, Milan.

 126 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

On the 1 2th August, 1462, after suffering a severe defeat

at Sinigaglia from Federigo of Urbino, he fled to Apulia.*
He intended to seek assistance from John of Calabria
and the Prince of Tarento, but their power had been
broken at Troja, and Sigismondo found but the fragments
of the Angevine army. " He returned to Rimini even
more disheartened than he had started." His last hope
was in Venice. The Republic had formerly given secret
support to his family, f and now by letters and Ambassadors
importuned the Pope to grant favourable terms to the
rebel, to whom, at the same time, pecuniary assistance

was privately afforded.^ Meanwhile, Federigo, rejecting

the attempts made by Malatesta to shake his allegiance
to his master,§ vigorously followed up his victory ; while
none of Malatesta's subjects raised a hand to defend the
tyrant they abhorred. Diplomatic intervention in favour
of Sigismondo led to nothing. Pius H. was evidently
determined to crush the tyrant. ||

* Pn II. Comment. 258-9, where the above date is mentioned.

Regarding other dates, see VoiGT, III., 168; Tonini, 293; and
Yriarte, 290. Those writers who give the 24th or 26th August as
the day are certainly mistaken, for Federigo of Urbino writes on the
2ist August, 1462, "ex castris sanct""'- D. N. ; *De la nostra vic-
toria contra el S. Sigismondo semo certo ne havete havuto grandis-
sima alegreza et consolatione et e raxonevole chel sia cusi. Speramo
del continue farve sentire del altre cose che ve piaceranno." Archives
of Urbino, I.G., CIV., N. 7, State Archives, Florence.
t VOIGT, III., 168, 170.

J **Sen. Seer. XXI., f. 121b, 28 Oct., 1462, State Archives, Venice.

§ See the **Brief of Oct. 7th, 1462, in the State Archives, Florence.

II
See **Report of O. de Carretto ex Petriolo, 28 Oct., 1462, State
Archives, Milan. Regarding Malatesta's tyranny, see SlENA, Storia
di Sinigaglia (1746), 138, 235 and for an account of the intervention
;

in which Milan and Florence, as well as France (VoiGT, III., 169)

and Venice (see *Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 123 seq.), took part, see the
 CAPTURE OF FANO. 1
2/

In the following year, 1463, as soon as the season was

sufficiently advanced, Federigo again took the field against
the rebel, whose condition became more and more hopeless.
His younger brother, Domenico, despairing of any change
of fortune, sold Cervia for 4000 ducats to Venice, which
had recently taken forcible possession of Ravenna.*
From the month of June the conflict was carried on
chiefly round Fano, a strong place to which Federigo laid
siege by land, while Cardinal Forteguerri strove to cut off
all access to it by sea. Early in August the Papal fleet

gained a victory over thattwo of Malatesta ;

" but
Venetian galleys appeared, released Malatesta's ships and
chased the Armada of the Pope back to Ancona."-]-
Venice continued to succour the beleaguered city, but it

was finally taken by the Papal troops on the 25th Sep-

tember. Sinigaglia next surrendered. I The Papal force

^Despatches of G. de Piccolominibus, dated Tuderti, 1462, Dec. i

and 3, State Archives, Siena.

* SUGENHEIM, 340 VoiGT, ; 1 7 1. Regarding the purchase of Cervia,
see *Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 152, May 14, 1463, State Archives, Venice.
t VOIGT, III,, 172. See TONINI, 297, and in Appendix N. 58, the
interesting *Despatch of Nicodemus of 7th Aug., 1463. State
Archives, Milan.

X According to TONINI, 297, Fano was taken on the 13th, and accord-
ing to ClAMPl, Forteguerri, 12, on the i"6th September. Both are
wrong ; see the *Despatch of L. Benvoghenti of September 27, 1463
{State Archives, Siena), and the report of Federigo of Urbino to Fr.
Sforza, of Sept. 25, 1463, which I found in the Ambrosian Library.
According to this the capitulation was determined on questa matina.
Ph. de Lignamine agrees with this statement. The Chronic. Eugub.
1006, says that the fortress capitulated on the 28th. On the 9th Oct.
1463, Cardinal Gonzaga writes to his father :
*" Ritrovandomi questa
sera a palatio cum la S. de N. S. se hebbe la novella che Senegallia
insieme cum la rocha senza un trar de bombardo se era data a la

chiesia" (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). In the same year, Pius IL

^ave Sinigaglia with Mondavio to his nephew Antonio ; see *L.
128 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

then advanced to Rimini, where Sigismondo, "com-

pletely broken in spirit, awaited his fate."

To the intercession of Venice, supported by Florence

and Milan, the tyrant owed the pardon granted to him by
the Pope, Its conditions, however, were so hard that his

power was thoroughly shattered Venice had to raise the ;

which Pius II. had once been Bishop.

siege of Trieste, of
Sigismondo, who was required to abjure his "heresy,"
retained possession of the city of Rimini, with a territory
of five miles in circumference, while his brother occupied
one of similar extent around Cesena. Both undertook to
pay an annual tribute to the Apostolic See, and in the

event of their death without legitimate heirs their lands

were to revert to the Church.*
Thus did the most powerful of all the despots of Italy,
the man who " for twenty years had been the terror of
Princes and Popes," fall before the unwarlike Pius II.

" He could now look down with satisfaction from Monte

Cavo, the highest of the Alban Hills, which commands
the plain from Terracina to Capo Argentaro, on the broad
States of the Church —a country which, if it contained
nothing but Alma Roma, contains that which suffices to
make its rulers the equals of Emperors." f

Benvoglienti to Siena, dated Rome, 1463, Dec. 30, State Archives,

Siena.
* VOIGT, III., 173 SUGENHEIM, 340 seq.; Reumont, Lorenzo, I.,
;

178, 2nd ed. Regarding the intercession of Fr. Sforza for Sigis-
mondo, see Clementini, Race. Storico di Rimino, II., 244 (Rimini,

1627) and the **Despatches of O. de Carretto and Augustinus, dated ex

urbe die xxi., Oct. 1463, State Archives, Milan. Federigo of Urbino
was largely rewarded ; see Baldi, III., 54 seq., and Reposati, I., 215
seq. ; VOIGT, loc. cit. The extent to which the Pope confided in him
is manifested in the **Brief of Sept. 7, 1463. State Archives, Florence.

See Ugolini, I., 405 seq.

t Gregorovius, VII., 189, 3rd ed.
 CHAPTER IV.

Opposition to Papal Authority in France and

Germany.

The state of ecclesiastical and political affairs in France

and Germany was such as to cause the Pope even greater
anxiety than the troubles of his native land. The
indifference of these two great powers to the Crusade was
in itself a serious sign of the lessening influence of the
Church. The effects of the false doctrines promulgated
at Constance and Basle manifested themselves in both
countries in a yet more alarming manner, in persistent
efforts to destroy her monarchical constitution. All
attempts of this kind were resisted by Pius II. with a clear
apprehension of the dignity of his office as Head of the
Priesthood. His zeal and firmness in vindicating the
authority and the inalienable rights of the Holy See against
the assaults of the Conciliar and national parties are
doubly admirable when we consider the difficult circum-
stances of his time.
Twenty years had elapsed since, by the Pragmatic
Sanction of Bourges (July 7th, 1438), France had assumed
a semi-schismatical position. The Resolutions drawn up
during that period of confusion hardly left to the Pope
any influence in ecclesiastical appointments in France,
and also deprived his Court of the revenues formerly
drawn from that country. Moreover, since they reaffirmed
VOL. III. K
130 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Decree regarding the Superiority of Councils, they

also threatened the monarchical constitution conferred by
Christ on His Church. The Pragmatic Sanction, in the
opinion of a non-Catholic student, was an abiding
memorial of the Conciliar ideas, principles and aims, and
of the opposition of the national spirit to the theory of the
Universal Church. It expressed the pretension of the tem-
poral ruler to order ecclesiastical matters in his kingdom
according to his own good pleasure. As long as France
adhered to it, a precedent existed to which other nations
could appeal, and which constituted a perpetual menace
to the Papal power. While it remained in force the
restored Papacy could not consider its authority to be
perfectly re-established. France had based her position
on the Decrees of Constance and Basle, and was accord-
ingly compelled to sympathise with every movement
which aimed at the maintenance of the superiority of
Councils over the Pope.*
Efforts had not been wanting to procure the repeal of
this law, which had proceeded from an authority abso-
lutely incompetent to deal with ecclesiastical matters.
Eugenius IV., Cardinal d'Estouteville, acting for Nicholas

v., and finally Calixtus III., had all laboured, though

vainly, in this direction.f
Pius II. took up the question energeticall}\ The picture

* CREIGHTON, II., 423-26; VOIGT, III., 181 seq.; PHILLIPS, III.,

326 seq. ;
Fevre, VI., i^i^seq. ; De Beaucourt in the Rev. des Quest.
Hist., XII., 104; P6r, Aen. Sylvius, 214 (Budapest, 1880); Munch,
Concordate, I., 207, characterises the Pragmatic Sanction as a
deadly blow to the Roman Court in that most important portion of
its domain, France. See also the memorials of G. Aquaviva on the
causes of the spread of heresies in the i6th century in Lammer, Melet.
Rom. Mant., 222 (Ratisbonae, 1875).
t See Vol. II. of this work, pp. 104 and 379, where the documents
are given ; also Basin-Quicherat, I., 319.
 RESULTS OF THE PRAGMATIC SANCTION. I3I

which he drew in his Memoirs of the effects of the

Pragmatic Sanction shews how deeply impressed he was
with the necessity of obtaining its revocation. " The
French Prelates," he writes, "supposed they would have
greater liberty but, on the contrary, they have been
;

brought into grievous bondage, and made the slaves of the

laity. They are forced to give an account of their affairs
to Parliament ; to confer benefices according to the good
pleasure of the king and the more powerful nobles ; to
promote minors, unlearned, deformed and illegitimate
persons to the priestly office ; to remit the punishment of
those whom they have justly condemned ; to absolve the
excommunicated without satisfaction. Any one conveying
into France a Bull contrary to the Pragmatic Sanction is
made liable to the penalty of death. Parliament has
meddled with the affairs of the Bishops, with Metropo-.
Htan Churches, with marriages and matters of faith. The
audacity of the laity has gone so far that even the most
Holy Sacrament has been stopped by order of the King
when borne in procession for the veneration of the people
or for the consolation of the sick. Bishops and other
Prelates and venerable priests have been cast into common
prisons. Church property and the goods of the clergy
have been confiscated on trifling pretexts by a secular
judge, and handed over to lay people."*
At the Congress of Mantua, Pius II. had made no

secret of his opinions. In the memorable audience in

* Pii II. Comment. 160; VoiGT, III., 186; Dansin, 257. The
power of interference in the internal affairs of the Church granted by
the Pragmatic Sanction to the Parliament was already very great
Parliament soon extended it so far that, in 1453, Charles VII. was
constrained to issue an ordinance against it ; this, however, was of no
avail ; see Phillips, III., i, 328, and Dove, Zeitschrift fur Kirchen-
recht. III., 85 seq.
132 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

which he justified his action in favour of Ferrante and

against the Angevine claims supported by France, he
strongly expressed his disapprobation of the abnormal
position of the Church in- that country of which the
Pragmatic Sanction was the cause. The prohibition of
appeals from the Pope to a Council, published at the con-
clusion of the Congress, was explicitly directed against the
theory on which the French law rested.*
The irritation produced in Paris by this measure was
evinced by the attitude of the University quite as much as
by that of the king. This body, which from the first had
been bitterly hostile to Pius II., had, even in the time of
Calixtus III., nominated a committee for the interpreta-

tion and execution of the Pragmatic Sanction. On the

1 6th May, 1460, it further determined that these delegates
.should receive a salary. Negotiations with the king and
the Parliament for the defence of the so-called liberties of
the Galilean Church were also set on foot.-f Charles VII.
was all the more disposed to take up the matter, on
account of his grudge against Pius II. in regard to the
contest for the throne of Naples. Through his Pro-
curator-General, Jean Dauvet, he published a very disre-
spectful protest against the Pope's discourse at Mantua,
Pius II. was attacked for his "praise of the Bastard,
which he would have done better to keep to himself;" he
was admonished to take care what he did against France,
to leave the Council and its decrees in peace, and to
summon a free Council, not in the Lateran, but in

France. Meanwhile the King would uphold the Conciliar

decisions in his dominions, and should the Pope trouble
him or his subjects on this account, he would appeal to a
future Council ; and if the Pope failed to call one in a free

* See supra, pp. 93 and 100 seq.

t BULAEUS, v., 632, 636, 642.

 APPREHENSIONS OF PIUS II. 1 33

place, he, together with other Princes, would take the

matter into his own hands.* The Pope was still further
insulted by the contemptuous treatment of the ambassa-
dors whom he had sent to negotiate with Charles regard-
ing the war against the Turks, and who were kept for

months without an answer. Under these circumstances

it can hardly be deemed strange that the requests of
the King for the appointment of Cardinals agreeable to
him were not granted.-f- Later on, when the anti-Papal
feeling in Germany had grown very strong, fears were
entertained at the Roman Court that the enemies of the
Holy See in France and Germany might make common
cause.J These apprehensions were by no means un-
founded, for at this very time Gregor Heimburg, the
most violent opponent of Pius II., was sent to the French
Court in order to bring about a general combination
against Rome, and to procure a Council. § The Pope,
therefore, deemed it prudent to ignore the conditional

* Preuves des Libertez, 502. See VoiGT, III., 187. Vallet de

ViRiviLLE, 437.
t On the 7th March, 1460, *Pius II. wrote to Charles VII. that it had
not been possible to confer the Red Hat, according to his request,
on the Bishop of Lausanne and the Protonotary Uelebreto, as the
assensus of the Cardinals could not be obtained. Lib. brev. 9, f. 121b,
z'dt'd. f. 130, the *Brief concerning the Ambassadors ; see Appendix
N. 38, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
+ On the 14th Feb., 1461, B. Bonatto wrote as follows from Rome to

Marquess Lodovico :
*" Credo che il papa mandara etiam in Franza
qualchuno ; se queste due natione (French and German) concoresseno
insieme poteria esser se faria qualche cossa ; " he goes on to express

the hope that the Council will assemble in Mantua. Gonzaga

Archives, Mantua.
§ HoFLER, Kaiserl. Buch, 84 Hasselholt-Stockheim, 305 ;
;

Menzel, 119. Regarding the manner in which the German enemies of

Rome were instigated by France, see infra, p. 175, Bessarion's *Letter
of 29th March, 1461, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
134 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

appeal of the French monarch to a Council, "a formal

condemnation of the Paris acts would necessitate lengthy-
legal proceedings at the Court of Rome." But he did not
modify his decrees in any way, and in his Briefs to Charles
VII. constantly insisted on the revocation of the Prag-
matic Sanction.*
It was an important advantage for Pius II. in dealing

with the ecclesiastical affairs of France, that the Dauphin

Louis, then an exile in Burgundy, and uncertain as to his
succession, was on his side. Negotiations conducted by
the ambitious and learned Bishop of Arras, Jean Jouffroy,
had resulted in a formal promise from Louis that, if he
should succeed to the throne, he would abolish the
Pragmatic Sanction.f This event was hastened by the
excesses of Charles VII., which had told most injuriously
on his feeble constitution. In the summer of 1461 he
was attacked by toothache fearing poison, he refused ;

food and drink for a considerable time, and this led to

his death on the 22nd July. J Louis XI. became King
of France.
The great question now was whether the new King
would hold to the engagement which had been made
under such different circumstances. The uncompromising
opposition to his father's system, which he manifested

* Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 124. Regarding the text of

Pius II.'s Brief of the 9th Dec, 1460, to Charles VII., see Ciampini^
Parergon ad examen libri pontificalis sive epistola Pii II. ad Carolum
VII. (Romae, 1688).
t Pli II. Comment. 164. See a Letter of Louis XI. in ^N. Sylv.
0pp., p. 863, Basle ed.
t Vallet de Viriville, 458. Here (p. 443 and in the Rev. des
Quest. Hist., XVII., 382 seg.) details are given regarding the
immoral life of the King. Tidings of Charles's death reached
Bologna on the 3rd August (Cr. di Bologna, 739) and Rome on
the 7th.
 ACCESSION OF LOUIS XI. 1 35

from the first moment of his accession,* gave rise to the

most favourable anticipations.
As early as the i8th August, 1461, the Pope, in an
autograph letter, reminded him of his promise ;f adding
that the special negotiations regarding this important
matter would be intrusted to a prelate, who would be
acceptable to his Majesty, Jean Jouffroy, the Bishop of
Arras.;]:

It seems, however, as if Pius II. at this time had but

little confidence in the progress of ecclesiastical affairs in
France. The Bishop of Arras was accredited to England,
Scotland, and Burgundy, but not to France, as if it was
feared that in that country his authority as Legate a
latere might meet with opposition. § The Cardinal of
Coutances was urgently exhorted to persevere in his
efforts for the restoration of the Papal authority, and to
do everything in his power to assist those of Louis XI.||

Jouffroy, who was honourably received by the King,1[

* Basin-Quicherat, II., 25-6; Dansin, 259. G. Lolli wrote

from Tivoli to Siena on the nth Aug., 1561 : "La nuova della morte
del re di Francia fara mutare molte fantasie." State Archives, Siena.
t Pn II. Ep. 23, Milan ed.
+ Even on the 15th Aug., 1461, *0. de Carretto, writing from Tivoli,
was able to inform the Duke of Milan that Jouffroy would probably be
sent to Louis XL; he speaks of the Prelate as "molto accetto et

familiare alio prefato S'"° Re." State Archives, Milan. P. E. Roma

II. For an account of the previous life of Jouffroy, see Frizon, 512
seq., the monograph of Pierre Joseph Grappin (Besangon, 1785) and
the eulogistic work of Fierville ; see also Vahlen, 33 and 407.
§ Raynaldus, ad an. 1461, N. 116; Voigt, III., 191 ;
Chastel-
LAIN, IV., 121,

II
** Brief to the Cardinal of Coutances, Lib. brev. 9, f. 244, Secret
Archives of the Vatican (incomplete in Raynaldus, ad an. 1461,
N. 117).

IF *Brief of Pius II. to J. Jouffroy, dated Rome, 1461, Oct. 20:

"Accepimus litteras tuas et intelleximus cjuid cum Regia Ser"", quid
136 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

entered upon his task with the greatest zeal ; but his zeal,

and the means which he employed, were far from being

pure. To this ambitious man the revocation of the
Pragmatic Sanction was nothing but a ladder for his own
exaltation. He hoped by success in this matter to earn
the Cardinal's hat, which he had already vainly sought,
through the intervention of the Duke of Burgundy.*
With this aim in view Jouffroy began to insinuate himself
into the good graces of the new King, and thanks to the
" courtly address," which was his undoubted characteristic,

he was soon successful.

The dislike of Louis to everything that his father had
done greatly facilitated the accomplishment of the task
entrusted to the Bishop of Arras. He also represented
to the King that if once the arrangement made in 1438
w^ere abolished, the influence of the nobles in the
matter of Church preferment would be at an end. The
idea of lowering and weakening the power of the Vassals
of the Crown had, at this time, taken possession of the
mind of Louis XI. In the course of these negotiations no
doubt the old grievance in regard to the large sums of
mone\' drawn out of France b}' Rome was again revived.
We have not sufficient information to follow in detail all

Jouffroy 's intrigues, but it is probable that these appre-

hensions were met by the assurance that the Pope would
appoint a Legate to reside in France, who would institute
to all benefices, and that thus the money would remain in
the kingdom.j-

ille tecum contulerit. Letamur incolumen te pervenisse ad regem et

cum honore fuisse ab illo susceptum." Lib. brev. 9, f. 223, Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
* *Brief of 7th March, 1460, to Philip of Burgundy : see Appendix
N. 37, Secret Archives of the \'atican.
t Mem. de J. DU Clercq, V., c. 4.
 PIUS II. AND LOUIS XI. 137

Louis XI. seems to have expressed to the Legate a con-

fident hope that, in acknowledgment of the abrogation of
the Pragmatic Sanction, the Pope would change his Nea-
politan policy and favour the claims of France ; and
Jouffroy no doubt confirmed this expectation, although
well aware of its At Rome he said little or
fallaciousness.

nothing of this, but dwelt much on Louis' noble senti-

ments and his firm determination to repeal the anti-

Papal Law by his own authority.

On the reception of these good tidings, Pius II. at once

wrote a long letter of thanks to the King. He commended
Louis' decision as a great and good deed, and begged him
not to defer its accomplishment. " If your Prelates and
the University desire anything from Us," he says in this
letter, " let them only apply to Us through You ;
gladly will
We grant all that can fittingly be granted." At the same
time he admonished the King that it was his duty to take
his part in the rescue of Christendom from the Turks.*
The first and most urgent demand ot Louis XL was
that Jouffroy and Prince Louis d'Albret should be raised

to the purple. Pius II. perceived the necessity ot granting

this request, which had already been made by Charles
VII., if the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction were to be
accomplished. It cost him much trouble, however, to

obtain the consent of the Sacred College. There were

long and excited discussions, of which the Pope gives
a detailed account in his Memoirs.f Many of the
Cardinals were extremely averse to any increase in the

* Pius II.'s Letter of Oct. 26, 1461, in Opp. omn., 861-2.

t Pn Comment.
II. 183, with the important supplement in CUGNONi,
21^ seq. The date of the commencement of the negotiations may be
gathered from the statement that Cardinal Fieschi was dead. His

decease took place on the 8th Oct., 1461 ; see *Acta Consist., f. 30,

Secret Archives of the Vatican.

138 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

numbers of the Sacred College, others brought forward

objections which as d'Albret was a man of strictly moral
life, were only applicable to Joufifroy. Cardinal Alain in
particular painted the character of his countryman in the
darkest colours. Pius II. did not contradict his state-
ments, but pointed out the necessity, under the
circumstances, of choosing the least of two evils. In the
event of his refusing the King's request, the Pragmatic
Sanction would not be repealed ;
Jouffroy would be furious
and would have no difficulty in turning Louis completely
against the Pope, since he was already dissatisfied with
the policy of the Holy See in regard to Naples. In the
beginning of December an agreement was arrived at. On
the 1 names of seven new Cardinals were published,,
8th, the

and amongst them were those of d'Albret and Jouffroy.*

Rome that Louis XI.
Just at this time tidings reached
had really revoked the Pragmatic Sanction. The King
himself wrote to the Pope on the 27th November, 146 1,
to announce the event. " As we perceive," he said, " that
obedience is better than sacrifice, we consent to admit
that which you have announced to us, namely, that the
Pragmatic Sanction is injurious to the Holy See, and that„
originating in a time of schism and revolt, it robs You, from
whom all holy laws proceed, of Your authority, and is

contrary to right and justice. Although some learned

men have sought to refute this and have greatly dissuaded
Us from the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction, yet knowing
and perceiving that You are the Prince of the whole
Church, the head of religion, the Shepherd of the Lord's
flock, we follow Your teaching and cleave to it with full

consent. Therefore, as You require, we set aside and

proscribe the Pragmatic Sanction in our whole kingdom, in
Dauphine and all our dominions, in which from henceforth
* *Acta Consist, loc. cif., Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 REVOCATION OF PRAGMATIC SANCTION. 1 39

Your jurisdiction shall be unquestioned. Even as the

members in the human body are directed without conflict
by one head and one spirit, so will the Prelates of the
Church in our kingdom yield complete obedience to Your
Sacred Decrees. Should any, however, offer resistance
and make objections, We pledge our royal word to Your
Holiness to have Your instructions carried out, to exclude
all appeals, and to punish those who should prove
refractory."*

When Pius II. imparted this Letter to the assembled

Consistory, he could not refrain from tears of joy.
His confidential secretary, Gregorio Lolli, at once sent
a copy to Siena, adding that it was long since any Pope
had achieved so great a victory as had now been won
by their fellow-countryman.-j*
Antonio da Noceto, a brother of the well-known Pietro
da Noceto, was sent to France to convey to the King a
consecrated sword. On the blade was engraved an in-
vitation to the Turkish war composed by Pius II., who
also sent an autograph letter, praising his conduct in the
highest terms.;j:

On the 26th December, 1461, Gregorio Lolli had

triumphantly informed his Sienese fellow-countrymen
that the repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction was the most

* ^N. Sylvii Opera, 863, Basle ed. See Hergenrother, Staat

und Kirche, 107 seq. VoiGT, ; III., 195 ; Legeay, I., 294.
t Autograph **Letter of G. Lolli, of the 15th December, 1461, State
Archives, Siena.

X PlI II. Comment. 1S4 ; Ep. 27, ed. Mediolan. ; VoiGT, III., 195, is

mistaken in supposing Antonio da Noceto to be the son of Pietro.

Gerini (Mem. s. Lunigiana, II., 200) identifies him with Pietro; see
on the contrary MiNUTOLl in the Atti d. R. Accad. Lucchese (Lucca,

1882), XXI., 27 scq., and Arch. St. Ital, 1889, 34 scq. Uesjardin'S
Louis XL, p. 12, also maintains that Louis' zeal against the Turks was
not sincere.
140 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

important intelligence that could have been imparted to

the Apostolic See ; with one stroke a country so great as
France had been won back to its allegiance, and the
obedience of all Christians confirmed. They ought to
thank God that His Church had been thus exalted in the

time of a Sienese Pope ; for their fuller information, and

that they might see how unreservedly Louis XL had
revoked this enactment, he sent them a copy of two
letters from Cardinals Longueil and Jouffroy.* But by
the beginning of January, 1462, a report from Jouffroy
of a very different character was in the Pontiffs hands.
" After Jouffroy had entered the sure haven of the
Cardinalate," Pius II. writes in his Memoirs, "he brought
forward that which he had hitherto concealed, namely,
that the Pragmatic Sanction would certainly only be
repealed when the King's wishes regarding Naples had
been complied with."-|- Pius II. answered the observations
of the new Cardinal regarding the practicability of
carrying out the royal Decree on the 13th January,
1462. Jouffroy would, he said, no doubt be able to
remove the difficulties which were arising, he could not
believe in a change of purpose on the part of the pious King. J
The conduct of Louis XI. at this time was well calcu-
lated to confirm the Pope's impression. The Parliament
was commanded to have the letter ot 27th November, 1461,
registered as a Royal Ordinance the King would brook ;

no opposition.^ The objections of the Parliament and

the University were sternly silenced. When a deputation

* See the text of the Letter from the Original in the State Archives,
Siena, in Appendix, N. 53.
t Pn II. Comment. 186.

X Pn II. Ep. 26, ed. Mediol.

§ Ordonnances des Rois de France, XV., 193 (Paris, iSii). See
VOIGT, III., 195.
 LOUIS XI. AND NAPLES. 14!

from the University of Paris appeared before the King in

January, 1462, while he was at Tours, " Go your ways !

he exclaimed, " I care not to trouble myself about such

as you." *
Louis XI. hoped that the Pope would reward this zeal
by completely changing his policy in regard to Naples,
and either openly espousing the cause of Anjou, or at
leastabandoning that of Ferrante. The monarch who,
according to Monstrelet, could speak with the tones of a
syren, did not hesitate on occasion to resort to threats.
At the end of January, 1462, the Florentine Ambassadors
had informed Cosmo de' Medici that Louis had sworn
to avenge himself on the Pope in case he should refuse to
support John of Calabria. A Council was to be called,
and whatever else could most harass and annoy the
Court of Rome was to be done.-j* The mere mention of
the word Council was enough greatly to disturb the
Pope and to trusted friends, such as the Milanese
;

Ambassador, he spoke bitterly of Gallic pride and arro-

gance. J But he concealed his vexation from the King,

* According to Chastellain, IV., 200, the King's words were :

" Par la Pasque Dieu Sainte I que je n' en feray riens. Vous estes
meschans gens et de mauvaise vie, et avez vos grosses grasses ribaudes
que vous nourissez aupres vous. Allez vous en, car vous ne valez
point que je me mesle de vous." The time when this scene took place
is to be gathered from the Itinerary of Louis in jEAN DE Reilhac,
etc., II., XXXII., according to which the King stayed at Tours until

the 14th January, 1462.

t Report of Nicodemus of the 26th January, 1462, in BUSER,
Beziehungen, 411. The account given by Nicodemus is confirmed by
the Despatch of an Italian (Florentine?) ^Ambassador, dated Tours,

1 46 1 (st. fl.), January 6th, of which I found a contemporary copy in

the Gaetani Archives, Rome (XLV., N. 49).

X *Despatch of O. de Canetto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462,

March 6, Ambrosian Library, Milan.
 142 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and again on the 24th February wrote to him in the most

friendly manner, saying that he was awaiting proposals
from Jouffroy, and would refuse nothing consistent with
honour and justice.*
Pius II. was, in fact, at this time seriously considering
the advisability of a complete change of policy in regard
to Naples. The French King's threats of an anti-Roman
Council and a schism had begun to take effect. As the
day of the arrival of Jouffroy and the other Ambassadors
approached, his anxiety increased. Coppini, Bishop of
Terni, was indefatigable on the Cardinal's -side, insisting
on the threatening attitude of Louis XL, and declaring
that unless Pius II. took the part of Anjou, the French
King would ally himself with the Venetians, send an army
into Italy by way of Savoy, and so harass the Duke of
Milan that he would be compelled to abandon Ferrante.
Thus the whole burden of the Neapolitan war would fall on
the Pope.f
Pius II. was able to conceal his agitation from the world
at large, but to a few who enjoyed his confidence he made
no secret of his uncertainties regarding the possibility of
continuing to support Ferrante. A remarkable report,
written by the Milanese Ambassador, Otto de Carretto,
to Francesco Sforza on the 12th March, 1462, bears
witness to this.+ "To-day," writes the Ambassador,
" after having dismissed who were
all present in his room,
the Pope said to me: ' Messer Otto, you are a faithful

* Epist. 28, ed. Mediol. ; VoiGT, III., 196.

t Pil II. Comment. 186.

t I found in the Ambrosian Library, Milan, the original of this

**Document, which is important as correcting the picture given in the
Memoirs of Pius II. Its length is such that my copy fills eighteen

large pages, and I am therefore obliged to reserve it for my proposed

" Collection of Documents."
 PIUS II. ON NEAPOLITAN QUESTION. I43

servant of your lord ; and as his affairs are most closely

connected with my own, I will quite secretly impart
certain matters to you and then ask your advice con-
cerning them.'
Then, continues Carretto, Pius II. proceeded to sketch
the present political situation. He began with Milan and
pointed out that the Duchy was surrounded by States like
Savoy, Montferrat and Modena, whose sympathies were
partially or entirely with France. In the case of an
attack from that country, the most that could be expected
from Florence would be some secret and small pecuniary
aid. Venice would, no doubt, make use of a war between
Milan and France for her own advantage. Francesco
Sforza could reckon with certainty only on the Marquess
of Mantua, whose power was not great. The discontent
of many Milanese subjects,*, some of whom leaned to the
side of France, and others to that of Venice, must also be
taken into consideration.
The Pope looked upon Ferrante's position in Naples as
hopeless. His treasury was empty, and his subjects
detested him ; nothing but sheer force kept him on the
throne.The nobles who had submitted to him might at
any moment again revolt, some were already wavering ;

his government had no solid foundation.

He then went on to draw a melancholy and even exag-

gerated picture of his own difficulties. The powerful
party of the Colonna was, he said, entirely devoted to
France. The Savelli and Everso of Anguillara would
gladly renew their alliance with Jacopo Piccinino. Many
others in the dominions of the Church were discontented
because their excesses had been restrained. In the
Marches, the Vicar of Camerino, Giulio Cesare Varano,
was a great enemy of the Holy See. He preferred to say
* See BusER, Beziehungen, 107.
144 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

nothing of Sigismondo Malatesta, of Forli, and the Vicars

of the Romagna. Florence and Venice had no more
ardent wish than that the temporal power of the Church
should be weakened. He could rely on no one in Italy
save the Duke of Milan, and if his resources were taxed
in another direction, what was to become of the Papal
Government? His treasury was exhausted, his annual
revenues from all sources did not altogether amount to more
than 150,000 ducats. Then the spiritual power of the Holy
See was a matter of incomparably greater importance than
the temporal, and what was the prospect here? In
Italy the religious situation was no better than the
political. In Germany,
by maintaining, as he was in duty
bound, the honour of the Holy See, he had incurred the
enmity of the powerful Duke Sigismund of the Tyrol and
of the Elector of Mayence. Several of the German
Princes, and especially the Count Palatine Frederick, had
joined the latter. Other Princes of the Empire were
hostile to Pope because of his friendship with the
the
Emperor. of Hungary, who had entered into
The King
an alliance with Louis XL, was also against Frederick
HI. The King of Bohemia was half a heretic, the Duke
of Cleves was also anti-Roman in his sympathies, because-
the Holy See had not yielded to his unjust requisitions-

upon the Church of Cologne. Spain was almost entirely

led by France, and so were Burgundy and Savoy.
How easy would it be for the French monarch to place-
himself at the head of these malcontents, especially in
ecclesiastical matters. Louis XI. had indeed repealed the
Pragmatic Sanction, but now, it was said, he required!
Rome to desist from assisting Ferrante. If his demand
were refused, there was reason to fear that, under the cloak
of zeal for the Church, he would insist on the summoning
of a Council. All these enemies of Rome, and even many-
 PIUS II. AND O. DE CARRETTO. I45

of the Cardinals, would join him in this. A schism might

easily be the consequence. He greatly feared some threat
of this kind from the French Ambassadors now on their

way to Rome. The Cardinals, partly from fear of a

schism and partly from a leaning to France, would think
it better that he should make friends with the French
King in time, rather than run the risk of all the troubles
that might ensue. Carretto was now required to give his
opinion, but he was to speak to no one of this conver-
sation ; for the Pope had as yet kept his uncertainties

secret, fearing the pressure to which he might be

subjected if they were known. Moreover, he had been
informed that even in the Duke's own Court there were
but few who considered it expedient to persist in support-
ing Ferrante.*
The Milanese Ambassador replied that, notwithstanding
all difficulties, his master was disposed to hold to Ferrante.
The French Ambassadors, he said, must be appeased by
soft words. He was, however, ready to lay before the
Duke the doubts which the Pope had manifested to
him.
Pius H. replied that Carretto was to express his views
not as an Ambassador, but as a private individual. The
latter then acknowledged all the difficulty of the situation,
but also maintained that a change in the Italian policy
of the Pope would in no way mend matters. He was in

honour bound still to support Ferrante. What kind of

impression would be made if Pius II., who had hitherto
helped him in every possible manner, were now, on
account of French threats and persuasions, to reverse all
that he had done? In regard to immediate advantages,
it was to be considered that the P>ench custom was
* Regarding the French party at Fr. Sforza's Court, see supra^
Chap. III., p. I ig.

VOL. III. L
146 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to promise much and perform little. Moreover, it was

doubtful whether Louis XI. would really engage so deeply
in Italian politics. Venice would hardly suffer French
influence to become all-powerful in Italy. In the Milanese
territory the people were not so discontented as the Pope
seemed to suppose. On the contrary, never had a Prince
been more loved and honoured by his subjects than was
the Duke ; every one of them Avould suffer anything rather
than submit to another ruler. If Louis XI. were to

interfere personally in Italian affairs, time would still be

required for the necessary preparations, and meanwhile
the rising in Naples might be quelled.
At the conclusion of his statement, Carretto again
reverted to the opinion which he had expressed at the
beginning. Admitting, he said, the existence of all these

dangers, a change in the Italian policy of the Holy See

would produce others of a yet more serious character.
If France should acquire a preponderating influence in

Naples, Genoa, Asti, Florence and Modena, the haughty

young King, having seen that a word had sufficed to sub-
due the Pope and the Duke of Milan, would soon subju-
gate the rest of the Peninsula. Whose fault would it
then be that Italy was at the mercy of France, and the
Pope reduced to the position of Chaplain to her King ?
What, after this, could hinder Louis XI. from placing
a creature of his own on the Papal Throne, and again
transferring the supreme government of the Church to
his dominions ? Italy and the Apostolic See ought not
to be exposed to such dangers as these, in the vain hope

that the French King would take part in the Turkish war.
If the Cardinals, Prelates and others about the Court,
were in favour of an agreement with France, the Pope
must remember that they were actuated by selfish

motives.
 ARRIVAL OF THE FRENCH EMBASSY. 1 47

The day after this conversation the splendid Embassy

from the King of France, headed by Count Pierre de
Chaumont, arrived in Rome. It was received with great
pomp and solemnity. As the Cardinals of Arras and
Coutances were among the Envoys, most of the members
of the Sacred College went as far as the Porta del Popolo
to meet them. They alighted at the Convent at this
gate, where newly-appointed Cardinals were accustomed
to await their formal reception in Consistory.*
During these days the Milanese Envoy was indefati-
gable in his activity. His representations made a great
impression on the Pope, but it soon became evident that
other means also must be employed to counteract the
menaces of France and to hold Pius II. fast to his treaty.
Carretto turned to those who had most influence with the
Pontiff— to Cardinals Forteguerri and Ammanati, to
Gregorio Lolli, and
Scarampo, Bessarion, Carvajal
also to
and other eminent members of the Sacred College. He
deemed it a matter of the greatest importance that the
French offers of large military assistance in the war
against the Turks should be appreciated by that body at
their real worth.

Before the reception of the French Ambassadors,

Carretto had two other interviews with Pius II. In the
latter of these the Pope told him that he had resolved
to
reply to the French in an amicable manner, and to bestow
on them due praise for the abolition of the Pragmatic
Sanction and with regard to Neapolitan affairs, to in-
;

form them that he must persevere in the course which he

had adopted, but that he was ready to gratify Louis XI.

* See **CaiTetto's Report of the 14th March, 1462, State Archives,

Milan, and *Acta Consist., f. 30b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
FiERVlLLE, in his Biography of Jouffroy, tells us hardly anything
new in regard to the events which follow.
148 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

in any way consistent with his honour. Above all, he

would not break with France it was to be hoped that ;

in the end some means might be found of reconciling

conflicting claims. " My most anxious endeavour," writes

Carretto in concluding his report, " will be to keep his

Holiness firm in this matter, and to take care that no
one should know of his vacillations."*

Cardinal Jouffroy had in the meantime also seen the

Pope. Even in his very first audience, forgetful of his
duty as a Prince of the Church, and a member of her
Senate, he shewed himself simply and solfely a French-
man, the paid agent of his King. He tried by every
means in his power to turn the Pope from his alliance

with Ferrante. He painted in the darkest colours the

disadvantages of the policy which he had hitherto pur-
sued, in order to contrast them with the benefits which
the French King could confer, dwelling especially on the
great things in store for the nephews of Pius II. The
Pope replied that he duly valued the friendship of France,
and was sensible of the debt of gratitude which he owed
to the King for the abolition of the Pragmatic Sanction ;

but that what Louis demanded in regard to Naples would

bring disgrace on the Holy See, and that he could not,
and would not, yield in this matter. In the course of a
long interview, Jouffroy, acting on his own authority, pro-
posed that Ferrante should be compensated by the grant
of the principality of Tarento. Pius H. expressed a
doubt whether the Neapolitan King would consent to this

plan, and finally the Cardinal took his leave, declaring

that he hoped, on the next occasion, to find the Pope
better disposed.-j-

* **Letter of O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462, March

1 5, Ambrosian Library, Milan,
t **Second Report of O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, of March 15th,
 AUDIENCE OF FRENCH AMBASSADORS. 1 49

The solemn audience of the French Ambassadors took

place on the i6th March.* Pius II., in full pontificals,
sat on the throne in the great Hall of the Consistory,
the Cardinals were opposite to him, while the middle
space was occupied by the Bishops, Prelates, Notaries,
and other officials, together with numerous spectators.
When the Ambassadors had kissed the foot of the Pope,
and presented their credentials, Jouffroy made a long
speech. After a pompous eulogy of the French nation
and its monarch, he did homage on behalf of Louis XL,
read the royal decree concerning the abrogation of the
Pragmatic Sanction,-]- and made magnificent promises in
regard to the Turkish war. His King would lead an army
of 70,000 men against Mahomet, and only asked in return
that the Pope should assisthim to reconquer Genoa, and

1462, Ambrosian Library. Louis XL afterwards, but without any real

intention of carrying out the arrangement, offered his daughter in

marriage to the Pope's nephew ; Pius pohtely declined, his nephew

being already married. VOIGT, IIL, 165.
* Not on March 15th, as VoiGT, IIL, 197, following the Report of
the Bohemian Ambassador in Palacky, IV., 2, 220, states, for the
16th of March is mentioned : (i) by O. de Carretto in a ^Despatch to

Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462, March 16 ; (2) by Bartholomaeus

Riverius in his ^Report to Fr. Sforza, of the same day : both of
these Documents are in the State Archives at Milan ; (3) by G.
Lolli, in a **Letter to Siena, dated Rome, 1461 (st. fl.), March 17
(State Archives, Siena) ; (4) by *B. Bonatto to the Duke of Mantua,
dated Rome, 1462, March 16 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; (5) in

*Acta Consist, loc. cii. (Secret Archives of the Vatican). *Cod. Vatic,
5667, also states that Pius II. answered the French Ambassadors on
the 1 6th March. Voigt's supposition that the Pope pronounced this

discourse on the following day is mistaken, and is in direct contra-

diction to the Memoirs of Pius II., p. 187.
+ See the *Letter of G. Lolli, of March 17, 1462, in the State
Archives, Siena.
150 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

support John of Calabria instead of Ferrante in the

Kingdom of Naples.
All present were filled with astonishment at the

eloquence and fluency of the discourse which Pius II.

made in reply. So deep was the silence, says a Milanese

chronicler, that it seemed as if there were no one in the
Hall* The Pope did not fail to praise the French King,
but made no allusion to his demands in regard to Genoa
and Naples.f After a formal document concerning the
repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction had been drawn up by
a notary, the hat was conferred upon Jouffroy, to whom a

seat among the Cardinals was then assigned.

On the 17th March, Gregorio Lolli announced to his

fellow-countrymen the unconditional revocation of the

Pragmatic Sanction. This was, he declared, the most

solemn and important event which had occurred for

* "*La S'^- de N. S""^- audite queste loro offerte et supplichacione

ad richiedere prout supra disi, ha risposto con tanta dolzeza, con tanta
sonoritate et influentia de dire, che tuto il concistorio publico e

rimasto stupefacto : tanta e stata la elegantia de lo dire che niuno

pareva fusse in quella salla et tanta era la audientia che se prestava ad

Sua S'"*-, che, S°' mio, e stata una cosa miraculosa ad audire la Sua B.
proferire questa sua elegantissima et resposiva oracione in acceptare

solo le offerte del la M'^- de S""^- Re de Franza facte per questi r™-
oratori soy de la quale aceptacione in publico S. B. ne ha facto
tractati instrumentum per uno mes. Antonio da Eugubio doctore
apostolico notaro cum quelle solempnitate se richiedono." *Report of
B. Riverius in the State Archives, Milan. See in Appendix, N. 55,

the *Despatch of L. Petronius, of the 17th March, State Archives,

Siena.
t See ^Despatch of O. de Carretto, of March 16, 1462, State
Archives, Milan. The Pope's speech is in Mansi, II., 103-114.
:j: *Acta Consist., f. 30b, Secret Archives of the Vatican. From the

same source we learn that the ceremony of opening the mouths of

the Cardinals of Coutances and Arras took place on the 29th of
March.
 JOY AT REPEAL OF PRAGMATIC SANCTION. 151

many years at the Court. It was celebrated by pro-

cessions and festivities.*
In Rome the tidings were received with an outburst of
joy. Bonfires were kindled and the air was filled with
the sound of trumpets and bells. The Pope was praised
all the more highly because the expectations of success
had been but small. No one, he says in his Memoirs,
had looked upon the repeal of the law as a possibility it ;

was deemed a great thing that the evil had not extended
yet further.-j-

The event was one of those which leaves its mark in

the world's history. The Pope's thoughts must have

reverted to those days in the spring of 1447, when, as

Ambassador of Frederick III., he had procured the

reconciliation of the greater part of the Holy Roman
Empire with the Holy See.:J: On neither occasion can
his joy have been unmixed yet Pius II. had good reason
;

to be satisfied at the great effects which, at least for a

time, were produced by the concession of Louis XI.
During the succeeding days. Cardinal Jouffroy and the
Count de Chaumont had several prolonged audiences of

* **Letter of March 17, 1462, State Archives, Siena.

t PlI Comment. 187. See

II. in Appendix N. 55 the *Despatch of
Petronius of March 17, 1462.
X See our account of this matter, Vol. I., p. 348.
§ Palacky, IV., 216-17. On the same i6th of March Bessarion
held up to the Bohemian Ambassadors the splendid example which
the King of France had given in his complete submission to the
Pope. In spite of the opposition of the French Hierarchy Louis XI.
had carried out his purpose the honours which this action had
;

gained for him would, in case of similar conduct, be the portion of the
King of Bohemia, /oc. cit. 220. From a *Letter written by Cardinal
Gonzaga to his father, dated Rome, 1462, March 30th, we learn that
Pius II., at this time, intended to issue a solemn Bull regarding the
repeal of the Pragmatic Sanction. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
152 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Pope.* All their eloquence failed to bring Pius II.

over to the cause of Anjou. He indeed proposed a truce

or a compromise, but all negotiations for this purpose
proved fruitless.f Threats were freely employed by the
French. How, they asked, will the Pope's resistance to
the House of France be looked upon by Christendom,
when it is known that Louis XI. has manifested his per-
fect obedience by revoking the Pragmatic Sanction, and has

also promised such great assistance in the war against the

Turks? Will it not be said that Pius II. has abdicated
his position as head of the nations, and np longer con-
cerns himself with the defence of the Faith ?|
The Pope, indeed, was well aware that the enemies of
the Holy See might thus turn the Turkish question to
account, but on the other hand he had from the first

understood the real value of the magniloquent promises

of France regarding this war. Any possibility of mis-
apprehension on the subject was removed when Jouffroy
and Chaumont declared that the offers of Louis XI. were
made only on condition that his demands in regard to
Genoa and Naples should be satisfied.

* On the 2oth March, 1462, B. Bonatto writes to the Marquess of

Mantua : "*La S*'*- de N. S. tre volte ha dato audientia privata ad essi
ambassatori francesi et molte cose sono sta dicte hinc inde ad questo
proposito da desistere ad perseverare a questa impresa del Reame.
La S'^- N. S. molto ben se iustifica." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t *Report of O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462,
March 22, State Archives, Milan (in P. E. wrongly given as 1461,
Rome).
X *Report of O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462,
March 26, Ambrosian Library. The ample letter of O. de Carretto to
Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462, April 6, shews that Pius IL was greatly
afraid of French intrigues in regard to ecclesiastical matters. State
Archives, Milan.

§ **Report of O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1462,

March 29. Ambrosian Library.
 DEPARTURE OF FRENCH AMBASSADORS. 1 53

On the 3rd April, after three weeks had been consumed

in negotiations, the Count de Chaumont with the Bishop of
Saintes left the City.* The Ambassadors saw that they
had failed to accomplish the principal object of their
mission, and on their way back expressed their vexation
in no measured terms. Chaumont, when in Florence,
declared that his master would recall all the French
prelates fromRome, and revenge himself in such a way
as should make the Pope repent.f
A new French Ambassador, the Seneschal of Toulouse,
used equally menacing language. Pius II., however, was
not alarmed, for heknew on good authority that the
Ambassador was not empowered to carry these threats
into execution.

* *" Questa matina parteno lo rev. vescovo de Santes et lo Mons.,

de Chiamont ambasiatori de la Mta. del Re di Franza per tornare a
quella con la risposta qual per altre mie ho gia scritto, la qual porta
Bartolomeo Rivero." Otto de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome,
1462, April 3, State Archives, Milan, Cart. Gen. Nicodemus de
Pontremoli wrote from Florence on the 31st May, 1462, to Fr. Sforza :

"*" Li ambaxatori del Re de Franza sono partiti da Roma et del papa

hanno havuto quanto hanno saputo chiedere excepto el verbo principal."
Loc. cit., P. E. Firenze, II.

t **" El c. de Ciamonte . . , heri gionse qui da Roma . . .

dice in effecto che dal papa hanno havute parole assay et effecto nullo

bono como anch' hebero de V. Cels., ma chel Re suo fara meraviglie."

Nicodemus de Pontremoli to Fr. Sforza, dated Florence, 1462, April 9.

On the loth April Nicodemus writes :

*" Quel conte de Ciamonte

ambaxatore del Re de Franza, che torna da Roma et e venuto in la,

ha dicto qui ad chi gli e parso de potersi fidar chel Re de Franza

revocara de corte de Roma tucti li prelati e altri cortesani francesi."

State Archives, Milan, Cart. Gen. See also CUGNONI, 219, and a
letter of L. Petronius to Siena of the 5th April, 1462, State Archives,
Siena.

X Pii II. Comment. 207-8 ; Lecoy de la Marche, I., 338 ;

Legeay,
!•) 303 ^^^' See also the ^Despatch of Nicodemus de Pontremoli
154 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

During the whole of this time an uninterrupted corre-

spondence was maintained between Pius II. and Louis XL,
but their estrangement continued to increase. On one
side-question indeed an agreement w^as arrived at, as
Louis XI. gave back to the Church the Countships of Die
and Valence, which had been annexed by the last Count,
and retained by Charles VII. In return for this act of
restitution Louis was to keep the portions of these
lying on his side of the Rhone.*
territories Antonio
da Noceto was sent to France to take possession of those
which were restored to the Holy See. Jouffroy and ,

Louis XI. again proposed a marriage between one of the

Pope's nephews and a daughter of the French Monarch.
At the same time the prospect of a Franco-Bohemian
alliance was used as a bugbear to constrain the Pope to
alter his Italian policy ; but both the proposal and the
menace were fruitless.-]- By the repeal of the Pragmatic
Sanction the King had expected not only to win over
the Pope to the side of Anjou, but also to acquire
the patronage of all the more important ecclesiastical
benefices.^ When this anticipation also proved illusory
the irritation of Louis knew no bounds. He wrote an
insolent letter to the Pope and Cardinals in which he
criticised all the acts of Pius II.'s government, and
even accused him of fomenting divisions among the

to Fr. Sforza, dated Florence, 1462, May 29, State Archives, Milan,
P. E.
* Raynaldus, ad an. 1462, N. 12-13 ; Voigt, III., 200 ;
Fantoni, I.,

337 seq-
t Report of Otto de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463, January 13,
Ambroslan Library. Regarding the Franco- Bohemian Alliance, see
infra, chap. 5.

X GUETTEE, VIII., 20. See Basin-Quicherat, I., XXXVI., and

SiCKEL, Frankreich und Burgund um die Mitte des 15 Jahrhunderts,
in the Sammlung wissenschaftlicher Vortrage, 17 (Wien, 1858).
 TENSION OF RELATIONS WITH FRANCE. 1 55

Princes of Christendom, instead of uniting them for

the Turkish war as he professed to do.* The Pope

sent Nuncios, and wrote several autograph letters to
appease the wrath of Louis. All was in vain, chiefly-

owing to the machinations of Cardinal Jouffroy, who,

fearing the discovery of his own intrigues, was more bitter

even than the King against Pius II., and kept constantly-
fanning the flame.-j- Amongst other serious charges against
Jouffroy contained in the Memoirs, the Pope accuses

him of having misrepresented to him the contents of

Royal letters, and attributed to the King desires which he
had never entertained, and in his reports falsely repre-
sented the Pope as an enemy of the French Dynasty, and
untrue to his word.:]:

In the autumn of 1463 the relations between Louis XI.

and Rome were strained to the uttermost, and alarming
rumours were daily arriving from France. The King was
said to have behaved very rudely to Cardinals Longueil
and Alain. was reported that the Bishoprics of Uzes
It

and Carcassonne, the Abbey of St. Jean d'Angeli and other

benefices, which the latter held in couiDiendmn, had been
sequestrated. Certain Royal Edicts, directly opposed to
the rights of the Holy See, were said to have been issued.
It is thought, wrote the Envoy of Mantua on the 4th
October, 1463, from Rome, that the King will renew the
Pragmatic Sanction ;
he writes angry letters to the Pope
in defence of Jouffroy, who is, he affirms, set aside because
he does his duty !
§
The King did not, indeed, go so far as to re-establish

* Pll II. Comment. 323-4 ; VOIGT, III., 203.

t FlERVILLE, 127.

:J:
CUGNONI, 230 seq.

§ Report of P. Arrivabene of the 4th October, 1463, in Appendix

N. 59, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
156 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the law of 1438; but on the other hand, from 1463, he

did his best to recover that which he had yielded in the
previous year. In 1463 and 1464, a number of Decrees
were issued " to defend ourselves against the aggressions
of Rome, and for the restoration of the ancient Gallican
liberties," by which most of the concessions obtained in
the revocation of the Pragmatic Sanction were nullified.
Pius II. complains in his Memoirs that the hostility to

the Church manifested by Louis in these Decrees far

exceeded his former loyalty and zeal in the repeal of
the Pragmatic Sanction.* The conduct of the King in
regard to two benefices which had fallen vacant in Angers
and in Paris at the end of 1463 or beginning of 1464 is

another instance of the high-handed tone which he now

assumed. He requested the Pope to confer them upon
Jean Balue, adding that this favourite had already taken
possession of them, and that he would himself defend
him against all opponents! Pius II. refused, and asked
theKing if he would suffer any one to say to him, " Give
me this castle freely, or I will take it by force."f
From the time that Louis' antagonism to the Prae-
matic Sanction had cooled, a good understanding had
existed between him and the national party among the
French clergy, who thus unconsciously aided the King
in weaving the " web in which he purposed to entangle

them " and to destroy the independence which he pro-

fessed to defend against the aggressions of the Pope.J
Cardinal Joufifroy left Rome to return to France on the

* Pn II. Comment. 324 VoiGT, III., 208 here, as also in Guettee,

; ;

VIII., 24, FlERViLLE, \2gseq., Legeay, I., 327, further details regarding
the Royal Decrees may be found. See also Phillips, Das Regalien-
recht in Frankreich, 168 seq. (Halle, 1873).
t CUGNONI, 144-5.
X Reumont, III., I, 142.
 LOUIS XI. AND JOUFFROY. 1 57

24th October, 1463.* Some curiosity may have been felt

as to the reception he would meet with from Louis. He

was detested by the Parisians, who had made him the
subject of many satires and caricatures, and when he
entered the city no one took any notice of him. But the
King shewed him the greatest favour.f He knew that
this man would now enter into his anti-Roman policy
with no less zeal than that which he had formerly dis-
played in the opposite direction. King Louis and
Cardinal Jouffroy were a well-matched pair.
Besides the revival of the so-called Galilean liberties,

Louis had, in the Turkish question, another means of

revenging himself on the Pope. The manner in which
he thwarted the great designs of Pius H. in this impor-
tant matter will appear in the sequel.
While the monarchical power in France was thus
gathering up all the forces of the nation to subserve its

own ends, the mortal sickness which, to use the words of

Nicholas of Cusa, had attacked the Holy Roman Empire,,
was making ceaseless progress. God help us," writes a "

contemporary, " the whole Empire is so shattered and

torn on all sides that it nowhere holds together. Cities

against Princes, Princes against cities, wage endless wars,

and no one is of too low estate to challenge his neigh-

* See CuGNONi, 232-3. The exact date is given in the *Acta

Consist., f. 31b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

t Mem. of J. DE ClercQ, V., c. 4, Jouftroy is described as "grand

orateur et grand promecteur, mais peu tenoit ce qu'il promectoit : il

estoit fort convoiteulx et ne lui estoit rien impossible a entreprendre,

mais qu'il y euist prouffit." Here is also a notice regarding the play
performed by the Parisian scholars in which rats gnawed the seals of
the Pragmatic Sanction and then got red heads (Cardinals' hats).
There is a better satire on Joufifroy in Baluze, Miscell., IV., 29-30
(Lucae, 1764).
158 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

hour. There is no quiet corner in the whole of Germany ;

turn where you will, you have to guard against ambush,

robbery, and murder; the clergy enjoy no peace, the
nobility no honour."*
Amidst this general confusion two princely factions
became prominent, one of which, assuming a threatening
attitude towards the Emperor, demanded Reform. At
the head of this party, which pursued its own selfish ends
under the cloak of the renovation of the Empire, were the
two Princes of the House of Wittelsbach, Frederick I.

the Victorious, Pfalzgraf of the Rhine, and Louis the

Rich, Duke of Bavaria-Landshut. The champion of the
other party, who found it profitable to pursue their own
interests under the shelter of the Imperial authority, was
Albert Achilles, Margrave of Brandenburg. Albert, " the
clever man of Brandenburg,"

" Whose inventions so subtle

Are fathom'd by none,"

surpassed all contemporary German Princes, not only in

statesmanship and decision, but also in cunning. The
fundamental idea of his policy was, with the help of the
Pope and the Emperor, to obtain the chief magistracy of
the Empire, and to make Franconia a Duchy and the
chief Principality between the Maine and the Danube.j-
The House of Wittelsbach was his natural opponent,
but its downfall seemed at hand when in June, 1459, the
Emperor Frederick HI. outlawed Duke Louis of Bavaria
for having violently seized upon the free Imperial City of

Donauworth. Albert Achilles undertook to carry out the

sentence. At this perilous crisis Pius II. sent his Nuncios

* Palacky, IV., 2, 134. See Beitrage, 205.

t Droysen, II., I, 207. See Bachmann, I., 10, 17, and Deutsche
Biographie, I., 243 seq.; Feefer, 60 seq.
 BESSARION'S mission in GERMANY. 1 59

to an assembly held at Nuremberg in July, 1459, and

succeeded in restoring peace.* This, however, was of
short duration,and the beginning of 1460 witnessed the
outbreak of a war between the houses of Wittelsbach and
Hohenzollern, which soon devastated a great part of
Germany.
Just at this time Cardinal Bessarion came thither

provided with the most ample powers for the promotion

of the Turkish war and the pacification of the Empire.
This mission undertaken by the devoted Cardinal at the
age of sixty-five, and in the depth of winter, is justly

described by his biographer " as a martyrdom."-]-

* Kluckhohn, Ludvvig der Reiche, 104-6.

t Platina, Panegyricus in laudem Bess. Bandinius
; in Migne,
clxi. pp. xxix.-xxx. ; VOIGT, III., 220 ; SiNNACHER, VI., 506. The four
volumes of Letters and Documents regarding Bessarion's German
and Venetian Missions, mentioned by Bandinius, but not utilised by
him or by Vast, are in the Secret Archives of the Vatican. I first of
all found in Arm. xxxv. two of these volumes Tom. 134 is described ;

as Car"^- Bessarionis Bullae. There is a good index at the beginning :

Infrascripta est tabula registri seu bullarum registratarum per

ordinem concessarumque per rev. d.d. Card. Nicenum legatum in
legatione Germanica sive Alamanica. The volume begins with a
Bulla Bessarionis, dat. Norimberge, Cal. Marcii, 1460, and concludes
f. 104b, with another, dated Wienne, 1461, September 8. Tom. 135,
also described as Card. Bessarionis Bullae, contains Documents of
the years 1464-72, arranged without any order, but also belonging
to the period of the Greek Cardinal's Mission to Germany {e._§., dated
Norimberge, Dec. Cal. Martii, A° 1460), 117 pages in all without an
index. Three other volumes of Bessarion's Documents, of which we
shall speak in our account of the Cardinal's Mission to Venice, are
preserved in Arm. xxix. and xxxiv. of the Secret Archives of the Vatican.

Of yet greater importance than these Documents, which give

us no information regarding the special political labours of
Bessarion, is a Collection of his *Original Reports in Arm. xxxix., T. 10,

which will hereafter be cited. These are but scanty remains of

Bessarion's Reports as Nuncio, but are all the more valuable from the
l6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.

By the 20th February Bessarion had arrived in Nurem-

berg, where the Diet agreed upon Mantua was to be
at

opened on March 2nd.* The Cardinal of Augsburg and

the Bishops of Spires and Eichstatt attended as Com-
missioners from the Emperor. Of the German Princes,

Albert Achilles, who was desirous of keeping up a peaceful

appearance, alone was present. Duke Louis had sent his
Councillors, merely charging them to make complaints of
the bad faith of the Margrave.f The Greek Cardinal in
a striking exhortation urged upon all the preservation of
peace which Christ had bequeathed to his disciples. The
divisions of the Christian Princes had, he declared,

increased the power of the Turks to its present extent.

It would be a scandal if Germany did nothing to oppose
the enemies of the Cross. The bad example alone would
do incalculable harm.J

extreme dearth of Reports of the period. On the 13th January, 1460,

Bessarion received, " flor. auri de camera duo milia pro sua provisione,
quatuor mens." *Div. Pll II., 1458-60, f. 137, State Archives,

Rome.
* MULLNER'S statement, adopted by VoiGT, III., 220, that the

Cardinal only reached Nuremberg on the 28th February, is erroneous,

for a *Document of Bessarion, dated Nuremberg, 1460, February

20, is in existence. Arm. xxxv., T. 135, Secret Archives of the

Vatican.
t Kluckhohn, HerzogLudwig, 137 Stadtechroniken, X. 245. The
;

statements of Bachmann, Bohmen, 182, regarding those present are

incorrect in part. See the extract in Hasselholt-Stockheim, taken
from the Bamberg Archives.
X *Bessarion's discourse in Plut., LIV., Cod. 2, f. 232-44 of the
Laurentian Library, Florence. He says : "Non concipitis animo, non
cogitatis principes illustres quam nocive, quam graves damnosque
reipublice christiane fuerint et sint christianorum principum simultates
atque dissensiones ? Quid aliud maximam christianorum potentiam
minuit, Turcorum vero magnam ex minima effecit?" The conclusion
of the discourse is as follows " Ut igitur honorem quem cupitis vel
:
 STRUGGLES IN GERMANY, l6l

These words unfortunately fell upon deaf ears, for the

thoughts of all were absorbed in the struggle now

imminent between the Wittelsbach party and that of
the Hohenzollern. Those present, as a contemporary
chronicler informs us, did nothing " but blame and revile

one another."* Even when Cardinal Carvajal wrote from

Hungary, telling of a fresh incursion of the Turks, and
Bessarion,with tears, implored them to unite in taking
up arms against the enemy, no impression was made.
The utmost he could obtain was to induce them to agree
that another Assembly should meet at Worms on the
25th March.
Meanwhile war had already broken out on the Rhine,
in Suabia and Franconia, and as Bessarion journeyed to
Worms he saw its sad traces. Under these circum-
stances it was not surprising that the Diet at that city
was as fruitless as the one of Nuremberg had been.f

cupere debetis et gloriam veram assequamini bella contra fidei hostes

geratis, inter vos pacem amplectamini, pacem diligite principes ex-
cellentes ad quam vobis acquirendam atque restituendam omnem
laborem, omnen diligentiam, omnem denique curam me bono animo,
zelo ac fide serviturum polliceor cum ut iussa pontificis maximi ex-

equar, turn ut rem gratam Deo, vobis utilem christianeque reipublice

necessariam efficiam illius adiutorio fretus qui omnium bonorum
operum auctor est cuiusque gratia co-operante finis optatus in quaque

re attingitur." This discourse is also to be found in Cod. Vat., 4037,

p. I, Vatican Library.

* Speierische Chronik, 439. See Bessarion's complaints in his letter

to King George in Palacky, Beitrage, 229.

t See JanSSEN, Reichscorrespondenz, IL, 144 seq. Regarding

Bessarion's journey, see VoiGT, IIL, 221, and Stadtechroniken, X.,
247. Here and in the Nachrichten der historischen Commission, III.,
4, p. 145, the safe-conduct granted by him on the i6th March to the
Nuremberg Jews, in Cod. Germ., fol. 370 of the National Museum
at Pesth, is referred to as bearing witness to Bessarion's presence in
Nuremberg ; a second *Documcnt of Bessarion dated Nurenberge,
VOL. in. M
l62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

" Deeply dejected and discouraged, Bessarion informed

the Pope of his failure and returned to Nuremberg. As
Hungary could look for no external aid, Pius II. was
most anxious that at least her own forces should be
available for the defence of the young King." Accord-
ingly, as early as the 28th March, he earnestly requested
theKing of Bohemia to use his influence to restrain the

Emperor from all attacks on Hungary. On the 20th

April, while in Nuremberg, the Cardinal Legate received
a Brief from the Pope, " which, together with words of
consolation and encouragement, contained an express
charge to use all possible diligence in supporting King
George." Meanwhile Pius II., distrusting the powers ot
the sickly and irritable Legate, commanded the able
jurist, Francis of Toledo, to repair to the Imperial Court
in order to influence Frederick III. The negotiations,
however, had already broken down before Bessarion had
time to take part in them.*
According to the decision taken at Mantua, the Diet
ought to have assembled at the Imperial Court on the
30th March. But, on account of the war, Bessarion had
been constrained, much against his will, to consent to

its postponement until the nth of May.f

The Cardinal left Nuremberg in good time, and on
the 7th May reached Vienna, where he was honourably

XVI. Marcii 1460, is in Arm. xxxv., T. 134 (see supra), Secret Archives

of the Vatican.
* Bachmann, Bohmen, 184-5 5 this author, Hke VoiGT, III., 222, is

mistaken in stating that Bessarion only reached Nuremberg on the

20th April. See Stadtechroniken, X., note 247.
t Palacky, Beitrage, 227. Regarding Bessarion 's vexation, see the
*Brief addressed to him by Pius II., dated Macerati [1460] May 5
Lib. brev. 9, f. 2oib-202, Secret Archives of the Vatican. A passage
from this is in Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 86.
 ALBERT OF BRANDENBURG. 163

received by the Emperor.* The opening of the Diet,

however, was impossible, for, instead of the Princes who
were expected, only a few Ambassadors had arrived, and
these few were not furnished with adequate instructions.
A further postponement until the ist of September was
inevitable. The Pope and his Legate, as well as Frederick

III., issued urgent letters of invitation to this Assembly.f

Nevertheless, not one of the Princes appeared at the
time appointed. Several weeks again were spent in

anxious expectation, and not till the 17th September

was the Diet opened.
Meanwhile Albert of Brandenburg, whose allies did
little or nothing for him, had succumbed. On the 23rd

* Chron. Austr. in Senckenberg, V., 3 ; Platina, Panegyricus,

etc. ; Mailath, III., Appendix, p. 94. In the early part of his sojourn
in Vienna, Bessarion appears to have had some hope ; this is shewn
by a Brief of Pius addressed to him, dated XIII. Jun. A° 2° [1460],
II.

in which are these words *" Laetamur Circ. tuam incolumem per-
:

venisse ad Imperialem Celsitudinem et de rebus Alamanie non malam

spem habere Hoc enim aliquantulum nos recreavit anxios
cepisse.

tarn diuturna malorum continuacione. Non dubitamus quin diligencie

tue sit ascribendum quidquid inde boni sequetur." Lib. brev. 9, f. 202,
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 85 ; Script. Rer. Siles., VIII.,

44-5 ; Akademie zu Wien, 1850, II., 655-6

Sitzungsberichte der ;

Palacky, Beitrage, 227-30. The original of Bessarion's letter of

Invitation to the City of Cologne (with seal impressed on the back and
fastening the letter) dated Vienna, 1460, June i (almost identical with
that to King George), is in the Archives of that city. Bessarion
employed the interim in striving to establish peace inGermany (see
Theiner, Mon. Hung., II., 359). Pius II. especially commended the
moderation of the Cardinal, who abstained from pronouncing censures.
"*Laetamur quoque a stringendis censuris tua prudencia temperatum
neque enim sine contemptu ap. sedis et scandalo partis alterius poterant

exerceri. Moderatio tua nobis et ipsi rei aptissima satisfecit." Brief

of July 31, 1460, to Bessarion, Lib. brev. 9, f. 130, Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
164 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

June, 1460, he had been obliged to sign the treaty of Roth,

which was so unfavourable to his interests that his " eyes

filled with tears," as it was sealed. The harshness of its

conditions made Pius II. fear that the peace would be of

short duration.'^
Even more distressing to Albert was the defection of
Archbishop Diether of Mayence which soon followed.
On the 4th July, 1460, Diether was defeated at Pfedder-
sheim near Worms by the Count Palatine Frederick, who
constrained him to enter into alliance with him. The
Archbishop's motive in thus changing sides from the
Hohenzollern party to that of Wittelsbach was the hope
that the Princes who were in opposition would afford him
more support against Pius II. than he could have obtained
from his former friends.-f

Diether of Isenburg belongs to that class of ecclesiastics

of whom a Rhenish chronicler of the fifteenth century
says :
" Alas ! with most Bishops the sword has supplanted
the crosier ;
Bishoprics are sought after chiefly for the sake
of the temporal power they confer. Spirituality is now
the rarest of qualities in a dignitary of the Church."
* Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 80. The date of July 31, 1460, which
is here wanting, is found in the *Lib. brev. 9, f. 130, Secret Archives
of the Vatican.
+ K. Menzel, Deutsche Biographie, V., 164, and Diether, 66 seq.

X Janssen, in the Theologischer Literaturblatt, III., 334, cites this

passage from an unpubHshed Chronicle and observes :
" These

abuses had arisen and increased especially since the time when the
Cathedral Chapters were arbitrarily and unjustly filled entirely by the
nobles. In order to keep these nobles, who were not inclined to bow
to an inferior or an equal, somewhat in check, it had become almost
necessary to favour the elevation of Bishops and Archbishops be-
longing to the great families. By this means worldly elements were
more and more introduced into the Episcopate Monasteries became
;

involved in the family conflicts and feuds of their princely and noble
inmates ; the ecclesiastical office was looked upon as a sinecure."
 ARCHBISHOP DI ETHER OF MAYENCE. 1
65

Diether, who was born about 141 2, appears as a Canon

at Mayence as early as the year 1427. Besides holding
prebends in the Cathedrals of Colpgne and Treves, he was,
in 1442, appointed Provost of the Collegiate Churches of
St. Victor and St. John in Ma}'ence. In 1453 he became
Custos in the Cathedral Chapter of that city. But these
dignities did not suffice to satisfy the ambition of a man
who was so ignorant that he scarcely knew a word
of Latin. In 1465 he was a candidate for the Arch-
bishopric of Treves, but the majority of the electors
preferred the Margrave John of Baden.* On the death
of Dietrich I., Archbishop of Mayence, on the 6th May,
1459, Diether was again an eager aspirant for the vacant
post. This time his efforts were successful and he
obtained the coveted position of an independent Prince
with territory and subjects. On the i8th Junef he w^as
elected Archbishop by a compromise, said to be simoniacal,
giving him a majority of one vote over Adolph of Nassau.
Three days after his elevation, in consequence of the
Election Capitulation, he was obliged to renew the league
which his predecessors had concluded with Albert Achilles
and Ulrich of Wurtemberg against the Count Palatine
Frederick. Owing to the party position in which he was
thus placed from the very first, the Papal Confirmation

* JOANNIS, I., 771 ; II., 223, 234, 312, 622 ; Menzel, Diether, 20 ;

Simon, Gesch. von Isenburg-Biidingen, II., 217 (Frankfort, 1865).

t See JOANNiS, I., 772. The i8th of June is also named by
WiMPHELiNG in his *Chronik der Mainzer Erzbischofe, f. 28, MS. in
the Castle Library at Aschaffenburg.

X Menzel, who is prejudiced in favour of his hero, rejects the idea

that the election of Diether was obtained by bribery (Diether, 20),
while VoiGT, III., 269, does not consider this by any means
improbable, although the charge was not made until years after the

event. Sugenheim, Gesch. des Deutschen Volkes, III., 666, and

Droysen, II., I, 154, also assert that there was bribeiy.
l66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

was a matter of the greatest importance to him. He

accordingly at once despatched Envoys to Mantua, where
Pius was holding the_ Congress.
II.

Immediately on hearing of the departure of this mission

the Pope sent word to Diether that if he sought to obtain
Confirmation he must present himself in person at the
Papal Court* But the Archbishop took no notice of
this admonition, even when it was soon afterwards
reiterated.-f- Pius II. was already much annoyed at the

non-arrival of the Princes summoned to the Congress, and

this disregard of his expressed wishes on the part of a
petitioner was not calculated to soothe his irritation. He
made many difficulties regarding the Confirmation of the
Election, and the grant of the Pallium, and he is said to

have required Diether's Envoys to pledge their master

to support the levy of the tithe on all ecclesiastical

revenues in the Empire, and to promise that he would

never press for a Council or consent to a general Assembly
of the States of the Empire without Papal permission.;!:

It cannot be ascertained with certainty whether the Pope

really imposed these conditions ; in any case they were
not again mentioned.
* See the text of this hitherto unknown Brief of 31st July, 1459, in
Appendix N. 19, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
t *Brief of Pius II., of 13th August, 1459. See Appendix N. 22,
Laurentian Library, Florence. See Appendix N. 23.

t This account is given by Diether, in his defence, written in 1461,

and in his Manifesto of 1462, against Adolph (Muller, II., 39 seq.
and 113 seq\ personal writings which can hardly be regarded as
historical evidence in regard to facts. Nevertheless Menzel, referring
to these (Diether, 25), remarks :
" I have no scruple in believing him."
Hausser, I., 365, considers Diether's complaint as probable, but
justly observes that it is impossible to say whether it was well-
grounded. The Reports of the Mayence Envoys, which, as yet,
are undiscovered, might furnish us with the means of arriving at
a decision on the matter.
 CONFIRMATION OF DIETHER. 167

The active support of the Margrave Albert of Branden-

burg in Mantua did much to promote Diether's success.
A second mission from Mayence received the Bull of
Confirmation and the Pallium, after having solemnly
sworn that within a year Diether would appear in person,

and that the Annates claimed by the Apostolic Treasury

should be paid. The Treasury estimated the expenses of
the Confirmation at 20,550 Rhenish florins,* a sum which
the Envoys do not seem " to have considered at all so
excessive" as Diether afterwards represented it to be.

Roman money-lenders advanced the amount, the Envoys

giving a bond. When the Pope's portion was paid, the
Cardinals and inferior members of the Court also bound
themselves to reimburse the money-lenders in case Diether
should not discharge his debt.f
Diether failed to fulfil a single one of the conditions
on which the Confirmation had been granted. He did
not appear at the Papal Court, he protested against the
amount of the Annates, and refused to pay them.;|: When
the time allowed for the payment had elapsed, the Papal

* Menzel, Diether, 28 and 69, says 20,650 Rhenish florins, but

Codex 1095, f. 46, of the University Library at Leipzig (which he
adduces in opposition to the erroneous version of Senckenberg,
IV., 393 seq.) has XX'" V'^ L, which admits of no interpretation
save that of the text.

t VoiGT, III., 271-2, gives the proofs. The sum of 20,501 florins
mentioned by him, rests upon Senckenberg's mistaken reading. The
name of one of the money-lenders (Alessandro Miraballo) appears in
a letter of Alessandro Gonzaga of 29th April, 1461, in PORTIOLI, 25.
X Bachmann, Bdhmen, 210, is of opinion that " although the money-
lenders at the Papal Court had made the payment for him," Diether
might fairly object to cover the amount. Against this view it will

suffice to state VOIGT'S judgment: "As surely as he who gives full

power of action is bound by the deed of his agent, so surely had

Diether lost all right of objecting to the amount of the Annates which
had already been paid."
 l68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Judge pronounced the sentence of lesser excom-

munication ; in spite, however, of this censure the Arch-
bishop continued to be present at public worship, and
even to officiate. When, soon after, the Diet met at
Vienna, the first ecclesiastical Elector of the Empire
appeared as the leader of the opposition against the
Pope.
None of the German Princes thought of personally
attending this Assembly. Many of the cities, as, for
example, Mayence and Wetzlar, did not even send repre-
sentatives, excusing themselves on the score of their
poverty and the insecurity of the times.* Bessarion lost
heart so completely that Pius II, found it necessary to
exhort him to be patient.f Events fully justified the
apprehensions of the aged Cardinal. Not one of the
Princes arrived, for, says the Chronicle of Spires, " they
had too many quarrels among themselves on their hands
to want another with the Turks.":]: The worst dis-
positions prevailed in the assembly, and the reading of
the Bull conferring plenary powers upon Bessarion con-
tributed to aggravate these. This document, without

* See *Letter of Mayence to the Envoys from Cologne and

Frankfort journeying to the Imperial Diet, dated 1460, August 6 (City
Archives of Frankfort, Reichssachen, 5195), and ^Letter of Wetzlar to
Frankfort, dated 1460, August 11 {ibid., Kaiserschreiben, IV., 196).
t Brief to Bessarion, dated Corsignano [1460], September 12 :

"Accepimus litteras dat. XXI 1 1. August." Two fragments are given

in Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 58 and 80. After "diligere" in the
latter, follow the words :
" Fraternitas tua pacienter omnia perferat
et in malis que accidunt pro consuetudine sua eligat minima mala."
Lib. brev. 9, f. 139, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
X Speierische Chronik, 446. The list of those present which
SCHILTER, II., Appendix, 106 seq., gives, without reference to his
authority, is from the City Archives at Strasburg, where I saw it

in fasc. A.A. 208.

 BESSARION AT THE DIET. I69

reference "to the consent of the Diet, simply directed

the Legate to carry out the Papal commands."* The
Envoys accordingly felt called upon to defend their right
and to take counsel together' and come to a decision
regarding the expedition against the infidel, and the tax
for the war. Their spokesman was Heinrich Leubing,
Diether's representative, who eagerly availed himself of
this opportunity of resisting the Pope. It was, Leubing
declared, " a praiseworthy usage and custom that when a
matter so high and great, affecting the Christian faith or
the Holy Roman Empire, was to be considered, this

should be done by His Imperial Majesty with the Council

of his Electors." A fresh Diet must therefore be held.-j-

" In vain did Bessarion labour to influence the deputies,

both privately in his own abode and collectively in their

public sittings, and to awaken some enthusiasm and

devotion to the holy Cause." The prospect of success
grew fainter and fainter. His one consolation was the
Emperor's readiness to comply with the Pope's demands,
but the only result of this was that the Assembly now
turned against Frederick.
Conscious of the purity of his own motives, the Greek
Cardinal became more and more embittered by the
obstinate opposition of the Envoys. The terrible fate

which threatened his fellow-countrymen filled him with

an ardent desire to render assistance as soon as possible.
" Unfortunately he was utterly wanting in self-control.

Regardless of his office and of his dignity, he poured

forth menaces and invectives against the German Princes,

and cast doubts on their good-will towards the holy

* VoiGT, III., 225.

t KoNiG vON KoNiGSTHAL, I., 141-2. LOOSE in the Mittheil.

d. Ver. f. Gesch. d. Stadt Meissen, 1883, I., 34 scq.^ has begun to

pubhsh a biography of H. Leubing.
170 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Cause." The Envoys answered in a similar tone and left

the Diet.*
Bessarion in his grief and disappointment now begged
to be recalled. But Pius II. would not take such a step
without first They were utterly
consulting his Cardinals.
opposed to and to any interruption of the negotiations.
it,

On the 4th November, 1460, Pius II. imparted their

decision to his Legate.f "God's honour," he "and
said,
the honour of the Apostolic See require that we should
be steadfast in hope, using every means by which the
minds of men may be led to better counsels. If others
withdraw from the work, it does not become us to follow
their example. Perseverance in good leads to good even
those who are ill disposed, and hearts that are now
depraved may not be so always. The conversion of men
is wrought by a hidden power, and the way of salvation
often opens where no one expects it. Your departure
would give a great advantage to our enemies. If the
cause of Christendom seems despaired of, they will believe
that everything already belongs to them, and will be more
audacious in attacking us, and it will be hard for the
faithful to stand firm if their hope grows faint. The
* Bachmann, Bohmen, 202 seq. ; Menzel, Diether, 72-4 ; VOIGT,
III., 224 seq. See also regarding the Diet, Fels, 7 and 86.

t The Brief is given as a whole, sine loco et anno, in Mailath, III.,

Appendix, pp. 143-151 ; incompletely in Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N.

26, but with the date, "3 Junii, A° 3°." Raynaldus has made use of
the copy preserved in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, *Lib. brev.

9, where the Brief stands as f. 256b (not f. 259), but here the con-
clusion is merely :
" Dat., etc." The previous Briefs are also undated,
^he last of the precediijg documents, which bears a date, is one of 3rd
June, which must have been the cause of Raynaldus' date. Voigt's
supposition (III., 233) that the said Brief belongs to January, 1461, is

also a mistake. I found the correct date in Lib. brev. 9, f. 193b- 196 ;

here the Brief is again given, with the addition : "Dat. Romae, IIII.,
Nov'^^, A° 3°," which is undoubtedly correct.
 riUS II. TO BESSARION. 171

Hungarians also have hitherto been restrained rather

by shame than b}- good-will. The\- may seize upon this
opportunity as an excuse and conclude a peace or a truce
with the Turks. The disgrace then would be ours, and
not that of the Germans. You know how calumnies
pursue good deeds. It is therefore all the more needful,
now that the negotiations have been broken off, a thing
which has in itself a bad appearance, that we should
aim at maintaining the reputation of the Church, and
act in such a manner that the servants of the Holy
See may not be blamed. Moreover, as in many places,
the subsidies determined on at Mantua have been
carefully collected, the perverse would take occasion
from this to complain, and the dilatory would make
it an excuse for altogether withholding their assistance
and thus all would fail us. Finally, as we have so
often proclaimed to you, to our brethren and to the
world that we will only give up the work of the Diet
with life itself, our words would appear nothing but
empty boasting devoid of truth and steadfastness. The
glory of God, the salvation of Christendom and the
liberation of your oppressed country are at stake. You
can labour with great merit in this cause, both by preserv-

ing peace and by the conduct of business. Therefore,

worthy brother, we encourage you to persevere until some
good result appears. Let our beloved son, John Cardinal
Carv-ajal, who is now in the fifth year of his labours as
Legate, and champion of the faith, serve for your consola-
tion and example."
In this same Brief Pius II. reverts to a bold proposal
which he had already made to Legate on the nth
his

October.* It was that the warlike head of the Wittels-

bach part}' should receive the banner of the faith and of
* RaynalduS, ad an. 1460, N. 89 ; VoiGT, III., 232.
172 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the Empire, insist on the payment of the tithe by the

clergy, and equip the army. Should he refuse,* the Legate
was to turn to one of the other German Princes ; if need
were, as he himself had once said in Mantua, he must
"beg for soldiers from door to door. If all fails, we
will take this course and diligently pursue it as our last
possible hope ; meanwhile consider the ways and means
of carrying it out and impart to us in writing what
appears to you best fitted to promote the end in view."
Bessarion's Reports are unfortunately missing. The
Secret Archives of the Vatican contain only one letter
from him referring to the matter. This was written on
the 29th March, 1461 ; it justifies his proceedings, especi-
ally in regard to the question of the tithe, and gives a
most interesting picture of the German situation.^
In order to understand this letter, we must bear in

mind that Pius II., in view of the threatening storm, and

acting on the conviction that the opposition of the
German Princes was chiefly occasioned by pecuniary
considerations, sent two Legates to Germany, charged

* From an undated *Brief to Bessarion, as well as from other

sources, we gather that the Pope leaned to the Count Palatine. In
the Brief are the following words :
" De Palatino nil aliud dicimus
nisi quod fiat voluntas Dei. Frigescentibus ad opera bona nunquam
excusatio defuit. Nos in multis malis consolationem banc ferimus
quod aliis deficientibus nobis nos illis non desimus magisque culpare
possumus quam culpari." Lib. brev. 9, f. 200b, Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
t I found the original of this remarkable **Document in Tom.
10 of Arm. xxxix. of the Secret Archives of the Vatican. This
valuable collection of autograph Letters, to which I have already
referred, p. 159, note +, supra, extends to 1480; it includes several
letters from Ammanati, some of which have been published, and
*Reports from Bessarion regarding his Mission to Venice in 1463,
which we shall hereafter cite.
 BESSARIONS REPLY. 1 73

with reassuring explanations concerning the tithes. More-

over, on the 1 2th February, 1461, he sent the Cardinal of
Augsburg to conduct the affair.* On the 4th March,
Bessarion was instructed to recall any order which he
might have issued concerning the and to make it
tithes,

generally known alike by word and by letter that it was

not the Pope's intention to demand anything without the
consent of the nation.^ Bessarion replied from Vienna on
the 29th March. The excuses of
" the German Princes
are vain and empty pretexts. In regard to the tithes
I have said no more than what I have already written
to your Holiness. I represented the extraordinary out-
lay of the Holy See for the cause of the Faith, to
which I added the declaration that your Holiness does
not demand from the German Princes the tithes, but the
promised army. It is true that in a fatherly way I com-

plained and admonished and counselled them as became

one who had the matter much at heart. But I have not
proceeded beyond remonstrances, or issued any com-
mands regarding the levy of the tithe which, according to
your instructions, I should have to recall. Their charges
against me were therefore unfounded in this respect.
Meanwhile, if I have wronged them in anything, it is

only because they had desired that, for their excuse and
justification, I should accuse the Emperor and lay every-
thing to his charge. They had already, at that time,
begun to work in secret against Frederick III., as it

appeared afterwards. Seeing that for cogent reasons I

would not yield to them, I became the object of their

hatred they looked upon
; me as quite devoted to the

* Regarding the mission of the Nuncios, s&eiftfra, p. 199. The Brief

to the Cardinal of Augsburg in Cod. 519, f. 249 of the Munich
Library is mentioned by VoiGT, IIL, 246.
t *Lib. brev. 9, f. 233b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
174 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Emperor. In this they were by no means mistaken. I

have the highest esteem for Frederick III., because I

know how greatly your Holiness and the Emperor are
attached to one another. This is the cause of their dis-
satisfaction, and they say it quite openly. Many other
convincing proofs of these things are before your Holi-
ness, amongst them the extravagances which have lately

been widely circulated from the pen of the shameless

heretic, Gregor Heimburg. I had scarcely the patience to
read them once, and then threw them away, and I will

not send them to your Holiness. Did L not know that

You are well aware that the causes of this agitation are
other than the tithe question, I should perish with grief.

Yet, Holy Father, many causes have combined to

produce this .state of things. First, the disgraceful in-

gratitude of Diether. I will now speak freely of this

man, in whose house, as Rudolf of Riidesheim in-

formed me on my return from Worms to Mayence,

Rome is daily reviled by that crazy Dominican Bishop
who came to Mantua about his Confirmation, as well
as by his other companions. I bring a witness ;
your
Holiness can him at your pleasure.
examine Then
came the excommunication of the Archbishop of Mayence
on account of the Annates, whereupon he became so
excited that he threatened to move heaven and earth. He
and the rest utterly disregard this excommunication. He
also seeks to tread in the footsteps of his predecessor who
was by no means devoted to the Holy See. Who was
better acquainted with these intrigues than your Holiness,
whose task it formerly was to frustrate them ? From the
appeal of the Princes it is evident that they do not com-
plain of the tithes alone, but also of the Annates, Indul-
gences and pretended extortions of various kinds. They
are also constantly stirred up by France and the perpetual
 BESSARION LEAVES GERMANY. I75

complaints of Duke Sigismund. Concerning the tithes I

have, as I informed your Holiness in two letters, taken

sufficient care in the matter. For the rest it would be
very well to send new Ambassadors, capable of settling
the affair with prudence and discretion. As the Diet to
be held in Frankfort is put off until Trinity Sunday, the
Ambassadors might with advantage be charged in the
meantime to visit the Princes individually and to treat

with each in particular."*

A short time after this report was written, Pius II. had
himself arrived at the conviction that Germany was lost

to the cause of the war. " I perceive," he wrote to

Bessarion on the 2nd May, 1461, "that almost every-
thing for which you were sent to Germany being hope-
less, the reconciliation of the Emperor with the King of
Hungary is now your only remaining duty."-f But the
sufferings entailed on by these
the sickly Cardinal
numerous journeys were aggravated by vexation and the
severity of the climate, and he hailed with joy the truce
;|:

of Laxenburg (6th September, 1461), which permitted

him to bid farewell to the Imperial Court and quit the bar-
barous country where " no one cared for Latin and Greek."§

* **Original Report of Bessarion to Pius II., dated Vienna, 1461,

March 29, Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. xxxix., T. 10, f, 3.
+ Mailath, III., Appendix, p. 152, gives the Brief with the date of
May 2nd, while Kaprinai, II., 491, has the 20th. The former date
must be the correct one ; in the *Lib. brev. 9, f. 209b no year is

assigned to the Brief, but it is preceded by a document dated

"II. Maii A°3°."
X VOIGT, III., 233.

§ *0n the 28th September, 1461, Bessarion informed his friend

Ammanati that he had taken leave of the Emperor and commenced
his return journey, but the state of his health made it necessary for
him to travel slowly. (Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. xxxix., T.

10.) Bessarion did not arrive at Bologna until the 23rd October; see
176 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

In his Report to the Pope on the 29th March, 1461,

Bessarion speaks of the Archbishop of Mayence and Duke
Sigismund of the Tyrol as the chief authors of confusion
in Germany. Some further details must be added in
regard to the proceedings of these two.
The mischievous action of the Envoy from Mayence at
the Diet of Vienna was a foretaste of the future. Before
the conclusion of the year 1460, Diether of Isenburg
and the Count Palatine Frederick, bound themselves
to assist George Podiebrad,become who aspired to
King of the Romans. The compact between Diether and
the King of Bohemia was concluded in the early days of
December. Podiebrad, in return for the support of his
pretensions to Crown of Germany, was obliged to
the
promise that he would establish at Mayence a supreme
Court of the Empire, to be called a Parliament, would
preserve peace and unity, and as soon as possible,
with the advice of the Electors, undertake an expe-
dition against the Turks. He promised not to sanction
the levy of the tithe, nor any other tribute imposed
by Pope or Council ; he undertook to cause a General
Council to be assembled in a German city on the
Rhine, and there to " repeat and administer " the
Basle Decrees, especially those concerning Con-
firmations, Annates and the jurisdiction of the Roman
Court, to take care that the Pope should claim from
Diether for the Pallium no larger sum than was customary,,
and, finally, with his people to abandon the Utraquist
heresy and return to the Roman Church.*

Cronica di Bologna, 741, and *Ghirardacci (see supra). He

reached Rome on the 20th November, 1461, not in January, 1462
(Vast, 253) see *Acta Consist., f. 30, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
;

* Hasselholdt-StOCKHEIM, 280-5 Menzel, Diether, 88 seq.

; ;

Bachmann, Bohmen, 240 seq. ; Kluckhohn, Ludwig, 167-8.

 DIET AT BAMBERG. 177

Immediately after the conclusion of this compact an

Assembly of the Princes took place at Bamberg, where
the opposition to Pope and Emperor was strongly
manifested. " Princes and their Envoys spoke with un-
exampled bitterness against the two heads of Chris-
tendom, and, as might have been expected, Diether of
Isenburg was the most violent." He it was who laid

before the Assembly a document protesting against the

demand of ecclesiastical tithes and appealing against all
ecclesiastical censures. The Councillors of Saxony and
Brandenburg, however, refused to sign this. The King
of Bohemia, and Duke Louis by him, of Landshut, led
would not hear of any measure against the Pope, and could
not be induced to give their signatures to the appeal*
The result of this meeting accordingly in no wise answered
the anticipations of Diether and the other opponents of
Rome. Violent language against the Holy See was
again indulged in at Eger on the following day ;
but
nothing came of it, for Podiebrad contrived to divert the
stream of opposition almost entirely from Rome, and
turn it against the Emperor.
RebuiTs of this kind might certainly have taught a lesson
of moderation to one of another stamp, but they only
roused the passionate Diether, supported by the Count
Palatine Frederick, to greater energy in his agitation
against the Apostolic See. On the 22nd of February, 1461,
he took into his service Gregor Heimburg, the bitterest
enemy of Rome and Pius n.:|: This man had already

* Bachmann, Bohmen, 250 seq.; Menzel, Diether, 95 scq.\ and

Gesch. von Nassau, 280 seq. Kluckhohn, Ludwig, 169.
;

t Gebhardt, 35 seq. Menzel, Diether, 97 seq. KLUCKHOHN,

; ;

Ludwig, 170 seq.

X Gebhardt, 30 Menzel, Diether, 105 Annalcn d. Van,

; ;
f.

Nassauische Aherthumskunde, XIII., 179. The original entry in

VOL. III. N
178 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

been excommunicated by the Pope and had done much to

aggravate the conflict between Duke Sigismund of the
Tyrol and Cardinal Cusa.
The contest in question was closely connected with
Cusa's zeal for the liberty and purity of the Church
entrusted to his care.
The ecclesiastical troubles of preceding years had
paved the way for grievous abuses in the Tyrol, as well as
in most parts of Germany, and fearful immorality prevailed
amongst clergy and laity.* It was only natural that Cusa,
full of zeal as he was for the reform and welfare of his
country, should concentrate all his energies on the diocese
which had been entrusted to his care in the spring of I452.f

The Cardinal set to work with all the vehemence of his

Vol. 29, f. 102b, of the Mainz-Aschaffenburger Ingrossatuibiicher is as

follows :
* " Anno domini millesimo quadringentesimo sexagesimo
primo uf sontag Invocavit zu Nurenberg hat myn gnediger herre
doctor Jorgen Heimburg zu nat und diener ufgenomen, dafur sal sin
gnaden im jerlichs geben hundert gulden und eyn fuder wins Heym-
bechs ad relationem magistri Job de Riet legum doctoris." Kreis-
Archiv, Wiirzburg. A dissertation on Heimburg has recently been
published at Munich by P. Joachimson. See Hist. Jahrb., X., 883.
* As early as 1419, Bishop Berthold of Brixen complained that
evil and abuses were gaining the upper hand in his Diocese (Bickell,

65), and in 1438 Nicholas Swarat, decanus et in spirit, eccl. Brix.

vicarius generalis in a *Document, dated Brixinae, 1438, January 28,

strongly condemned the great prevalence of the ct'imen coiicubinatus

in the Diocese, and published the Decree of the Council of Basle on
this matter. Cod. 68, f. Ii7b-ii8 of the University Librarj', Innsbruck.
See also the complaints of Bishops George II. and John VI., in

1438 and 1449 in Bickell, 7 and 20. In the face of such testimony
it is amusing to read the words of Egger, Gesch. Tirols, I., 655 :

" The moral corruption which attacked all ecclesiastical circles in the

14th and 15th centuries could not thrive so rapidly and so luxuriantly
in the pure air of our mountains."
t See Grisar's Article on BiCKELL, Synodi Brix., in the Hist. Jahrb.,

I., 604 seq., and Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 62 seq. JaGER,

 CUSA AND THE POOR CLARES. 1 79

Rhenish temperament, but the majority of his flock

failed to co-operate as they ought to have done in his

labours for the true welfare of their country. Cusa

was too great for the narrow politics of the Tyrol, the
extraordinary powers entrusted to him by Rome were
not respected, and conflicts arose on every side.
Difficulties such as these would have damped the cour-
age of an ordinary man, but that of Cusa rose to the
occasion. He was resolved at any cost to carry out the
reform of his Diocese ; his special attention was directed
to the Religious Orders, the scandal of whose moral
corruption was aggravated by their profession of a life of
poverty and self-abnegation. The extent of the evil may
be estimated by the violent opposition which the regula-
tions of the new Bishop encountered. The Poor Clares
of Brixen in particular were distinguished by the obstinacy
of their resistance, and even the intervention of the Holy
See was ineffectual. The nuns treated the Papal Brief
with as little respect as the Interdict and Excommunica-
tion pronounced by the Cardinal.* Experience has long
since shewn that the only effectual resource in such cases

is the introduction of fresh members thoroughly imbued

with the religious spirit, and by this means Cusa at length

succeeded in improving the state of the Brixen Convent.f

In other places also, as, for example, in the ancient

II., 6, completely misrepresents the situation when he speaks of

Cusa's efiforts at reform as " a lengthened series of vexations inflicted

on the Religious Orders and the whole people of the Tyrol."

* JAGER, I., 87-9.
t The *Briefs of Calixtus III., for the reform of the Poor Clares of
Brixen, mentioned by Jager, I., 89, without exact reference, are dated
the 28th and 29th April, 1455. Their contents are given in the
*Protocollum Brixinense . . . auctore P. Ruffino Laxner Bludcn-
tino. MS. fol. in the Provincial Archives of the Franciscans at Hall
(formerly at Schwaz).
l80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Premonstratentian Monastery of Wilten, near Innsbruck,

he accomplished the necessary reform by summoning
monks from a distance.*
Cusa's most serious contest was with the nuns of the
Benedictine Convent of Sonnenburg, in the Pusterthal,
where a secular spirit had made terrible inroads. The
right of jurisdiction over this house was doubtful. A dis-

pute had arisen between the nuns and their dependents in

Enneberg, and the former had applied to Duke Sigismund
as Governor and Sovereign, and the latter to the Bishop
of Brixen. Both Cusa and Sigismund brought the matter
before their respective tribunals, and a violent quarrel was
the result. Cusa thought it right to cling all the more
firmly to his claim of jurisdiction over the Convent as a
means of carrying out the ecclesiastical reform which he
had so much at heart. This, however, was precisely what
the nuns of Sonnenburg were determined to resist. They
maintained that the Cardinal had no concern with the
reform, but only with the temporalities of the Convent.
When he insisted on the observance of the decisions of
the Synod held at Salzburg in 145 1, especially of those
regarding enclosure, they turned to Duke Sigismund for

protection. This dissolute Prince was a strange champion

for a convent of nuns, but he was equal to the occasion.f
The assistance which he promised to the nuns rendered
them so stiff-necked that Cusa thought it necessary to

* TiNKHAUSER, Beschreibung der Diocese Brixen, II., 266 seq.

(Brixen, 1879).
t In 1490 the deputies of the States represented to Sigismund that
" the gracious Lord had certainly more than forty sons and daughters
who were illegitimate"; see Archiv fiir Siid-Deutschland, I., 154
(Frankfurt, 1807); Archiv fiir OEsterreich. Gesch., XLI., 310; ibid.

302 seq, shews Sigismund to have ultimately become the sport of

depraved women.
 UNYIELDING DISPOSITION OF CUSA. l8l

adopt strong measures. In 1455, the sentence of greater

excommunication was pronounced on the obstinate in-

mates of the convent, who thereupon appealed to the

Pope. Calixtus III. disapproved of the Cardinal's
severity, and recommended, for the sake of avoiding
scandal, that the matter should be amicably adjusted.
Cusa, however, would yield nothing, and the nuns per-
severed in their resistance, relying on the protection of
the Duke.*

* JagER, I., 41 scq., 59 seq., 109 seq., 158 seq., 160 seq. ;
V. GaSSER,
Das Benediktinerinnenstift Sonnenburg (in the Studien aus dem
Benediktinerorden, 1888, p. 48 seq.), brings forward nothing new. Jager
in his detailed account, which is followed by all later writers, affirms

that Cusa had provoked the contest, " and that he had overstepped the
limits of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction" (I., 60 seq.) in his letter of

admonition of the 2nd May, 1452, but he had issued a similar rescript
at Utrecht on the 3rd September, 145 1 (see SWALUE, De Cardinal
Nicolaas van Cusa en zijne werckzaamheid in Nederland, 147-51, and
Uebinger in Histor. Jahrb., VIII., 653). There is no trace of a
domineering spirit in these documents. Their object was simply the
reformation of monastic discipline which had unfortunately become
terribly lax. It was the duty of the Cardinal to interfere (see Hist.-Pol.

BL, XLIX., 672), and this should have been recognised by Jager. Yet
it cannot be denied that Cusa's proceedings were too violent (in 1458
he caused the rebellious nuns to be turned out of their convent by force
of arms); but the obstinate resistance that he met with must be con-
sidered. The writer of the documents recently cited by Jager adopts
Sigismund's point of view, and is sometimes far from impartial (see
Lit. Handweiser, 1863, p. 144). Yet it must be remarked that he
excuses what Dr. Egger (I., 582), the great partisan of Sigismund,
styles the "relentless expulsion" of the Poor Clares of Brixen. "The
deportation of the nuns," he says, "if it had been less hurriedly
"
effected, does not appear so cruel as might at first sight be imagined

(II., 245). In almost all contested questions, Jager takes the side of
his fellow-countrymen. All that can be said in favour of the Tyrolese

is brought prominently forward ;

and where documentary testimony is

wanting he is always ready to think the best of Cusa's opponents.

l82 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The Sonnenburg dispute caused the learned Cardinal

to make a thorough investigation of the old documents,
charters and privileges of his Church. The result of his
researches was to convince him of his right to claim the
dignity of a Prince of the German Empire, ranking im-
mediately after the King of the Romans. Sigismund
declared these pretensions outrageous on the ground that
they ignored the legitimate developments of more recent
events. The Sonnenburg question soon fell into the
background and resolved itself into a contest between the
sovereignty which had grown up and the imposing im-
munities of the early mediaeval period.*
Cusa's severity towards the Sonnenburg nuns is hardly
surprising when we find that so hostile a spirit soon mani-
fested itself against him as a " stranger," and he seriously
thought of abandoning a sphere in which he encountered
so many hindrances, and even commenced negotiations
for resigning his Bishopric to a Bavarian Prince. The

while facts which favour him are kept in the background. In so full

an account, the question how far the Cardinal is supported by the

principles of Canon Law should not have been evaded. Jager's bias
also appears in his treatise on the feud of the Gradners (Denkschriften
der Wiener Akademie, IX., 233 seq.). VoiGT, III., 342, observes that
" themanner in which Sigismund favoured the Styrian Gradners for a
time and then cast them off and plundered them, gives a good idea of
his character no one but a Tyrolese would have excused him on
:

the ground that they were foreigners." My former pupil, Professor

Amman, informs me that there are other documents relating to Cusa's

labours in the Tyrol, preserved in the Archives of Neustift at Brixen,

of which Jager has made no use in his monograph.
* Jager, Gesch. der landstand. Verfassung Tirols, II., 2, 150
(Innsbruck, 1885). The diligence with which Cusa studied his

Archives, is evidenced by his numerous autograph notes in the

Brixen Book of traditions; see Redlich, Acta Tirol, I, p. 11

(Innsbruck, 1886).
 FLIGHT OF CUSA. 183

situation became more and more insupportable. The

secular and regular clergy, who had no wish to be
reformed, vied with each other in placing difficulties in
the way of their Bishop. "Since the rebellion of Jezabel"
(the Abbess of Sonnenburg), wrote Cusa to his confidential
friend, the Prior of Tegernsee, " the Poor Clares at Brixen
have also become incredibly audacious. The Premon-
stratentians at Wilten, who had begun to walk in the way
of salvation, are looking back ; my doings are not to the
taste of my Cathedral Chapter, for they love the peace of
this world. The nobles threaten more and more. The
Prince keeps silence or favours my adversaries, and as
they cannot yet reach me, they stir up others to violence
in order to intimidate me." The common people dis-
regarded the Cardinal's commands even when accom-
panied by threats of the severest penalties. Under these
circumstances " Cusa everywhere suspected plots even
against his life, and saw dangers where none really
existed."* To escape from these supposed perils he fled
in July, 1457, to Andraz, an almost inaccessible mountain
fortress in Buchenstein, hired mercenary troops in the
Venetian territory, and accused Duke Sigismund to the
Pope of intending to take his life. Calixtus III. accord-
ingly threatened the Duke with excommunication, and his
dominions with an Interdict. Eight days were allowed
him to restore to the Cardinal that perfect liberty and
security which he required for the exercise of his pastoral
office. •]

The Duke on receiving the Pope's Bull applied to a

friendly lawyer, and by his advice issued on the ist

November, 1457, a protest against the sentence of the

* J ACER, I., 130, 141 -2.

t Jbid.^ 255-7.
184 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Holy See, founded, he complained, on a mere rumour,

and appealed to the Pope better informed. At the same
time he sent a safe-conduct to Cusa signed with his

own hand.* There can be no doubt that the friend whose

influence induced the Duke to take this momentous step

was Gregor Heimburg, the declared enemy of the Holy

See. This highly gifted, but violent man, "henceforth be-
the serious opposition "
came the leading spirit in all to

Rome.f From the time that Heimburg took part in the

dispute there was small hope of coming to a satisfactory

arrangement. The breach was further widened, and its

bitterness intensified by the claims which Cusa's represen-

tative urged at the Diet of Bruneck (13th January, 1458).
He demanded the restoration of the Castles which had
in ancient times been taken from the Church of Brixen,
the recognition of the Cardinal as the lawful ruler of the
Innthal and Norithal, and the restitution of all fiefs of the
Diocese held by Duke Sigismund in these valleys, on
the ground that they had escheated. On the 6th of
February, 1458, Sigismund made a second appeal, accom-
panying it with a declaration that he did not acknowledge
the Interdict. The spirit which at this time prevailed
among the Tyrolese clergy is shewn by the fact that the

greater number joined in the appeal and paid no heed to

the sentence, t
The death of Calixtus HI. summoned Cusa to Rome,
* Cusa, however, rejected this safe-conduct. He was, he informed
the Bishop of Chur, in a well-fortified Castle belonging to his Church,
and by no means an exile. JaGER, I., 255-60.
t VOIGT, HI., 335 ;
Jager, I., 300, and H., 92 ;
Sinnacher,
VI., 465; Gebhardt, 32; Ruber, III., 182, is mistaken in saying
that Heimburg first "took a decided part in the contests" in August,
1460, thus completely ignoring his important action at Mantua in

1459 (see snpra, p. 88).

X Jager, I., 250-52, 270 ; Sinnacher, VI., 454 ; Huber, III., 180.
 PIUS II. AS MEDIATOR. 1
85

where he found his friend /Eneas Sylvius, under the title

of Pius II., in The new Pope at

the chair of St, Peter.
once undertook the part of a mediator, and summoned
Cusa and Sigismund to appear in his presence at Mantua
in November, 1459. The appointment of Gregor Heim-
burg as his agent was a strange return for the fatherly

kindness with which Pius II. received Sigismund. We

have already spoken of Heimburg's intrigues against the
crusade, and of his abuse of the Pope.* The selection of

such a man to conduct negotiations on his behalf was

little calculated to promote the restoration of peace, and

Cusa's irritation and his claim to the exercise of absolute
spiritual and temporal power within the limits of his

diocese destroyed any lingering hope of success. Not-

withstanding the exasperation of the contending parties,
Pius II. still strove to mediate between them, and to bring
about an agreement clearly defining the relations between
the Bishop of Brixen and the temporal lord of the Tyrol.
Sigismund rudely rejected these proposals, he even pro-
tested against the competency of the Papal tribunal, and,
to the great grief of Pius II., left Mantua on the 29th of

November.
In spite of this failure the Pope again resumed the
negotiations, but his efforts were frustrated by the per-
sistentand increasing animosity of the two opponents.
In March, 1460, at a Synod at Bruneck, Cusa renewed
the Interdict which the Pope had suspended for two
years, and proceeded to inform the Duke that, in the
event of mild measures proving ineffectual, he would
make over to the Emperor all the fiefs of the Church of

* See supra, p. 88. Gebhardt, 36, considers the Pope to have

manifested extreme goodwill on this occasion. Hagen, 153, attributes
the failure of the Pope's mediation to Heimburg's management of the
Duke's affairs.
1 86 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Brixen. Sigismund then resolved upon an act of violence,

and, on Easter Day, caused the unsuspecting Cardinal to
be arrested and imprisoned at Bruneck. Cusa was not
released until he had signed an unfavourable treaty.*
The consternation of Pius II. was extreme when he
heard of the "outrage offered to a Prince of the Church,
one personally dear him and bearing a name honoured
to
alike throughout and Western Christendom."'
Eastern
The deed perpetrated at Bruneck was in his eyes a
grievous insult to the Apostolic See, to the Sacred College,
and to the Church at large. " It was an encouragement
to all who had a mind to lay violent hands on her pro-
perty or her dignitaries, an attack on her liberty and on
the inviolability of her members and possessions, and a
challenge to her authority."-!- He therefore resolved to
withstand the Duke with all the resources of his spiritual
power. Legal proceedings were at once commenced, and
Sigismund was required to appear in person and answer
for himself on the 4th August.:|:
The Duke's reply was an appeal from the Pope ill-

informed, to the Pope better informed, and in this appeal

the majority of the Tyrolese Clergy supported him. On
the 8th August, in consequence of his disobedience to the
Papal summons, the sentence of greater excommunication
was pronounced at Siena against him and his adherents.^
Even before the tidings of this excommunication reached

* JAGER, I., 338-9, II., 8 seq. ; VoiGT, III., 356-62.

t Jager, II., 45-9.
X Dijx, II., 466 seq. ;
JaGER, II., 52. The date here assigned for
the meeting between Pius II. and Cusa, at Siena, is incorrect. The
Cardinal did not arrive in that city until the 28th May. See *Acta
Consist., f. 29b, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

§ Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 34; Goldast, Monarchia, II.,

1583 ; VOIGT, III., 373-5 ; Jager, II., ^^ seq., 87 seq.

 PIUS II. EXCOMMUNICATES SIGISMUND. 1 8/

the Ducal Court at Innsbruck, Sigismund took a step

" which was in every way calculated to render the breach
irreparable." He entrusted the whole conduct of his

affairs to the impetuous Heimburg, " who carried the

irresolute Duke away with him in his passionate and
reckless opposition to the Holy See, in which personal
aversion had no small share." On the 13th August, Sigis-
mund issued a fresh and yet stronger appeal to the future
Roman Pontiff and to a general Council, utterly disre-
garding the decree of the Pope at Mantua, which expressly
prohibited such a course. Heimburg was the author of
this document.*
The revolt was now fairly inaugurated, and Pius H. at

once met it by decisive measures. Briefs were despatched

in all directions, announcing the excommunication of
Sigismund, and prohibiting all intercourse with him or
his territory. A manifesto of the 19th August detailed
the reasons of the excommunication, and the Emperor
and the Bund were required to wrest the Tyrol from the
Duke. Switzerland was the only country in which this

proclamation had any effect. The German Princes con-

demned the action of the Pope, the majority of them
openly espousing the cause of Sigismund ; the prohibition
of intercourse was disregarded by almost all the cities.

Even the Princes of the Church for the most part ne-
glected to take any measures for carrying out the Papal

* Freher, II., 121-4; Jager, II., 94-9; VoiGT, III., 376.

According to Senckenberg, IV., 390, Charles VII., Venice, Milan,
the Electors of Mayence, Cologne, and Treves, Archduke Albert and
Duke Louis of Bavaria, joined in the appeal. No information on
this important point is to be found in Jager's more ample account. It

is curious to observe that Gregorovius, VII., 175, 3rd ed., represents

Sigismund as fighting with Cusa "for the Bishopric of Brixen, of
which he held possession " !
1 88 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

commands.* In the Tyrol itself the laity and most of

the clergy declared themselves on the side of the Duke, who
displayed a feverish energy in face of the dangers which
threatened him. He applied for assistance not only to
his King James of Scotland, but to other
father-in-law,
Princes who, like Diether of Isenburg and Charles VII.
of France, were more or less hostile to the Holy See. A
memorial against the Pope was at once drawn up in Latin
and circulated throughout the Tyrol and in the beginning ;

of September a defence in Latin and German was sent

out from Innsbruck to the temporal and spiritual Princes
far and near. This document strongly insisted on Sigis-
mund's " rights as Lord of the country." On the 9th
September, the appeal of the 13th August was reiterated.
The Cathedral Chapter of Brixen also appealed and
declared the Papal Interdict invalid.f
Sigismund's new appeal and the defence both proceeded
from the pen of Heimburg. These writings, like the pro-

ductions of Luther and Hutten in a succeeding generation,

were disseminated throughout the whole of Germany with

* SCHARPFF, 326 seq.\ JaGER, II., \oi,seq., 136 seq.; VOIGT, III.,

391 seq.^ 396 seq. On the 30th January, 1461, *Pius II. wrote to
Frankfort to the effect that he had heard of the disregard by that
city of the sentence of excommunication pronounced against Sigis-
mund, and required that it should be respected. Original in the City
Archives, Frankfort, Foreign Affairs, Doc. VII., N. 246.
t VOIGT, III., 380 seq. ;
JaGER, II., 117 seq.., 122 seq. In their

detailed account of these matters Voigt and Jager have, like

Gebhardt, 38, overlooked the long letter of Sigismund to Diether,

which ScHUNCK, Cod. Dipl., 338-57 (Mog., 1797), publishes "from an
old archival MS." I found this letter in Cod. 96, f. 259-64, of the
Cathedral Library, Frankfort (now in the City Library, Frankfort).

Schunck may have made use of this MS. The letter is here dated
" am Eritag nach des hi. criitzes tage exaltationis " (i6th September),
for which Schunck reads " Fritag."
 RAGE OF HEIMBURG. 1
89

extreme rapidity. The numerous copies to be found in

the German Libraries bear witness to their extensive

circulation. |The appeals were "like the Papal Indul-
gences affixed to the Church doors in Germany and Italy,

and even as a hostile demonstration in Florence and

Siena."*
autumn of 1460 Pius II. took proceedings against
In the
Heimburg in person as the " chief instigator of the Duke,"
and the " author of the obstinate opposition to the Apos-
tolic See." He was excommunicated by name, and all the
ecclesiastical and temporal authorities of Germany were
desired to seize " this son of the devil."f
Heimburg now gave free vent to his rage." He began
"

by appending a series of abusive marginal notes to the

Bull which condemned him, directed not only against the
person, but also against the Primacy of the Pope. This
was followed by a new appeal to a Council, "an invective
exceeding all former attacks in violence."^ He accuses
the Pope of being more garrulous than a magpie," and
"

of having at Mantua " praised adultery and crimes against

public morality," and maintains the supremacy of
Councils. " Hold fast what you have gained," he says to
the clergy, " the Council is the fortress of your liberties,
the corner-stone of your dignity. Rend the feeble nets and
break the worthless bonds w'hich }'ou have taken pains to
forge for yourselves in your scholastic philosoph}'. And
you, Princes and soldiers, who are accustomed in warfare

* Gebhardt, 36; VoiGT, III., yjT.

t v^N. Sylv. Opp., 932-3 ; Freher, II., 124-5; JaGER, II., \i,^^seq.,

148 seq.\ VOIGT, III., 382 seq.

X Gebhardt, 37 ;
Jager, II., 183 Voigt, III., 383-7 Brockhaus,
; ;

176-84. It is certain that Heimburg beha\-ed with a coarseness un-

worthy of a man of culture. Hist. -Pol. Blatter, XLIX., 672. See also
SCHARPFF, 337 seq.
190 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to exercise your skill in seizing the best positions before

the enemy can reach them, make haste to secure this
most important point of the General Council, Should the
Pope succeed in wresting this stronghold from you, you
will without shield or spear and con-
find yourselves left

strained to buy your lives at a heavy price, in the tribute

which, under the mask of the Turkish war, is levied only
to be spent for shameful and criminal purposes." The
Decree of Mantua is stigmatised by Heimburg as vain and
senseless and the Pope is called a dotard and a heretic*
Teodoro de' Lelli, Auditor of the Rota*, and in 1462
Bishop of Feltre, stood up as the champion of the
Pope and the monarchical constitution of the Church.
The principle that " a guiding head is as essential

a part of the hierarchy established by Christ in the

Church as the gradations among its members," is well
worked out in his reply. It is therefore all the more to
be regretted that he adopted a passionate and intemperate
tone similar to that of his opponent. The latter at once
retorted that his heresy consisted merely in his defence of
Councils which Pius II. had endeavoured to crush at
Mantua, and in his assertion that the Pope's only motive
in calling for the Turkish expedition was to extort
money.f

* G, Heimburgii Appelatio a papa variis modis ad concilium

futurum in Freher, II., 12^, seq. ; GOLDAST, II., 1292 seq. Frequently
also in MS., e.g. in Munich (see Voigt, loc. czf.) and in the State
Archives, Dresden, loc. 7384, f. 209 seq., Cod. Regin. 557, f. yy seq., and
Cod. Palat., 362, f. 87b seq., Vatican Library.
t Lelli's Replica and Heimburg's Apologia are in Goldast, II.,

1595 seq., 1604 seq.; translated by Brockhaus, 184 seq. See

Gebhardt, 37 ; Dux, II., 210 seq. Regarding Lelli see OUDIN, III.,

2571 ; Fabricius-Mansi, VI., 525 ; LORENZ, II., 384, 3rd ed. Lelli's

Tractatus contra pragmaticam sanctionem in Cod. Vat. 3878 (Vatican

Library) is, as far as I know, unpublished.
 riUS II. AND THE TVROLESE REBELS. I9I

Pius II. meanwhile had taken a further step against the

Tyrolese rebels. On the 23rd January, 1461, he sum-
moned Duke Sigismund, Gregor Heimburg, Lorenz Blu-
menau, Bishop George of Trent, all the Duke's Coun-
sellors, the Cathedral Chapter of Brixen, most of the
Abbots of the Tyrolese Convents, a number of other
spiritual and temporal Lords, and all clergy and laity of
the Tyrol who had contemned the ecclesiastical Interdict,

to appear within fifty days before his Tribunal to vindicate

their orthodoxy, especially in regard to the article, " I

believe in one holy Catholic and Apostolic Church."*

Heimburg replied on the i6th of May, 1461, by another
appeal or rather manifesto, pouring contempt on the Papal
summons, and full of revolutionary doctrines in regard to
the spiritual power of the Papacy. " This appeal," to
quote the words of an historian who favours the Duke,
" was certainly a considerable advance on the part of
Sigismund and Heimburg, and it might seriously be asked

whether they still remained within the sphere of the

Catholic body, or had withdrawn from it and taken
refuge in that abstract and universal church which exists
only in the imagination. "-j- On Wednesday in Holy
Week, 1461, Pius II. solemnly excluded Gregor Heimburg
as a heretic from the Communion of the Church. On

*
The Bull "Contra Satanae" given fully only in Goldast, II., 1579
seq. The date (X. Cal., Febr. A° 3° VOIGT, III., 405) is established ;

by the Regesta of the Secret Archives of the Vatican. The Bull is

twice entered here: Regest. 479, f. 189, and 480, f. 194.
t JaGER, II., 192 ;
Friedberg, Zeitschrift, VI II., 84 Grenzen,
; I.,

I13-14; BacHMANN, I., 33; Hagen, 153. This manifesto of Heim-

burg is printed in GOLDAST, II., 1580-83 ; the conclusion which is there
wanting, is given from the copy in the State Archives in Vienna
by Chmel, Reg. II., 386. I found another copy in the State Archives,
Dresden, loc. 7384, f. 204 seq.
192 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Maundy Thursday (2nd April) he reiterated the sentence

of greater excommunication pronounced against him, as
well as against Sigismund and his adherents.* Sigismund
retorted by causing Heimburg's insolent manifesto of the
1 6th of March to be posted up in four places in Rome,
but it was immediately torn down by the incensed popu-
lace.f
The bad effects of the Duke's example were but too
apparent in the hostile attitude assumed by the Arch-
bishop of Mayence in the spring of 1461. Heimburg
had brought about an alliance between these two Princes.
The day after he entered Diether's service, the delibera-

tions of the Diet of Nuremberg began (23rd February,

1461). In this Electoral Diet the anti-Papal opposition
reached its climax.
Diether of Isenburg was the leading spirit of this

Assembly. The lesser excommunication pronounced by

the Papal judge in consequence of his non-payment of
the Annates had so incensed him that he threatened to
do his utmost against Rome.^ Emboldened by finding
such a goodly array of Princes assembled in Nuremberg

* The Bull of April ist is translated by J ACER, II., 199-200, from the
copy in Cues ; it is also to be found in the Regest. 480 seq. 198, Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
t "*E1 duca Sigismondo de Austria heri de nocte hebe el modo de
far mitter qua a la porta de S. Petro, a quella del Castello, in banchi
et in campo de fiore, non se po sapere chi sia stato lamico che seria
lapidato, uno processo in carta de capreto longissimo per spatio de
duo braza dove dice de molto cose ad sua iustificatione

Queste scripte come furono vedute a furore de populo furono levate et

portate a palazo." *Report of B. Bonatto to Lodovico de Gonzaga,
dated Rome, 1461, April 30th,. Gonzaga Archives at Mantua.
X *Letter of Bessarion to Pius II. of the 29th March, 1461, in the
Secret Archives of the Vatican (see supra, p. 175); see Cugnoni,
207 seq.
 DIETIIER APPEALS TO A FUTURE COUNCIL. I93

in answer tohis summons he cast aside all consideration

for the Head of the Church.
However unbecoming the action of the Papal judge
might have been in thus proceeding against the first

Prince of the Empire, it certainly " was neither so im-

portant nor so irrevocable as to justify the extraordinary
step at once taken by Diether. For, instead of availing
himself of the nearest legal remedy, or complaining to
the Pope of the treatment to which he had been sub-
jected, he issued a formal appeal to a Council * which,
according to the decisions of Constance and Basle was
to be held once in every ten years, committing himself,
his Church and all who would join him to its protection.
He declared that he could not appeal to the Pope, inas-
much as it was thought that he was a party to the judge's
act. Nevertheless, he was willing to do so if Pius H.
would refer the matter to the arbitration of some Prelate
who was above suspicion ; otherwise he appealed to his
who would have
successor, the right to revise his pro-
ceedings."
A Protestant historian considers that " it would have
been almost impossible to offer a deeper insult to Pius H.
than such an appeal, which passed over all the ordinary
legal means and completely ignored the authority of the
Pope. It was true that he had himself in former days at
Basle defended this method of procedure. But his recent
decree at Mantua had expressly forbidden it, denounced
the principle on which it rested as a dangerous and
destructive heresy, and declared that all authors and
abettors of such an appeal from the Emperor himself
down to the clerk who transcribed it would thereby incur
the greater excommunication from which the Pope alone

* Unfortunately without a date in Senckenberg, IV., 392-9.

VOL. in. o
194 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

could absolve them at the hour of death." Most probably

it was Heimburg, who was at this time in Nuremberg,
who induced the Archbishop to take this rash step.* The
appeal bears marks of having been written by him.f
Diether's rupture with Rome was now final.J
In obedience to the Pope's command, Cardinal Bes-
sarion had at once sent an Embassy to Nuremberg to
explain that it was not the intention of Rome to demand
anything, however small, without the consent of the
nation.^ Neither this Embassy, however, nor the two
Nuncios seem to have arrived in time to intervene in the

deliberations of the Diet.

Diether had now full scope for his anti-Roman agitation.
He enjoyed the triumph of seeing not only the Count
Palatine Frederick, but also the Elector Frederick of
Brandenburg, his brothers, Albert and John, together
with the Bishop of Wtirzburg, likewise appeal.|| The
Bohemian Ambassadors alone held aloof from this de-
monstration, as their master had good reasons for not
breaking with Rome.

* Menzel, VII., 277. The gravity with which the demand for a

Council was viewed in Rome is witnessed by the ^Despatch of B.

Bonatto, of March i6th, 1461, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua ; see
Appendix N. 44.
t Menzel, Diether, 105 ; Gebhardt, 38, considers the appeal "un-
doubtedly " Heimburg's work.
J See Hirschel, Diether und der Apost. Stuhl, in the Mainzer
Katholik, 1850, I., 260, soy.

§ This appears from the *Brief to Bessarion of the 9th April, 1461
(Secret Archives of the Vatican), Lib. brev. 9, f. 217b.

II
JOANNis, I., 776 ; Menzel, Diether, 106-7. Efforts were made
to win Mayence to the side of the appeal. The people of Mayence
asked advice from Frankfort. The *Council of that city answered on
the 6th February, 1461, that such a demand had not yet reached
them. City Archives of Frankfort-on-Maine, Reichssachen, 5227.
 THE ELECTORS APPEAL TO TPIE POPE. I95

Frederick III. also was bitterly attacked at Nuremberg.

Antagonism towards him was in many ways interwoven
with opposition to the Pope, and each gathered strength
from the other.* On the ist of March the Electors of
Mayence, of the Palatinate, and of Brandenburg, addressed
a threatening letter to the Emperor. They described the
deplorable condition of the Empire, complained of the
negligence of Frederick, who for fifteen years " had not
been seen in this portion of it," and invited him to a Diet
at Frankfort on the Sunday after Pentecost (31st May).
Should the Emperor fail to appear they would decide and
act without him, as might be necessary for the welfare of

the Empire.f On the same day the Electors bound

themselves " by a solemn promise, equivalent to an oath,"
not to suffer themselves to be turned from their purpose
by Pope or by Emperor.J
On the 2nd March the Elector Frederick and the
Margraves, Albert and John, together with the Count
Palatine, addressed a letter to the Pope expressing their
astonishment that he should have required from Arch-
bishop Diether a larger sum than his predecessors had
paid for the Pallium. This demand, they declared,
inflicted fresh injury on the Church of Mayence, which
was once the most powerful in the Empire, but had
suffered considerably from wars and calamities, it infringed
the rights of the Councils, and violated the Concordats
which former Popes had concluded with the German
nation, and would lead to the ruin of the Church in

Germany. They most humbly begged His Holiness to be

satisfied with the ancient tax which the Archbishop was

* Palacky, IV., 2, 172.

t Janssen, Reichscorrespondenz, IL, 149-52. A copy of the letter

is also preserved in the City Archives at Cologne, Reichsacten B.

:j: Kremer, Urkunden, N. 74 ; Menzel, Gesch. von Nassau, 285.
196 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

ready at any moment to pay and to remove the penalties

inflicted upon him and his adherents. If the Pope refused
to grant their request, concluded the letter in a tone of
menace, they and almost all the Princes of the German
nation would range themselves on Diether's side and sup-
port him by word and act*
As if the Apostolic See had not been sufficiently offended
by his first appeal, Diether shortly afterwards issued a
second. In this he complained of the attitude of Bessarion
in Vienna, and of the numerous Indulgences by which the
coffers of the devout were emptied and of the exorbitant
claim of Annates. This appeal and a joint manifesto in

accordance with it were signed by a large number of the

Princes and Envoys.f A yet more important symptom of
the general feeling was the fact that the Council of Arch-
bishop John of Treves eagerly took part in all these
measures against the Holy See. The ultimate goal of the
opposition conducted by Diether and Heimburg was
evidently a German imitation of the Pragmatic Sanction
of Bourges ; the bond between the German Church and
the centre of unity was to be as far as possible loosened,
and Germany placed in a semi-schismatical position.
It is very remarkable that the opposition should have
been so strong Germany against a Pope whose own
in

countrymen accused him of German sympathies. J But it

is easy to see how little importance is to be attached to

all these fine words about the liberty and honour of

Germany ; they were but a mask to cover selfish aims and
private interests. Where was the patriotism of men who
did not shrink from an alliance with the French monarch

* Menz EL, Diether, 1 14-15.

+ Idid., 118; Hasselholdt-Stockheim, 306 J^^.

X Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 125. In Poland also Pius II.

was looked upon as the friend of the Germans. C.'VRO, V., i, 173.
 GERMAN AND FRENCH OPPOSITION. 1 97

who was still hankering after the Rhine country? Full

details are wanting, but it is a fact that Heimburg was
sent to the French Court to consult with the King as to
measures to be taken by the German and French opposi-
tion in common.* Nor did the German Princes scorn
other foreign assistance, they thought of a treaty
with King Rene, who was in active antagonism to the
Pope on the Neapolitan question.f It is obvious that the
triumph of King Rene, and with him of French influ-
ence in Italy, would not have promoted the interests of
Germany.
After the Count Palatine Frederick and Diether had on
the 6th March joined the Electoral Union, the dissolution
of the Diet was decided upon. This body demanded
amongst other things a general Council and a fresh
Assembly in Frankfort on the 22nd May all private ;

negotiations with the Roman Court were prohibited.^

The dissolution of the Diet was accepted unanimously,
but discontent and mistrust soon broke forth again among
the confederates, who were occupied solely with their own
private interests, and no one of whom was prepared to
make any sacrifice for the cause which he professed to
advocate. § The Assembly which had seemed so seriously
to threaten the two chief powers of Christendom had but
glossed over for a time the ancient party strifes. Margrave
"
Albert discovered to the Emperor " in profound secrecy
* HoFLER, Kaiserl. Buch, 84 Hasselholdt-Stockheim, 305
; ;

Menzel, Diether, 119, N. 33. Heimburg's Mission was primarily

concerned with the place of the Council. The general feeling in
Germany was against one being held on French soil, as appears from
a Despatch of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1461, March 16, Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua see Appendix N. 44.
;

t Hasselholdt-Stockheim, 305-6 Menzel, Diether, 120.

;

l Menzel, Diether, 124 sc-^.

§ Prutz, Mittelalter, II., 530. .
,
198 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the plans which had been framed in the Diet,*^ and in the
course of a few months Diether's work was undone, and
everything that had been sealed and sworn to at Nuremberg
was forgotten.
The tidings of these proceedings had caused the greatest
consternation alike at the Imperial and the Papal Courts.
Frederick III. turned to Pius II. for assistance. "Consider,
Holy Father," he wrote on the 7th April, "how rampant
the factions in the Empire have grown. See how they
presume to lay down the law to Us both. It is absolutely
necessary that We should at once combine to oppose their

designs.We beg Your counsel and assistance. In Diether

you may see the consequence of granting ecclesiastical
confirmation without consulting the temporal ruler. At
any rate do not him be consecrated Archbishop."
let

Frederick III. Henry of Pappenheim,

sent his Marshal,
throughout the Empire to dissuade and threaten those
who might have been disposed to attend the proposed
Diet at Frankfort.f
The dangerous nature of the situation had been recog-
nised first in Rome, and decisive measures had been
taken. Even before the arrival of the alarming tidings
from Germany, Pius II., "ever watchful and armed,"
had despatched, as his Nuncios to that country, the
Canon Francis of Toledo and Rudolf of Riidesheim, the
Dean of the Cathedral Chapter of Worms. They were
to treat with the German Princes in regard to their

grievances, and in particular to give reassuring explana-

* Heymlich werbung an den Kayser, in Hofler, Kaiserl. Buch,

80-85 ; Bachmann, I., 49 seq.

t Palacky, IV., 2, 181. Frederick's Letter to the Pope is published

by BiRK in the Archiv fiir GEsterr. Gesch., XL, 158-60. Regarding
the answer of Pius II., see VoiGT, III., 253 Palacky, 182 Bach- ; ;

mann, I., 42.

 THE PAPAL NUNCIOS IN GERMANY. I99

tions on the subject of the levy of the tithes.* They

shewed great skill in accomplishing the difficult task
of quieting the storm which threatened ecclesiastical

authority. " No doubt in their conflict with this many-

headed movement, they were at an advantage in being
the servants of a united power. Still it is greatly to
their credit that they were able so completely to soothe
the partisans of the Council, and to separate them from
the Archbishop of Mayence, as Pius desired."-]-

The Papal Nuncios next succeeded in detaching Albert

Achilles from the party of opposition. They assured him
that it was not the Pope's intention to impose the tithes
without the consent of the nation. They formally
apologised for Bessarion's threatening language in

Vienna. He had had no such instructions from the

Pope, " but had been carried away by his own eager
interest in the matter and wounded feelings." They also
justified Pius II.'s proceedings against Duke Sigismund
and the friendly relations with the King of Bohemia,
which he had hitherto maintained. In regard to the
Council they declared that Pius II. would consent to it

on condition that the temporal powers should co-operate

in carrying out the reforms decreed by the Bishops.;]:

When the Nuncios had also induced the Count Palatine

Frederick and the i\rchbishop of Treves to withdraw
from the appeal, § the isolation of Diether was almost
* See the Document in Hasselholdt-Stockheim, 334-5.

Menzel, Diether, 133; Zaun, 23. Regarding Rudolf of Riides-

+
heim see also Roth, Gesch. Quellen Nassau's, 1880, I., XX. and 358 ;

Fabisza, 95 st:q. and GOTTLOB, Cam. Ap.

X Menzel, Ioc. cit. Bachmann, I., 51 Archiv fiir CEsterr. Gesch.,
; ;

XII., 351 (where 1461 is to be read instead of 1451). Fontes Rer.

Austr., 2, part XLIV., 75.

§ Pll II. Comment. 146; Menzel, Diether, 140; and Gesch. von
Nassau, 289.
200 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

complete ; and the failure of the Assembly at Frankfort

which was opposed by the Pope as strongly as by the
Emperor, might be predicted with certainty.* Neverthe-
less, following the counsels of the impetuous Heimburg,
he would not hear of yielding. In vain did his clergy urge
him to -retrace his steps, in vain did the Papal Nuncios
declare themselves ready to come to terms if the Arch-
bishop would but recall his appeal. When Frankfort,
the Imperial city of Germany, at the command of
Frederick III., refused to receive the proposed Assembly,
he changed its place of meeting to his own Episcopal
City.t
The Diet of Mayence was very ill-attended, " the
Imperial Cities in general, as well as the Electors of
Cologne, Treves, and Bohemia were unrepresented. The
Archbishop, in fact, stood alone with the Tyrolese
Envoys; there were no others, and these had private
reasons for their hostility to the Church."|
The proceedings began on the 4th June with a defeat
for the opposition, for the excommunicated Heimburg
was prevented by the Papal Nuncios from attending the
Sessions. On the following day Diether, in a long speech,
brought forward his complaints against Rome and de-
manded a General Council as " the only remedy against
the encroachments of the Apostolic See," He charac-

* The Papal Letter without its commencement and without date is

given by Raynaldus, ad an. 1461, N. 14, and by MiJLLER, II., 21, in

its entirety, but without date in ^Lib. brev. 9, f. 196, Secret Archives
of the Vatican. Voigt'S observation, III., 253, that the letter was
despatched on the 24th April, 1461, accords with the fact that the

preceding date in the Lib. brev. is 21 April, 1461.

t Bachmann, L, 55 ; Menzel, Friedrich, 81 ;
Janssen, Reichs-
correspondenz, II., 155 seq.

X Bachmann, I., 56-8 ; Menzel, Diether, 142 seq.

 RUDOLF OF RUDESHEIM. 201

terised the Tithes and Indulgences as frauds, and the

Turkish war as merely a pretext to support them.*
Rudolf of Riidesheim, distinguished alike as a diploma-
tist and a canonist, defended the Holy See against Diether's
attacks with " equal courage and success." His discourse
was a masterpiece, "temperate in its language, prudent
and conciliatory in its treatment of questions of general
interest, broad in its point of view, uncompromising and
trenchant in dealing with the particular cases which
touched the authority and doctrines of the Church. "•f At
the same time the two Nuncios emphatically declared
that it had never been the intention of the Pope, and was
not now his will to burden the German nation in opposi-
tion to the wishes of its Princes and Prelates with the
imposition of the tithe determined at Mantua, nor to

inflict on any one the spiritual penalties threatened in the

Bull on this subject.;]:

These words dealt a heavy blow to the opposition.

These ardent reformers once convinced that they would
not be required to put their hands in their pockets for the
expenses of the Crusade, forgot all about " the oppressions
of Rome," together with their grand projects of a General

* PlI II. Comment., 143.

tBachmann, I., 59; Palacky, IV., 2, 184; Zaun, 23 j^^f. Bach-
mann is mistaken when he says, p. 60 :
" I found the Legate's
Discourse, as pronounced before the assembly of Princes, in the

Royal State Archives at Dresden, loc, 7384, f. 191-2." I also con-

sulted the above-mentioned Fasciculus, 7384, but only found (f. 191b)
the well-known declaration of the 5th June, made by the Nuncios
regarding the tithes, and (f. 193-99) Rudolf's discourse as it is printed
from Cod. Germ. 975 of the State Library at Munich, in Zaun,
67-109,
X Hasselholdt-Stockheim, I., I, 334. On the 4th September,
1461, PiusII. solemnly confirmed the declaration of his Nuncios.

See Janssen, Reichscorrespondenz, II., 169-70.

202 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Council and a Pragmatic Sanction, and left Diether to

his fate.*

The defeat of the Conciliar Party was sealed shortly

afterwards by Diether's promise, in the hope that the Pope
would also make some concession or would extend the
time for the payment of the Annates, to desist from what-
ever was displeasing to the Holy Father and to comply
with his wishes.f We can hardly be surprised that this
unprincipled man was not trusted in Rome, especially
when we find that he soon made a fresh attempt at
opposition. With a view of bringing pressure to bear
upon the Pope, he invited the German Princes, Prelates
and Universities to resume the Diet of Mayence at
Michaelmas, in order again to discuss the Turkish war,
the tithes and the grievances of the nation and adopt
suitable resolutions.^

* Gebhardt, 43 Menzel, Diether, 146 and Gesch. von Nassau,

; ;

290. At the end of June these good tidings reached Rome. Bartol.
Bonatto wrote to the Duke of Mantua a letter, dated Rome, 1461,
June 29, in which is the following passage : *De Alemagna se hanno
novelle de questa dieta et bone per la Sta. de N. S. che quelli principi
e signori hanno deliberato che la Sua Bea. habia vera ubedienza da
quello paese et che lo arcivescovo de Magonza, chi era quello era
casone del tucto per non pagare la anata del suo vescovato chie
XX'" ducati, pagi quello e justo e non si faza piu mentione de
appellarse ad futurum concilium cum questo che non se ge rasoni de
darge decime, cusi scrive quello cubiculario fu mandato de qui."
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Menzel, Gesch. von Nassau, 291 ; Hasselholdt-Stockheim,
I., I, 137; Annalen des Nassauischen Alterthumsvereins, XII., 184;
Bachmann, I., 60. Palacky, IV., 2, 185, observes that the Party of
the Council succumbed before this change, and the
thoroughly
misfortune which fell upon Charles VII. of France (he died shortly
afterwards, on the 22nd July, 1461).

J Hausser, I., 366; Menzel, Friedrich, 87; and Diether, 149;

VOIGT, III., 259 CREIGHTON, II., 42 1.
;
 ADOLPII OF NASSAU REPLACES DIETHER. 203

This meeting did not take place. Pius II. having

found another candidate for the Archbishopric in the
person of the Canon Adolph of Nassau, secretly sent
John Werner of Flassland as his agent to Germany,
with Bulls, depriving Diether, and granting the Papal
institution to his opponent.* Flassland arrived safely at
Mayence, where Adolph of Nassau at once summoned a
meeting of the Cathedral Chapter. Diether, who had
heard of the danger which threatened him, was present,
Adolph, however, was by no means perplexed ; with the
Papal Bull in his hand he announced Diether's deposition
and his own appointment. The former at once protested
and appealed from the Pope ill-informed to the Pope
better informed, but he was not able to hinder the
enthronement of his adversary.-]- He also issued a
violent defence, in which he related his whole contest
with Rome, protested against his deposition, and declared
that he did not acknowledge the prohibition of appeal on
the ground that it had not the sanction of the Council,
and was contrary to all justice, human and divine. " If,"

he said, " no one is to appeal from the oppression of a

Pope to a future General Council, then we are all at the
Pope's mercy."J
Diether's position was from the first far from encourag-
ing, for the Imperial party, led by Albert Achilles, which

* The Bull of deprivation of the 21st August, 1461, is in *Regest.,

505, f. 93b-97b, with its commencement wanting in Raynaldus, ad an.

1461, N. 21-5 ; complete in Pn II. Epist. 4 (Milan Edition) and in

JOANNIS, II., 146 seg. Here are also the Provision for Adolf and the
other Bulls referring to the matter. Regarding Flassland, see Marini,
II., 160.

t Pii II. Comment., 146 seg. ; Menzel, Diether, 155 se^. and
Gesch. von Nassau, 294 ;
Janssen, Reichscorrespondenz, II., 175.

X MULLER, II., 38-46. See Speierische Chronik, 459.

204 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

had opposed him before now, unanimously took the side

of Adolph of Nassau.* The deposed Prelate nevertheless
determined to fight. He trusted in the powerful Count
Palatine, but when this crafty Prince assumed a procras-
tinating attitude, he for a moment completely lost courage.
" Unprincipled as ever, wavering between submission and

defiance," he at first promised to yield, and then again

took up arms.-j- On the nth November, 1461, Diether
entered into a solemn agreement with Adolph, by which
he undertook to give up his See on condition of receiving
absolution from excommunication and a considerable
indemnity in land and men at the expense of the Church
of Mayence. Peace seemed to be thus restored, but on
the very day when this contract was sealed and sworn,
Diether sought assistance against Adolph. On the 12th
November Envoys absolutely denied, in a letter to the
his

Council of Mayence, the existence of any treaty between

them. On the 19th he made a fresh alliance with the
Count Palatine for the vindication of his claim to the
Archbishopric, assigning to him the cities and castles of
the Rergstrasse as the price of the aid he was to render. ;|:

A fierce conflict now broke forth, involving all the

country bordering on the Rhine in the miseries and
horrors attendant on the warfare of the period. Early
in the following year the feud between the families of
Hohenzollern and Wittelsbach blazed forth afresh, and

* The Court of Rome was at first of opinion that there would be no

further difficulties about the matter, but experience soon proved this
hope to be delusive. See the *Despatch of B. Bonatto to the Duke
of Mantua, dated Rome, 20th November, 1461 " De Alemagna se :

ha che quella depositione de Magontino non passava cussi neta come

se credia la brigata." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Droysen, II., I, 185 VoiGT, III., 268, and Palacky, IV., 2, 217.
;

J Menzel, Diether, 165 seq., and Gesch. von Nassau, 299 seq. ;

Feeser, 88 seq.
 PIUS II. ISSUES BULL AGAINST DIETHER. 205

the greater part of the Empire was filled with the din of
arms. The vicissitudes of this struggle do not enter
into the scope of our work.
On the 8th January, 1462, Pius II. published a severe
Bull against Diether. He required him within the space
of eighteen days to give up all lands belonging to the arch-
bishopric ; in the event of his disobedience the heaviest
ecclesiastical penalties were to be inflicted on him and
his adherents, and all places in which they might sojourn
were to be laid under an Interdict.* Immediately after

this, urgent requisitions were sent from Rome to the

cities of Cologne and Frankfort, calling upon them to
support Adolph of Nassau.f On the first February the
proceedings against Diether were justified in a detailed
memorandum which also claimed help for Adolph, and
insisted on the execution of the Papal censures.;]: Francis
of Toledo and Pietro Ferrici were sent to Germany as
Nuncios to labour in the cause of the Pope, which they
zealously did by word of mouth, by letters and mani-
festoes.§ "But this time success was more difficult, for
* Sattler, Gesch. von Wurtemberg, IIL, Supplement, p. 194-8
(Ulm, 1767), gives the Bull, but wrongly assigns it to the year 1461.
+ See in Appendix N. 54 the * Brief to Frankfort from the original

in the City Archives. The original of the similar document, addressed

to Cologne, has the note :
" Praesentatum anno 62, die 17 Martii."

X In the Milan edition of 1487, the Bull is dated : Prid. Cal. Fcbr.,
but in Cod. Hamilton, 198 (Royal Library at Berlin), Cal. Febr.^
which latter is correct.

§ Besides the letters published in Janssen, Reichscorrespondenz,

others are preserved in the City Archives at Frankfort, as e.g.

*Letters from Francis of Toledo, to Frankfort, dat. ex. Alta\illa,

1462, June 10, and July 4 (Reichssachen, 5293 and 5324). *Tractatus
utrum in notoriis requiratur citacio, et sunt quatuor questiones dc
facto privationis archiepiscopi Maguntini a domino papa Pio, edite per

Franciscum Hyspanum dccanum Tolletanum in Cod. Hamilton, 198,

Royal Library, Berlin.
206 .
HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the rebels were now attached to Diether's cause by-

strong ties of material interest and advantage, both

actual and prospective."*
At Spires the Papal Bull of excommunication was torn
down from the Cathedral door; the Count Palatine for-
bade its publication in his camp under pain of death. He,
like Diether, appealed to the Council, as "if he could
thus wipe out the Pope."f On the 30th March Diether
addressed a manifesto from Hochst to all temporal and
spiritual Princes, calling upon them " to take to heart and
consider how very unjustly and dishonourably he had
been treated, imploring them not to hinder him in the
maintenance of his righteous cause, but rather to punish
such ungodly dealing, and to grant him help and support." :J:

By means of Gutenberg's printing-press, numerous copies

of this manifesto which, it was hoped, would arouse a
strong feeling against Rome, were disseminated through-
out Germany. §
Pius II. had no thought of yielding. A fresh Encyclical
of May 1st, 1462, called upon all the Estates of the Empire
to assist Adolph of Nassau.||

* Menzel, Gesch. Nassau's, 306.

t VoiGT, III., 284-5 ; Geissel, Der Kaiserdom zu Speier, II., 34
(Mainz, 1828); Remling, Speier Bischofe, II., 123-4,

t MULLER, II., 1 13-17.

§ Copies of the letter are now very rare ; there is a fine one at
Frankfort, no longer in the Archives (as Bachmann, I., 250, says),
but, since 1866, in the City Library. The Ernestine Collection of
Archives, at Weimar (see Menzel, Diether, 173), the Library at
Munich, the City Archives at Spires, and those at Colmar all possess
copies of this rare specimen of typography, of which Falckenstein
(126) only knew three copies. Regarding other broadsheets, which,
at this time, issued from the Press at Mayence, see LiNDE, Gutenberg,
56 seg. (Stuttgart, 1878), and Buchdruckerkunst, III., 905 seg.
II
GUDENUS, IV., 150-53. A Brief from Pius II., to the cities of
 ABDICATION OF DIETIIER. 20/

Diether made great efforts to prevent the clergy from

observing the Interdict. With this object in view he
appeared in person at Frankfort-on-Maine on the 19th
September, 1462. The Town Council would not allow
him to proceed against the loyal clergy within the walls.
The " Archbishop/' however, could not be prevented from
going to St. Bartholomew's. Here the doors were of
course shut, but he was not to be so easily hindered ; he
caused the doors to be broken open, and as far as was
necessary, the windows, and thus by main force celebrated
Divine worship in the Church which had for weeks been
closed on account of the Interdict.*
The capture of the City of Mayence by his enemies on
the 28th October, 1462, was a serious blow to Diether.
Deprived of this stronghold he became more and more
dependent on the Count Palatine.f Many attempts were
made to end this unholy warfare. But all were fruitless

until the spring of 1463, when Rupert, brother of the

Count Palatine, was elected Archbishop of Cologne, and
anxious to secure the Confirmation of his Election, made
serious efforts to bring about a peace. At Oppenheim he
succeeded in inducing the contending parties to consent
to a truce from April 24th to November nth, 1463. At

Hagenau, Schlettstadt and Colmar, desiring- them to afford no

assistance to Diether, but to support Adolph of Nassau, dat. Romae
prid. Cal. Maii (30th April), 1462, is in the City Archives of Colmar,
A. A.
* SCHELHASS, Die Stadt Frankfurt wiihrend der Mainzer Bisthums-
fehde, in the Archiv fiir Frankfurts Geschichte, Series 3, I., 213
(Frankfurt, 1888).
t K, Menzel in Deutsche Biographie, V., 168. Regarding the
surprise of Mayence, see Stadtechroniken, XVIII., I., 51 seq., 89 seq.^

II., 176 seq. The Bull of the 18th January, 1463, commanding the
German clergy to publish the Brief against Diether and his followers,
is in Raynaldus, ad an. 1463, N. 88.
208 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the expiration of this period, it seemed likely that war

would break forth anew, when affairs took a most unex-
pected turn.
The adherents of Nassau had long been desirous of
breaking the alliance between Frederick and Diether.

This at length came to pass. Diether, who had some

reason to distrust his self-interested friend, entered into
an agreement with Adolph in October, 1463. In con-
sideration of being left in possession of a small territory,
he renounced the Archbishopric, while Adolph promised
to be responsible for all his debts and to bring about his
reconciliation with the Pope and the Emperor.'^ This
agreement was soon afterwards ratified at Frankfort in
presence of Pietro Ferrici, the Nuncio to whom Pius II.

had entrusted plenary powers. Diether, in token of his

abdication, gave up his Electoral sword to Archbishop
Adolph in a public assembly and did homage to him as
his Lord. Then on his knees he asked for and received
absolution from the sentence of excommunication.f

* Menzel, Diether, 213 seq. Regesten Friedrichs des Siegreichen,

406 ; Annalen des Nassauischen Alterthumsvereins, X., 14 seq.

t Pii II. Comment., 345 ;

JANSSEN, Reichscorrespondenz, II., 230
seq. ; Menzel, Diether, 216 seq. and Gesch. von Nassau, 336 seq.
Adolph did all that he could to heal the wounds of his Diocese, and

was active in the reform of the regular and secular clergy (see JOANNis,
I., 782 seq. ; MENZEL, Gesch. von Nassau, 353) ; he died on the 6th
September, 1475 (regarding his grave, see ROSSEL, Die Abtei
Eberbach, Part II., Wiesbaden, 1862). Diether was then elected for
the second time (see JOANNiS, I., 787 seq.., II., 145 seq. ;
Grotefend,
Chroniken, I., 22). SiXTUS IV. had at first protested against the re-

election ; at the petition of the Chapter, he, however, confirmed it on

the 5th April, 1476 (GUDENUS, IV., 418). In an ancient collection of

State Archives at Darmstadt, under the year 1475, is the entry

"Archbishop Diether of Mayence informs the Count Philip of

Katzenelnbogen that, on the Friday before Palm Sunday he was con-
firmed in his office by the Pope —
Saturday after Easter." This
 RECONCILIATION OF THE COUNT PALATINE. 20g

The Count Palatine Frederick was more difficult to

deal with ; at length, however, the representations of his
brother Rupert induced him to agree to a peace on very
favourable terms. Adolph promised to obtain absolution
for him and his followers from the Pope, and together
with his Cathedral Chapter, acknowledged the mortgage
on the Bergstrasse.* In the middle of March, 1464, at a
Diet at Worms, he was solemnly received back into the
Communion of the Church by Bishop Onofrio of Tricarico,
and Canon Pietro Ferrici, the Papal Legates. Before
his absolution the Count was required to make a declara-
tion that during the contest he had never intended to
withdraw from submission to the Apostolic See and that
for the future he would always be loyal and obedient to
it.t

These two leaders of the anti- Papal opposition in

Germany were far surpassed in obstinacy by Duke
Sigismund of the Tyrol. The conflict between the
democratic Conciliar theory, represented by Heimburg
and Sigismund, and the monarchical constitution of the
Church upheld by the Pope, had reached its climax in the
Manifesto of the i6th March, 146 1. The contest now
entered upon its last stage, that of negotiations for peace.
The exasperation of both parties was still intense ; the

document was not to be found in the Darmstadt Archives ; Baron

Schenk of Schweinsburg supposes the original to be in the Archives of
Marburg 1476 certainly ought to be read instead of 1475, the date
;

" Friday before Palm Sunday," 5th April, then coincides with Gudenus.
* Kremer, Friedrich, Urk., p. 319 se^.; Menzel, Diether, 220;
Feeser, 107.

+ Kremer, Friedrich, Urk., 327 se^. On the 25th May, 1464, Pius II.

confirmed Rupert's Election as Archbishop of Cologne (LacOMRLET,

IV., 408-9). On this occasion and subsequently Pius II. manifested
his gratitude by the grant of many fa\'ours ; see Menzel, Gesch. von
Nassau, 348.
VOL. III. P
210 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

violent measures of the Duke against those who respected

the Papal censures must have produced a very painful
impression in Rome.* Yet fresh proposals of mediation
were constantly brought forward. The inefficacy of the

Papal penalties, together with the course of events in

Germany, induced Pius to consent to negotiations. But

Sigismund would not hear of making any kind of apology
until the Pope should have withdrawn his censures. This,
and the large demands made by Cusa, frustrated the
conciliatory efforts of the Venetians who earnestly desired
the end of a contest which seriously impeded their trade
through the TyroLf
In consequence of a happy combination of circum-
stances, a solution was at length brought about by means
of the Emperor. " Most Holy Father," wrote Frederick
III. on the 2nd February, 1464, " it is time that this

matter should be settled. The authority of the Church,

as we see, is too little respected. In consideration of the
times in which we live a little indulgence is necessary.
We beg your Holiness to consent to our continuing the
negotiation and to commission the Bishop of Lepanto to
return to us and to give him authority when the matter is

settled and absolution is sought, to grant it together with

the removal of the Interdict and whatever else may be
necessary for the complete restoration of peace. For as
soon as an arrangement has been arrived at in regard to
We, in the
the restitution and things depending thereon,
name and stead of our cousin, in accordance with the
Mandate which We shall receive, will solemnly and
humbly beg of your Holiness or your Commissary,

* JaGER, II., 206 seq.^ 246 seq.

t VOIGT, III., 407 seq.^ 414 seq. Jager gives a detailed account of
the Venetian mediation (252-402).
 SOLUTION OF TYROLESE DIFFICULTIES. 211

absolution, removal of peiialties, restitution, and every-

thing that is required."*
The sudden death of Cusa-|-(iith August, 1464), which
was followed three days later by that of Pius II., brought
all these troubles to an end. On the 25th August, the
proposals which had been solemnly presented by the
Emperor on The principal
the 12th June were accepted.
articles The Bishopric of Brixen was
were the following :

to be restored to the Cardinal who was to hold it as his

predecessors had done before the Compact of Bruneck,
which was to be considered null and void. Obligations
contracted previously to that event were to continue in
force. All ecclesiastical and secular persons were to be

reinstated in their former possessions and dignities.

The Poor Clares whom Sigismund had banished from

Brixen were to return to their convent. In regard to the
jurisdiction over the convent of Sonnenburg and other
points left undecided by this Convention, they were to be
arranged in accordance with former deeds. The Cardinal,
as Bishop of Brixen, was to grant investiture to the Duke,
in the same manner as his predecessors had granted it to

the Duke's forefathers. All who have adhered to Sigis-

mund are to be absolved ; the Chapter of Brixen retains

* Jager, II., 414-15.

t Regarding Cusa'S will and his tomb, which is still in good
presen-ation in the Church of S. Pietro in Vincoli, see Scharpff,
380 seq. A copy of his will is at Cues, and another in the Archives of

the Anima at Rome. Cusa's heart was brought back from Rome to

his birthplace. Cues. " Here it reposes in the soil of his fatherland,

to whose highest spiritual welfare it had ever been devoted, within the
walls of that noble foundation, which more than anything else bears

witness to its Christian sentiments." See Vol. II., p. 132. A copper

tablet, with Cusa's likeness, marks the spot where it rests, in the choir

of the Hospital Church. This church also contains the tomb of the
Cardinal's sister.
212 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

its ancient privileges. Frederick III. having, with head

uncovered, besought pardon and absolution for Sigismund
from the Papal Legate, the latter absolved the Duke from
excommunication and the other censures, and removed the
Interdict.* Heimburg was not absolved from the time ;

that the Emperor undertook the work of reconciliation,

he vanishes from the scene in the Tyrol. The Czech
King, George Podiebrad, subsequently furnished him with
another opportunity of joining battle with Rome.

* Jager, II., 421 seq., 427. Here we may observe that there is no
ground for saying that the Emperor made this petition on his knees.
It is strange that Jager, and, after him, Huber, III., 186 (who,
however, takes care not to impart to his readers the substance of the
agreement !) should have attached such importance to an undated and
anonymous letter, to an un-named Cardinal, in which a partisan of
Cusa laments the issue of the struggle. Jager, II., 415, moreover,
had shortly before admitted with regard to the contract, "The Pope
could not expect nor ask anything more. His Imperial Majesty
himself offered a vicarious submission and satisfaction, which, as it

presupposed Sigismund's consent, implicitly involved an acknowledg-

ment of guilt and prayer for pardon. Satisfaction was offered to the
authority of the Papal See, and Sigismund's honour was also saved by
avoiding a direct and personal petition."
 CHAPTER V.

Attempted Reconciliation of Bohemia with the

Church.

The opposition to the authority of the Holy See in

both France and Germany proceeded from the Princes

and men of learning, and was schismatical rather than
heretical in its character. In Bohemia, however, the
case was different, and the movement was all the
more dangerous because most of the people had become
alienated from the teaching of the Church.
In the summer of 145 1, as Nuncio in Bohemia, Pius II.

had been able, from personal observation, to judge what

deep roots these anti-Papal sentiments had taken in the
nation. The so-called Compact, concluded in 1433,
between the Bohemians and the Synod of Basle, had
soon proved an absolutely insufficient basis for the estab-

lishment of a true and lasting peace. The Basle party

to whom it was of the utmost importance to gain a pal-

pable advantage over Eugenius IV., acted with as little

good faith as the Bohemians. " The document which

granted the chalice to the laity was amply furnished with
evasive clauses, and the Bohemians took it as a simple

confirmation of their heresy with all its varying doctrines,

forms and rites, without troubling themselves as to the
exact import of the articles. On the 5th July, 1436,
the Compact was published at the Diet at Iglan in

Sigismund's presence, but on the very next day fresh

differences reeardincr the administration of the Sacrament
214 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

arose between Rokyzana and the Legate from Basle, and

they parted without being able to agree. No formal
decision was given for a long time with regard to a great
many of the disputed points, and no agreement was ever
arrived at in regard to the reception of the Eucharist
by children. Both parties were interested in ostenta-
tiously misrepresenting the Compact. The Council acted
as if the Bohemians had submitted, and the Bohemians
as if their heresy had been sanctioned."*
The concessions contained in the Compact were
accepted by the Utraquists, but the accompanying
conditions and obligations were utterly disregarded.
Accordingly the Utraquist Clergy, while administering the
Blessed Sacrament under both kinds to the laity, neglected
to remind them that Christ was wholly and entirely present
in each species, although the Compact plainly required
them to do so. The conditions which bound them to
conform to the Church in other matters of Dogma and
Ritual were no better observed ; they continued to deny
the Catholic doctrine regarding Purgatory, Prayers for the
Dead, Indulgences, and the use of images of the Saints.
In 1448 the Councillors of Prague went so far as to forbid
the private or public administration of the Sacrament of
the Eucharist under one kind, at thesame time proclaim-
ing with curious logic," that the Compact was to be
"

maintained inviolate The meaning of all this was made

!

clear when negotiations with the Byzantine Schismatics

were set on foot. In this same year, 1448, the Catholic

* VOIGT in Sybel's Hist. Zeitschr., V., 413, who justly blames

Palacky (III., 3, 217) for giving the contents of the Compact super-
and incompletely, and from a Hussite account instead of from
ficially

the originalDocument, which he himself published in Latin and

Bohemian. See also Frind, III., 1 52-7, who observes " It was a peace
founded on illusions."
 THE UTRAQUISTS AND ROME. 21

Cathedral Chapter and all the German Professors and

students were compelled to leave Prague because they
would not recognise Rokyzana, who had not received
Archiepiscopal from Rome.*
confirmation Utraquism
ruled supreme Bohemian capital. From the pulpit
in the

of the Teyn Church, Rokyzana could, without let or hin-

drance, abuse the Roman Church and proclaim the
Pope to be closely connected with the Beast in the
Apocalypse.f
Thus it will be seen that the Compact had long been
broken before Rome formally annulled it. The Holy See
had always abstained from any recognition of the agree-
ment entered into with the Synod of Basle. Throughout
the weary period of the contest with the Conciliar Party
the Popes had silently tolerated the exceptional position
of affairs in Bohemia, while they clearly perceived that its

continuance would constitute a danger to the Church.;]:

The action of Rome in annulling the Compact was amply

justifiedby the practical working of the treaty which
proved more and more adverse to Catholic interests, while
an Utraquist Church was growing up with the granting
of the Chalice to the laity as its distinctive symbol. It

was plain that no less decided measures would suffice to

reunite Bohemia to the Church. But all efforts in this
direction were frustrated by the fanaticism of the Czechs
in regard to Communion under both kinds.

* HoFLER, Geschichtschreiber der Husitischen Bewegung, I., 174-7 ;

Sybel, Hist. Zeitschr., V., 417, 437.

t "Rokyzana" as Gindely, Gcsch. der Bohmischen Briider, I., 11

(Prag, 1857) observes, "cast a new fire-brand into the country,

by widening the breach which separated the Utraquists in general

from Rome, he played into the hands of the individual fanatics who
were raising new bulwarks against her by founding fresh sects."
X "The Compact was a living offshoot of the Revolution," says
Droysen, 196.
2l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Better days seemed to dawn with the accession of

George Podiebrad to the throne. His abjuration of the
Hussite heresy and his Coronation Oath must have
awakened hopes in Rome, that with his assistance the
nation might be brought back to Unity.* But his
habitual dupHcity was not laid aside in his dealings with
the Apostolic See. Previously to his Coronation he had
solemnly sworn, before two Catholic Bishops and a small
number of witnesses, not only to be himself loyal and
obedient to the Church and her Head, but also to bring
his people back from all errors and heresies to complete
obedience to the Roman Church, and union with Rome
in ritual and worship.f This oath was thoroughly
Catholic, and left no room for any Utraquistic interpre-
tation. It abandoned the Compact nevertheless, the ;

King made no difficulty in swearing to maintain the

privileges of the Bohemian kingdom, amongst which the
Utraquists reckoned this agreement. It was evident that

he was aware of the contradiction between these two

oaths from the pains which he took to keep both his
abjuration of heresy and the Coronation Oath a profound
secretj
It was only to be expected that double-dealing of this
kind would sooner or later bring its own punishment.
The Oath exposed the
non-fulfilment of his Coronation
King to the well-merited reproaches of the Holy See,
while the attempt to redeem his solemn promise was
equivalent to a declaration of war against the Utraquists,
who were his most important partisans. All Podiebrad's
ingenuity was accordingly exercised in postponing the

* Bach;iann, Georgs Wahl, III., 128.

t See Vol. II. of this work, p. 444.

% The abjuration of heresy was not even to be committed to writing,
see Bachmann, Georgs Wahl, 140.
 GEORGE PODIEBRAD AND PIUS II. 21/

decisive moment when he must lay aside the mask and

openly declare himself for or against Rome, in the mean-
time deriving all possible advantage from his ambiguous
position.
At first things went better than he could have expected.
In the beginning he had stipulated that time should be
allowed him for the fulfilment of his promises, and this
made it the more easy for him to put off the Holy See.
Moreover, circumstances were taken into account at
Rome, and the King was not pressed to hurry on the
work of reunion.*
In order to keep the Papal Court in good humour,
George Fodiebrad at once took up the question which
was justly considered as the most important of the day,
and as a matter of life or death to Christendom. He
had already made splendid promises to the aged Pope,
Calixtus III., in regard to the Turkish War, and he now
continued to speak same tone to Pius II. It is
in the
it was determined in Con-
not surprising, therefore, that
sistory to send the Bohemian King an invitation to the
Congress at Mantua, similar to that which was addressed
to the other Christian Princes. Podiebrad lost no time in

making use of this Brief, in which the Pope addressed

him as " dear son," for his own profit, and, as a matter
of fact, the "little letter" brought many cities and districts

to his feet.f But, on the other hand, these evidences of

friendly relations wath Rome incited Rokyzana to fresh
attacks upon the Catholics. By the instigation of this

* "Unless," observes Bachmann, Gcorgs Wahl, 140, "Rome

desired to bring the King at once into conflict with that large portion
of the nation which had chiefly contributed to his ele\ation to the

throne, there was nothing for it but to permit him at first to pass as an
Utraquist."
t Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., lo-ii.
2l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

leader, Decrees were published in 1459, in the Utraquist

districts, to the effect that no one should enter into
possession of an inheritance, or acquire property unless he
bound himself by oath to live and die in the use of the
Chalice. Marriage in the Church and burial in consecrated
ground, the right of citizenship in Prague, and of
admission to the Corporation, as well as the power of
exercising a handicraft were all made dependent on the
same condition.* The great by influence possessed
Rokyzana, as head of the Utraquist party, induced the
King to tolerate, if not to sanction, this Edict which was
equivalent to a breach of the Compact. If Pius II. took
account of these circumstances, and attributed the Edict
to Rokyzana, and not to the King, yet he was evidently
aware the Bohemian monarch was playing the
that
same game with him that he had so long carried on
with his predecessor, Calixtus. The solemn Embassy,
which had been empowered to complete the Union
promised to that Pontiff, never arrived. By holding out
expectations and making empty promises, George sought
to obtain from the Holy See a full recognition of his
position, and same time to avoid any step which
at the
would compromise him before the Hussites. He was
most anxious that the validity of his title should be
acknowledged by the whole Catholic world at the
approaching Congress, if he made up his mind to send
representatives there. But the Pope demanded a com-
plete and public profession of obedience in his own name
and that of the kingdom of Bohemia, and George did not
thinkit possible to go so far.f Accordingly, in February,
1459, Provost John of Rabenstein was sent to the Papal
Court to promise obedience to the Pope in the name of the
* Bachmann, Bohmen, 290 ; Sybel, Hist. Zeitschr., V., 436.
t VoiGT, HI., 439-40.
 PIUS II. STYLES GEORGE PODIEBRAD KING. 2ig

King and the Royal family, but not in that of the king-
dom, and this act was to be performed in a Secret Con-
sistory. Pius II. continued firm in his determination not
to recognise George publicly as King until he should have
made a public profession of obedience.*
The Congress which had now just opened at Mantua
gave Podiebrad a very favourable opportunity for treating

with the Pope. Pius II., whose mind was almost exclu-
sively engrossed by the Turkish War, here experienced
the first great disappointment of his Pontificate. The
more indifferent the Christian Princes in general appeared
in this matter, the greater was the apparent zeal on the
part of Podiebrad. " He announced the speedy arrival of
his Envoys, and broadly hinted that he hoped to stifle

the arrogance of the Hussites, and wipe out the stain

of heresy in the war against the Turks." The effect of
this crafty policy was to induce Pius II. to modify his

attitude. In his answer to the announcement that

Bohemian Envoys would appear at the Congress, he " for

the first time, without circumlocution," styled George,

King, begging him to come in person to Mantua, or to
send Ambassadors ; and further explained that if Raben-
stein had not been received as a Royal Envoy, it was
because he had come in a private manner.f
Podiebrad neither came in person nor sent representa-

* Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., 13-14 ;

Bachmann,
BiJhmen, jy seq. *Regest., 470 seq.^ 26b. Oratoribus regis Bohemie
conceditur littera passus, dat. Senis III., non. April. A° 1°, f. 78 : Joanni
de Rabenstein prepos. Wisigrad. conceditur littera passus, dat. Senis

1459, Cal. April. A° 1°. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

t I intend to publish at full length in a future collection of Docu-
ments the *Brief of 8th June from the above mentioned Cod. of the
Laurentian Library. See also in Appendix N. 16, Pius II.'s *Brief of
the 1 2th June, 1459, to Procopius von Rabenstein. Secret Archives of

the Vatican.
220 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

tives to the Congress, excusing himself on the plea that

until he was lord over all his subjects, he could undertake
no step in the matter of union.* This had reference
specially to the people of Breslau, who withheld their
allegiance on the ground that he was a heretic. In the
beginning of September, Jerome Lando, Archbishop ot
Crete, and Francis of Toledo were sent to Silesia to settle

this difference. As they were also to treat of the Turkish

War and Bohemia with the Church,

the reconciliation of
they went, in the first Here George
instance, to Prague.
used every effort to win over the Papal Nuncios, and was
completely successful. At Breslau, where he was hated
more as a Czech than a heretic, they experienced
considerable difficulty. At length, however, they were
able to bring about a settlement, and it was arranged
that, after the expiration of three years, homage should
be rendered to him as a Catholic King.f
The last remaining antagonism to Podiebrad was thus
removed by Papal intervention. The King was lavish in

expressions of gratitude, and declared that nothing lay

nearer to his heart than the reconciliation of Bohemia with
the Church, and the war against the Turks. But his deeds
did not correspond with his words. Month after month
went by, yet Envoys did not arrive at Mantua. The
his
delay necessarily awakened distrust in the mind of the
Pope, who, unable any longer to conceal his impatience,
sent the Royal Procurator, Fantino de Valle, who was at

the time in Rome, to Prague to remonstrate with Podie-

brad. But the Bohemian monarch contrived so thor-
oughly to convince this messenger of his sincerity that
from henceforth he became his most ardent defender in

* Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., 17.

t Ibid.^ Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., 18 seq.; GrunhaGEN,

Gesch. Schlesiens, I., 305 seq.
 SCHEMES OF GEORGE PODIEBRAD. 221

Rome. On the 12th September, 1460, the King assured

the Pope that he adhered with unchanging fidehty to his
oath; his delay arose from the difficulties of his position,
but in the following February at the latest his Embassy
would arrive to do homage; his sincere desire was by
prudence to prepare the way for the restoration of the
true faith.*
Meanwhile, in reality George's mind was occupied \\'ith

matters of a very different nature. He sought to win the

Crown of Germany, and as, with this object in view, he
entered into a close alliance with the anti-Papal party
there, he naturally again aroused the suspicions of the
Roman Court; when this project failed, he next conceived
the bold idea of becoming King of the Romans with the
help of the Pope. Had Podiebrad really been a champion

and Martyr of the Hussites, as some prejudiced historians

have represented, it would have been impossible for him
to have cherished such a scheme as this. In reality his
religious convictions, as far as the term has any meaning
as applied to a man of his stamp, " always retired out of
sight whenever his political interest or his schemes of
personal aggrandisement required them to disappear."
Accordingly he now offered his services to Pius H.^
against the German opponents of the Papacy, formerly
his own political friends, for he really cared as little

about a rearrangment of ecclesiastical affairs in Ger-

many as about the so-called reform of the Empire. This
is proved by the " Instruction for treating with the Pope,'*

* Script. Rer.Siles., VIII., 45,47-8 ; Markgraf, /oc. ct'L, 21 ; Bach-

MANN, Reichsgesch., I., 89-90.
+ Bachmann, Bohmen, 280, as opposed to Palacky, Droysen and
Jordan ; see also Syrel, Hist. Zeitschr., V., 429. The Pope's suspicions
are expressed in the *Brief of Nov. 6th, 1466, to Procopius von
Rabenstein, Lib. brev. 9, f. 193, Secret Archives of the Vatican.
222 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

a draft which, though never seen by Pius II., is still a

most important document. How, it may be asked, did
George intend to win the Pope to his views ? By nothing
less than the reunion of Bohemia with the Church. He
declared himself ready to consent that the Pope should
appoint an Archbishop of Prague, or invest a worthy
ecclesiastic with Archiepiscopal powers until such time
as one should be lawfully appointed. If Pius II. would
send a qualified Legate to Bohemia, the King, con-
jointly with the Administrator of the Archdiocese, would
find means the unity of faith in the kingdom
to restore

without bloodshed. Nor would he have any difficulty in

publicly and solemnly doing homage and professing
obedience to the Holy See in the name of his whole king-
dom, as his predecessors had done before him.* The
severe measures taken by the King against the smaller
sects in his kingdom (from March, 146 1) seemed in
harmony with these professions. The Utraquists became
very uneasy, and the storm broke when, on Maundy
Thursday, 146 1, the Bishop of Breslau, of course in the
absence of the wily Podiebrad, preached openly in the

Castle of Prague against the administration of the Chalice

to the laity. It now became evident that Rokyzana, sup-
ported by the Utraquist mob, was more powerful than
the King, who, while stretching out his hand to grasp
the Roman Crown, felt the ground beginning-, to

give way under his feet. The excitement in Bohemia

reached such a pitch that he deemed it prudent to

abandon his hopes of the crown, and unreservedly'

* Bachmann, Bohmen, 296. The "Memorandum to the Pope,"

pubhshed by Hofler, Urkunden zur Gesch. Bohmens, 53 seq. (Prag,

1865), and Hasselholdt-Stockheim, Urkunden, I., i, 301, 316.

See Hofler in the Sitzungsberichten der Konigl. Bohm. Gesellschaft

..der Wiss., 1862, JuU-December, 51 seq.

 DISTRUST OF PODIEBRAD AT ROME. 223

to recognise Utraquism. An extraordinary Diet was

assembled at Prague in the month of May, at which he
solemnly promised to maintain the use of the Chalice for
the laity, and also the Compact.*
Meanwhile Podiebrad had come to be thoroughly dis-
trusted in Rome, " If the Bohemian Envoys do not soon
arrive," wrote the faithful Fantino, " your Majesty will be
disgraced ; all now look on me as a Iiar."j- A letter of

safe-conduct for the Bohemians had been issued on the

30th June, 1461,+ but still no one came. Pius II. waited
yet another half-year, and at the end of that time his
patience was at length exhausted. On the ist January,
1462, he wrote to the Archbishop of Crete, whom he had
sent to Vieima, Prague, and Breslau, and empowered him,
in case the King should still delay to carry out his obliga-
tions as to the question of faith, indefinitel)' to postpone

* The original, according to Palacky, IV., 2, 187, is in St. Wenzels-

Archiv, Prague. The position taken up by George will be better
understood by the consideration of a fact which Bachmann, Reichs-
gesch., I., 93, brings to light. The chief nobles, who had adhered to

the ancient were not prepared, for the sake of the restoration of
faith,

CathoHcism, to give up possession of the Church property they had

acquired.
t Letter from Rome of 5th April, 1461, in Palacky, Urkundl.
Beitrage, 243-4. Bachmann, Reichsgesch., I., 142, writes: "This is
the cry of distress of a faithful servant, who trembles for his master's
own good name."
cause and for his
X SOMMERSBERG, Silcs. Rer. Script., I., 1030 (Lips., 1729), gives the
text. B. Bonatto, writing' from Rome on the 29th June, 1461,
says :
*" El Re de Boemia chi mostra havere intcntione de ridure
cjuelli heretici del paese suo a la unione cum la gesia, ha mandate
a domandare uno salvo conducto per li ambasatori, intende de
mandare fin a cento cavalli tra li quali sera quelle suo principale de la

sita, si domanda el Rochezana ct vengono per disputare o confondere

altro o esser confusi lor, non so quelle ne seguira ; el salvo conducto
ge si mandate." Genzaga Archives, Mantua.
224 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the submission of the citizens of Breslau. He was also to

bring about an alliance against the King between that city
and all the neighbouring powers, both within Silesia and
beyond it, and pronounce void all contrary oaths, pro-
mises and agreements.*
At length, after three years of delay, Podiebrad made
up his mind to send the Embassy. Its object was
twofold, to do homage
to the Pope in the name of the

kingdom of Bohemia, and at the same time to ask for

the confirmation of the compact f Its composition was !

in harmony with its purpose, for it had two chiefs the —

Catholic Chancellor Procopius von Rabenstein, and the
Hussite, Zdenko Kostka, of Postupitz. Two Utraquist
theologians, Wenzel Wrbensky and Wenzel Koranda,,
were among its members, and most of our information
regarding the ensuing events is derived from the reports
of these last.+

The Envoys travelled slowly southwards, passing

through Vienna,Wolfgang Forchtenauer joined
where
them as the of the Emperor.
representative They
reached Rome on the loth of March. Here the general
feeling was very unfavourable to the King. It was well-

known that he only adopted this line of action because

his plans had Germany.
failedCardinal Cusa,
in

whom the Pope had charged to examine the Bohemian

affairs, was full of distrust.^ Pius II. himself, on the
iith of March, told the Milanese Ambassador in confi-
dence that the semi-heretical King of Bohemia was utterly
untrustworthy, and had been a dissimulator from his
•
* Script. Rer. Siles., VIII., 70-1.

t See the Instruction in Theiner, Mon. Pol., II., 130.

:J:
See Palacky, IV., 2, 218 seq.; Jordan, 49 scq.; Bachmann,.
Reichsgesch., I., 197, and Patera in the Archiv Cesky, Prag, 1888.
§ Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., 26.
 THE BOHEMIAN ENVOYS AT ROME. 22$

childhood.* " No more unfortunate moment could have

been selected by George which for obtaining concessions
had hitherto been steadily refused by the Papal Court."t
The whole position of ecclesiastical and political affairs
had apparently changed greatly to the advantage of the
restored Papacy. + Sigismund of the Tyrol persevered in
his revolt, but the Archbishop of Mayence was virtually
subdued, the German Conciliar party was broken up, and
now the King of France was abandoning the Pragmatic
Sanction. By a strange coincidence the Bohemian
Ambassadors arrived just in time to witness this fresh
triumph of the Papacy. In a private interview, Cardinal
Bessarion at once
out to them the splendid
pointed
example of Louis XL, who had renounced the Pragmatic
Sanction " and you must know," he added, " that in France
;

one hundred and one Bishops, many great Abbeys, and a

large number of the Clergy opposed this measure with all

their might, but the King's determination carried it

through. You see what renown he has gained by this.

Your King has only to act in a similar manner to obtain
a like reward." §

* Pius IL's words to O. de Carretto were: "*Ce ancora il Re de

Boemia il qual benche mandi sua ambasiata, qual heri gionse qui a
dare obedientia, tamen dice Sua S'-'' e mezo heretico et e cativo de nido
et non se ne puo pigliare fede." *Letter of Carretto of the I2th March,
1462 ;
see supra, p. 141 seq. Ambrosian Library, Milan.
t Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen und Pius II., 26.
t What passed in secret was at the time but little known. There
can be no doubt that in the conversation with Carretto of which a
sketch has been given {supra, p. 141 seq.), Pius II. drew too dark a
picture of his situation.

§ Palacky, IV., 2, 220 ; see supra, p. 149, note §. Bachmann

(Reichsgesch., I., 199) is mistaken in saying, in his addition to VOIGT
(III., 511), that Carvajal only returned at this time from his Mission to
Hungary. The Cardinal had arrived in Rome by the 30th September,
VOL. III.
Q
226 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

On Friday, the 19th March, Kostka, the most con-

fidential Councillor of King George, was summoned
alone into the Pope's presence. In this interview Pius
II. vainly endeavoured to convince the Bohemian Baron
that the Compact was no longer valid, inasmuch as the
generation to which it had been granted had nearly died
out ; moreover the Bohemians had violated it in many
ways, and thus forfeited all right to it.

On the following day the Envoys had their audience.

After an introductory discourse from the Imperial Pleni-
potentiary Forchtenauer, Chancellor Rabenstein spoke,
excusing his master's long delay and proffering the pro-
fession of obedience in his name. Upon this the Pope
remarked, You make the profession of obedience in the
"

King's name alone, whereas it is customary to make it

in the name of the kingdom." The Chancellor hesi-
tated, and did not venture to satisfy the Pope until

Kostka, who was standing near him, had given his con-
sent. Pius II. then asked if they had anything further
to say, whereupon Professor Wenzel Koranda, who was
opposite the Pope, began his address. " He spoke rapidly
in a loud voice, and in the bold and arrogant tone which
was usual among the Hussite preachers and disputants."*
His long discourse culminated in a request that the Pope
would confirm the Compact.
The Utraquist Professor in his conceit imagined that
he had acquitted himself brilliantly ; but the impression

1461 ; see *Acta Consist, Secret Archives of the Vatican. What

Palacky, IV., 2, 99, mentions regarding the secret sojourn of Carvajal
in Bohemia, has already been stated by VOIGT in Sybel's Hist.

Zeitschr., V., 446, note 30. I may add that in the Lib. brev. 9, f. 52,

of the Secret Archives of the Vatican, "ex Wienna" is plainly written

in the Brief of Pius II.

.* VOIGT, III., 462.

 REPLY OF PIUS II. TO THE BOHEMIANS. 227

left upon his Roman audience was that the Bohemian

movement was, as it had formerly been, a revolutionary
one, and that its spirit was thoroughly anti-religious. Its

dangers were more clearly perceived than they had been,

and there was a stronger conviction of the necessity of
it at any cost.
eradicating He was not ashamed, wrote one
who had been present at the audience, " to maintain before
these learned fathers that Communion in both kinds was
necessary to salvation, being in accordance with the ap-
pointment of Jesus Christ ; much of what he said was not
to the point, and indeed simply ridiculous."*
Pius II. at once replied. Well acquainted as he was
with Bohemian affairs he had no difficulty in thoroughly
confuting his adversary. His address lasted two hours.
" He went back to the origin of the State of Bohemia and
its conversion to Christianity. He painted in glowing
colours the intellectual and material prosperity of the
country, and the happiness of the nation in the 13th and
14th centuries, while it remained in the unity of the Faith

and enjoyed the blessings of a truly Christian life. Then,

turning to the period since the rise of the Hussite heresy,
he pointed out the contrast. The country was devastated.
Learning had fallen into decay, and the political power of
the nation was weakened, and its internal peace destroyed
by the division of the people into two bitterly hostile
religious bodies. The Compact, he said, was the melancholy
symbol of this confusion. It had never been formally
acknowledged by the Church, and on that very account was
strenuously supported by the Hussites. Far from being a
means for the restoration of a union between Bohemia and
the Church, and of internal peace which the Holy See so
earnestly desired, it was the chief hindrance in the way.

* Bachmann, Reichsgesch,, I., 203-4. The Report cited is in the

Script. Rer. Siles., VIII., 85-6.

228 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The question to be considered, therefore, was not how these

articles might be confirmed, but how they might be set
aside, and as the matter was one of the greatest import-
ance, out of respect for the King, the Pope wished to take

counsel with the Cardinals before giving a final answer

to the Envoys."*
Fresh negotiations took place between the Bohemians
and a Commission of Cardinals, but with no result. It was
only agreed that Rome should send a Legate to Bohemia
to treat with the King of matters for which the Envoys
had no powers. ,

Meanwhile Pius 11. had determined to draw out the

logical conclusions which followed from the profession of
obedience. On the 31st March an open Consistory was held
in the presence of four thousand persons. "In calm and
unimpassioned language," the Pope explained the reasons
which made it impossible for him to recognise the Compact.
It had only, he said, been agreed to on certain conditions.
The Chalice had been granted to the laity on the understand-
ing that in every other matter they should conform to the
Church ; this condition had never been fulfilled, and there-
fore the concession which depended on it did not hold.
" We, with our brethren the Cardinals, have revised the
copies of that agreement and found, and hereby publicly
declare, that your priests cannot lawfully give the Chalice to
the laity. You have, indeed, requested us to grant per-
mission, but this is for many reasons impossible. In the
first place, our predecessors have constantly refused to do
so,and the concession would give scandal to the rest of
Christendom. In the second place, it would be prejudicial
to you, for there would be danger of encouraging a heretical
belief that Christ is not wholly present under one species.

A third reason is the risk of spilling the Precious Blood on

* Bachmann, I., 204.
 PIUS II. ON THE COMPACT. 229

the ground, which has often happened in former times.

Fourthly, the unity and peace of your kingdom would be
endangered, for the majority of the Bohemians will not hear
of Communion under both kinds. Concessions cannot be re-
quired from those who are walking in the footsteps of their
forefathers, but rather from those who have turned aside to

novelties. Fifthly, should we accede to your desires, your

good relations with your neighbours would be imperilled.
You do not know what a hurtful thing you are asking. As a
faithful shepherd guards his sheep that they may not stray,
so are We bound to watch that the nations do not wander
from the way of salvation. Because We desire your salva-
tion therefore We refuse your request. Unite yourselves
with the rest of Christendom, and the glory and peace of
former days will again return to your kingdom."*
When Pope had concluded his speech, Antonio da
the
Gubbio, Commissary for matters of Faith, read the following
declaration :— " The Compact which the Council of Basle
granted to the Utraquists is annulled and abolished Com- ;

munion under both kinds is not necessary to salvation

the Holy Father will not recognise the obedience professed
in the name of the King of Bohemia, until both the King

and the nation shall have conformed to the Catholic Church

in every particular." •]-

The Compact was a most important step,

abolition of the
and was not determined upon without anxious deliberation
on the part of the Holy See.l The matter did not admit of

* Mansi, II., 93-100; Palacky, IV., 2, 229 seg. The Pope's

speech, with some variations, is often to be found in manuscript ; as in

Frankfort, City Archives, Reichssachen, 4220-22 ; in Kremsmiinster,

Abbatial Library, Cod. 4, f. 103-5 > '" Vienna, Court Library, Cod.

3609, f. 225-7 ; 4453, f- 384-5 ; 4764, f- 181-5 ; 13,760, *f. 1-3.

t Bachmann, L, 198, 208.

X See tl>ief., L, 207.

230 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

further delay :
" now that the reforms of Basle had been al-
most universally repudiated, the Compact would have been a
scandal to the other nations, and a constant danger of schism
and heresy to the Bohemians."* Moreover, the Compact had
been intended to bring about the reunion of Bohemia with
the Church, in return for the grant of the Chalice to the laity;
the Bohemians, however, used it as an instrument for the
destruction of all conformity with the Church. What right
had they now to complain of the repeal of an agreement which
they had themselves so often broken and so greatly abused?
" Was the Compact, as it was now interpreted, the same as
that made by the Council of Basle? Was not this request
for its confirmation equivalent to a demand for the sanction

of the abuses which had been practised by its means ?"j-

Podiebrad did not at once stand up to defend the
Compact, but let a considerable time pass before he declared
himself. His position had from the first been a false one,

since in his secret Coronation Oath he had promised that it

should be abolished. It had now become impossible for
him to fulfil his engagement. Hitherto the existence of
thisOath had been concealed from all but a few confidential
persons. In May the Pope resolved to make it more widely
known. By this means pressure would be brought to bear
upon George, " for Pius II. still hoped that the King could
be induced to submit. If he could be persuaded to set the

example by conforming to the Catholic ritual, the people were

sure to follow.''^ Such was the spirit of the instructions given

* Frind, IV., 57 ; Palacky, IV., 2, 7.

t HoFLER, in the Lit. Beilage- der Mittheilungen des Vereins fiir

Gesch. der Deutschen in Bohmen, II., lo-ii. See also Geschicht-

schreiber der Husitischen Bewegung, III., 179,202. BACHMANN(Georgs
Wahl, 131) justly observes that Rome was not to be a second time
deceived by feigned obedience.
t Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen, 29, 37 ;
GruNHAGEN, I., 308.
 THE PAPAL NUNCIO AT PRAGUE. 23!

to Fantino de Valle, formerly Procurator to the King, when

he was sent to Prague. P'antino had up to this time confi-
dently maintained in Rome that the King intended to fulfil

his Coronation Oath. Who could be better fitted now to

call upon him to redeem his word ?

The Legate reached Prague in the fourth week after

Easter, but had to wait a long time for an audience from
the King, who hoped by delay to strengthen and improve
his position. He was at this time much occupied with an
extravagant project suggested to him by Antoine Marini, a
Frenchman, who had recently entered his service. The
fundamental idea of Marini's scheme was "that all Chris-
tian Princes and nations would never cease to cling to Rome
and be loyal to her as long as the Holy See alone took
thought for the defence of Christendom against the advance
of the Turk." The Turkish question must therefore be
taken out of the hands of the Pope. It was to be solved,
and the pacification of Christendom was to be secured by
a grand Alliance to be concluded between Bohemia, Poland
Hungary, France, Burgundy, and Venice. The Holy See,
was thus to be deprived of its European influence, and
George was to obtain the Imperial Crown of Byzantium.
A General Council, moreover, was to assemble " to reform
the Church, that is to say, to depose the Pope and confirm
the Compact." The plan also included an International
Court of Justice, and a " Parliament of States," in which,
apparently, the French King was to preside, and which
was to settle all disputes among the Confederates.*

* See regarding Marini and his project, V^OIGT, III., 487 seq.\
Palackv, IV., 2, 239 seq.^ and the detailed account of M.'\RKGR.\f in

Sybel's Hist. Zeitschr., XXI., 245 seq. Marini was sent to Venice in

the beginning of July, 1462. George Podiebrad wrote on the 3rd July
[1462] from Prague to the Doge: "Mittimus strenuum Antonium
Marini de Francia cui comisimus nonnulla bonum statum ecclesic
232 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

This wild project, which aimed at revolutionising the

whole political system of Europe, found little favour at
the different Courts. Casimir of Poland, indeed, who was
involved in a serious contest with the Pope regarding the
appointment of the Bishop of Cracow, developed a sudden
zeal for the war against the Infidel.* But the powerful
Republic of Venice, although at the time somewhat at
variance with Rome on account of Malatesta, was utterly-

opposed to the exclusion of the Holy See from the

Turkish war. The Duke of Burgundy, who was friendly
to the Pope, shewed no disposition to let himself be
beguiled by Marini. Louis XL treated him with more
courtesy ; an alliance between France and Bohemia might
be useful for bringing pressure to bear on Pius II., but the
Council was rejected by the French monarch, and he was
by no means over zealous in promoting a scheme by which
Podiebrad would be the chief gainer.f
Meanwhile diplomatic action on the side of Rome had
also commenced. " It was characterised by a far greater

unity of purpose and practical efficiency than that of its

opponents, being based upon fixed principles and real

existing relations. Fantino had now received special
powers enabling him to enter into alliances with the
Catholic Lords of Bohemia, the Silesian Princes and the
Bishop of Breslau, and to treat more fully with the City."

Next came the publication of the Secret Coronation Oath.

sancte Dei et christiane religionis defensionem concernentia V'^ Ex.

referre." I found a copy of this letter, which seems not yet to have
been published, in Cod. Lat. XIII.-XC, f. 14b of St. Mark's Library,
Venice. Marini's *Treatise De unione Christianorum contra Turcos is

in Cod. 15,606, f. I seq., of the Library at Munich. See Sitzungsberichte

der Miinchener Akademie, 1875, IL, 219 seq.
* Sybel'S Hist. Zeitschr., V., 465 Caro, V., ; i, 191 seq.
t VOIGT, 11 L, 489 seq.
 THE KING DECLARES FOR THE UTRAQUISTS. 233

" This was a well-considered step ;

if the King kept his

promises the Document revealed only that which all the

world might know ; if he did not, it convicted him of
perjury and duplicity."* The Czech monarch preferred
the latter alternative.
On the 1 2th of August, 1462, negotiations were opened
at Prague with the Court, which had been transferred
thither, and Podiebrad, emboldened by the improvement
in his position, determined to lay aside the mask by which,
at the time of his election and Coronation, he had sought
to gain the Pope, the Bishops, and the Catholic Party. He
now formally and solemnly declared himself an Utraquist.
He concluded his speech on that day with the following
words: — "Let all men know we have been born,
that
brought up, and by the Grace of God have ascended the
Throne in the practice of Communion under both kinds.
We are resolved to maintain it, and to live and die in it.

Our Consort, our Children, and all who love us must like-
wise uphold the Compact."-]-
George's speech had a twofold object : first, by a strong

demonstration in favour of the grant of the Chalice to the

laity, he meant to secure the Utraquists, and secondly, to
take the Catholics by surprise. He hoped to raise his own
personal quarrel to the rank of a question of State, and
to obtain the sanction of the nation for his double-dealing.
He completely failed, though Kostka, as the spokesman of
the Utraquists, promised unconditional adhesion, Zdenko of
Sternberg, the leader of the Catholics, declared that in
temporal matters they would render obedience to him, but
they had never had anything to do with the Compact. He
* Bachmann, Reichsgesch., I., 228. Evidence of the superiority of
Rome in the sphere of Politics is here given in detail. See also
Sybel's Hist. Zeitschr., XXL, 275 seg.

t Palacky, Urkundl. Beitr., 275 ;

MARKGRAF,Georg von B6hmcn,33.
234 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

had taken it up without asking their advice ; let those now

help him who had counselled the step,*
On the 13th August Fantino was admitted to the King's
presence, but he was not given the rank of a Papal Nuncio.-j-

He began by claiming the freedom of speech conceded to

Ambassadors, well aware that in the King's present temper
an appeal to the right of nations was by no means super-
fluous. He then enlarged on the absolute necessity of the
abolition of the Compact, and insisted that, in virtue of

his Coronation Oath and of his profession of Obedience,

Podiebrad was bound to carry out the reunipn of Bohemia
with the Church. If we may believe the Breslau chroni-
cler, who from his party-position was deeply interested
in the course of these events, the Catholics were much
encouraged by the clear and practical discourse of the
Legate, which made an impression also on the advocates
of the Chalice. Had Girsik (George), says the chronicler,
but said the five words, " I will obey the Pope," the whole
nation would have stood by him.;|: The King, however,
bluntly rejected the demand of the Papal Legate. It had
never crossed his mind, he said, to abolish the Compact
on the contrary, he meant to live and die in it.
If we remember how firm a champion Fantino had
hitherto been of George's good faith, we can understand the
shock which the Legate must have received on hearing this

cynical denial of his obligations. He stood speechless for

a moment, as if stunned by a blow. Then he reminded the

* Bachmann, Reichsgesch., I., 236 seq. Forschungen zur Deutsch.

Gesch., IX., 220. George deeply felt the failure of his attempt to
surprise the Catholics, as is evident from his appearance at the
Assembly of Clergy at Prague in September, 1462, where the Catholics
again "unanimously" refused to uphold the Compact as he required.
t VOIGT, III., 475.
X Bachmann, I., 239.
 THE NUNCIO DENOUNCES THE COMPACT. 235

King of his engagement, adding that if he persisted in ad-

hering to this declaration he might justly be charged with
perjury. The King angrily interrupted him, but the Nuncio
was not to be intimidated. In a louder tone he proclaimed
all ecclesiastics who held to the Compact to have forfeited
their posts ; should the King and his family persist in their
error they too would incur the penalties of the Church.
As he had himself become the King's Procurator in the
firm belief that he would give up the Compact and
Communion under both kinds, he now resigned his

office.

For a moment it seemed as if the King, who was pale

with rage, would have sprung upon his adversary, and it

was with some difficulty that he at length controlled himself

sufficiently to allow Fantino to depart. But as soon as he
was gone his wrath burst forth afresh ; he would not live

another moment without avenging Rome was not

himself;
the Holy See, but a plague spot ;
Holy See was formed
the
by the union of all the faithful, and that was certainly not
to be found inRome.*
The effect produced by the " uncompromising attitude of
the Champion of the Roman Church " can hardly be over-
estimated. " It was, indeed, long since such words had been
heard in Bohemia Many a one, while adhering to the
!

Chalice, had deemed himself b}- virtue of the Compact a

good Catholic Christian. Now he found both it and himself
condemned by the Pope. Many another, while rejecting
the Chalice, had, for the sake of peace, held fellowship with
those ^\'ho received it, and now it appeared that the Pope
judged such peace and fellowship a sin. Decision and
courage in the defenders of a cause go a great way in

making it popular."! Recognising this danger, the faithless

* Bachmann, I., 240.

t VOIOT, III.. 476.
236 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

King took a fresh step on the downward path, and on

the morrow, in gross violation of the right of nations, sent
the Papal Envoy to prison.*
At this direct outrage on the Pope and the Catholics,
the Bishop of Breslau, Sternberg, and other noblemen in-
dignantly left the Bohemian capital.f The breach with
Rome and with the Catholics of Bohemia was now an
accomplished fact.

When King George came to himself he perceived that

his impetuosity had driven him to the brink of an abyss.
He wrote letters to friendly Princes, and one even to the
" Holy Father " himself, in which he styled himself his
" obedient son," and sought to palliate conduct which was
in fact inexcusable. Pius H., "in firm but calm language,
required that Fantino should be released ; " and on the 26th
of October he w^as set free, his servants and horses, however,
being retained. J From this time forth George strained
every nerve to avert by diplomacy and dissimulation any
decided action on the part of Rome, and even to obtain the
confirmation of the Compact.
It is difficult to understand how the Czech monarch
could cherish such vain hopes. The explanation is per-
haps to be found in his early training. " Reared from his
childhood in party strife, George Podiebrad w^as an adept
in political chicanery, and had unlimited faith in the power
of corruption and intimidation, and all the arts of diplomacy.
It was incredible to him that any political power could be
really guided by principles or by moral motives. He sup-

* Fantino had scorned to fly from the danger which threatened

him. On his way to the prison George cried
out, that he could hardly
keep his hands off him, whereupon the Nuncio rejoined that he could
desire no greater honour than to die by the hand of the King.
t DlUGOSS, 294 VOIGT, III., 477.
;

X Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen, 34 ; Bachmann, I., 243.

 FREDERICK III. AND GEORGE TODIEBRAD. 237

posed the differences between himself and the Holy See

to be merely a question of politics, and therefore capable
of being solved at any moment by a change of circum-
stances."*
The King of Bohemia had gained an important advocate
in the Emperor. Frederick undertook, as a reward to
Podiebrad for having delivered him out of the hands of the
rebels at Vienna, to arrange the dispute with Rome and
avert its unpleasant consequences. His influence with the
Holy See did in effect prove strong enough to induce the
Pope, at the end of 1462, to suspend all the ecclesiastical
penalties incurred by George.f He chose, however, to
understand the settlement as including a confirmation of the
Compact, an interpretation which, it need hardly be said,

was at once repudiated by Pius H. When, soon after,

the Pope took the people of Breslau under his protection,

the King reverted to his project of a European Confedera-
tion of Princes. " Formerly he had endeavoured to win the
Pope by fair words and promises, now he intended to
intimidate him by menaces.":[:Louis XL's irritation against
the Holy See seemed likely to make him look with favour
on a scheme which meant opposition to Rome, and, in fact,
he appeared to welcome the proposals of the King. He
kept clear, however, of any definite engagements; and when
Marini visited V^enice in February, 1463, the promise of a
levy of forces against the Turks was gratefully acknow-
ledged, but the necessity of an understanding with Rome,
as well as with Hungary, was also insisted on.§
Through Antonio da Noceto, who was in his service
and living in France, Pius H. had in January, 1463, heard

* VOIGT, III., 480-1.

t See Palacky, Urkundl. Beitriige, 287 seq.

X VoiGT, III., 487.

§ Bachmann, I., 408.
238 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of Marini's intrigues at the French Court* and lost no

time in taking measures to counteract them. In October
of this year, Rome, Burgundy and Venice entered into a

League against the Turks, and thus effectually worsted

the Bohemian King and his hare-brained Councillor.-]-
The Pope had accordingly nothing further to fear from
this side. Why, it may be asked, did he, notwithstanding
the importunity of the citizens of Breslau, still hesitate

to proceed further with the Bohemian question ? Many

motives combined to keep him back. In the first place,

Pius II. was naturally averse to violent measures. And, in

spite of all that had taken place, he was not exasperated

against George, " whose difficult position he understood,
and who, he believed, had power and skill enough, if he
would be firm and courageous, to bring the Hussites back
to the Church." Then the ever-growing danger from the
Turks drove the interests of Bohemia into the background.
Finally, it was an ancient and abiding principle with Rome
to neglect nothing, but to hurry nothing. J In the end,

* Markgraf in Sybel's Hist. Zeitschr., XXL, 289, supposes Pius

II. to have obtained the information through the Court of Burgundy.

As evidence that the Pope was aware of the whole scope of the project,

he cites a letter which Fantino de Valle wrote on the 23rd May, 1463,
from Rome to Breslau (published in Script. Rer. Siles., VIII., 202 seq.).

The first supposition is mistaken, as we learn from the *Report of O.

de Carretto, of 13th January, 1453, which I found in the Ambrosian

Library. From the same Report we gather the date at which Pius II.

became acquainted with the matter. See the passage on the subject
in Appendix N. 57.

t The final result of the negotiations with France was very unsatis-
factory to Podiebrad. The alliance concluded between him and
Louis XI. was of the vaguest characiter. The grand scheme of an

anti-Papal, cosmopolitan Union had to be completely abandoned ; see

Markgraf in Sybel's Hist. Zeitschr., XXL, 302 seq.

X Markgraf, Georg von Bohmen, 29; Voigt, III., 492; Bach-

MANN. I., 399, 484.
 GEORGE PODIEHRAD SUMMONED TO ROME. 239

however, the patience of Pius II. was exhausted by the

perpetual prevarications of the Kinj^, who only aimed at
gaining time and bringing Breslau into subjection. In the
spring of 1464, in the midst of the preparations for the
expedition against the Turks, proceedings founded on his
Coronation Oath were commenced against George as a
perjured and relapsed heretic. In an open Consistory
it was decided that he should be sum-
(i6th June, 1464),
moned Rome,* and the Bull of Citation had actually
to
been drawn up when the Pope died.f

* Forschungen zur Deutsch. Gesch., IX., 256 seq. ; Bachmann, I.,

501 seq.
t Forschungen zur Deutsch. Gesch., IX., 257-8 ; Script. Rer. Siles.,

IX., 77-90; Bachmann, I., 501, has o\erlooked the more ample Bull
of June i6th, 1464 (according to Voigt, III., 500, also in Cod. I. G.
34 of the University Library at Prague). Palacky, IV., 2, 313, who
certainly made use of this MS., gives from it the wrong date (15th

June), published by Cugnoni, 145-54 (1883).

 CHAPTER Vl.

The Eastern Question, Indifference of the

1460-1463.
Italian Powers. — Eastern
Envoys and Fugitives in
Rome. —The Last of the Pal^ologi. Charlotte of —
Lusignan. —
Pius II. writes to the Sultan exhorting
—
him to become a Christian. The Head of the Apostle
St. Andrew in Rome. —
Discovery of the Alum Mines
—
of Tolfa. Trebizond, Lesbos and Bosnia subjugated by
—
THE Turks. The Pope determines to lead the Crusade
in Person,

While Western Christendom was consumed by inter-

necine strife, the Conqueror of Constantinople pursued his
victorious course in the East. In order " to complete the
circle of his Empire in this region, it was necessary to bring
into subjection the independent Greek, Albanian, and South
Slavonian countries that lay scattered within its boundaries,
on the broad line between the limits of the Venetian ter-

ritory and Trebizond." Fortune favoured the Turks, and

the new power that had arisen on the shores of the
Bosphorus threatened " to be a greater danger to Western
Christendom with its thousand divisions than the inroads
of the Hun and the Mongol in former days."* In the sum-
mer of 1459 Servia had been constrained to bow beneath
the Ottoman yoke. The Greek Schismatics preferred
Islam to union with the Catholic Church, and the Papal
garrison of the Island of Lemnos had been overpowered
* Hertzberg, Byzantiner und Osmanen, 602, 637.
 ONWARD PROGRESS OF THE TURKS. 24

through their treachery.* In 1460 the power of the Palse-

Morea was crushed, and the glorious Parthe-
ologi in the
non changed from a Church ot our Lady into a Mosque.f
Onward and onward the Turk pressed with fire and sword,
fining these countries, once the most beautiful and flourish-
ing in the world, with ruin and desolation. The Eastern
question became more and more alarming ; it was the
" oldest and most important of all the questions of foreign
policy that Christendom had ever had to deal with."
The life or death character of the struggle with the
barbarism of Islam in which Christian civilisation was
engaged was fully appreciated at Rome. From the time
of his accession, Pius II. had, like his predecessor Calixtus
III., been anxiously occupied with the affairs of the East
but in the early days of his Pontificate, at the Congress
of Mantua, he had to endure bitter disappointments. Dur-
ing the troubles which followed the arrival of the Duke
of Calabria in Naples he had never lost sight of his great
object. I
The first thing to be done was to obtain the accomplish-
ment of the promises solemnly made at the Congress.

* CRITOBULOS, 128 sc'ff. HEYD-RaYNAUD, ; II., 321 ; KlAIC, 407 ;

Kallay, Gesch. der Serben 169 (Budapest, 1878). Regarding the

oppression of Latin Priests in Crete by the Greeks, see **S. Mar. YIL,
f. 23 (1461, June 27). State Archives, Venice.
Hertzberg, Griechenland, 574
t se(/. ; HOPF, Griechenland, 128 ;

MiCHAELls, Der Parthenon, p. 55 st-g. ; Gregorovius, Athen im

Mittelalter, II., 396.

I See Gregorovius, VI I^ 190, 3rd ed. Poets and orators chose the
Turkish question when they could, as the theme most pleasing to the
Pope. Sec *Ludo\-. Donati ap. scdis i)rothonotarii orationes tres

habitat Scnis apud P. M, Pium II., N. 2: Pro gloriosissimi doctoris

Augustini celebritate. Senis in aede eiusdem b. Augustini 1460, V.

Gal. Sept. A beautiful MS. adorned with miniatures from the collection
left by Pius II. now in the University Library, Pisa S. 4, 537.

VOL. in. R
242 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Even during his journey from Mantua to Siena, Pius II.

urged this matter on the different powers. But he met with

hardly any response. Evasive and unsatisfactory answers
reached him from various quarters. Duke Borso of Este,
although he had with his own hand signed the Decree
regarding the levy of the tithes, would not be the first to let
the collection take place in his territory, and sent back the
Papal messengers.* In vain did the Pope reproach him with
his ingratitude and faithlessness, in vain did he threaten
him with Excommunication.-|- Borso would not keep his
word, and at a later period even supported Sigismondo
Malatesta in his attack on the States of tFie Church.;}:
The wealthy Florentines behaved no better. When Pius
II., during his sojourn in their city, spoke to them of the
fulfilment of the decrees sf Mantua, he was informed that
the promises of the Envoys must be confirmed by the Great
Council, and that there was no prospect that it would
permit the tax to be levied on the laity. Hopes were held
out that the tithes from the clergy might be collected, but
when it came to the point this also was prohibited.
Hoping that some change of mind might have taken
place among the influential leaders of the Republic, Pius II.
sent his confidential friend Goro Lolli to Venice, but his
representations were without effect. The cold and calcu-
lating policy of the Signoria, whatever might befall, was
* Pn Comment. 95 seq. *Brief to Borso of the
II. ; ist April, 1460,

see Appendix N. 39. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

t Pn II. Epist. 10, ed. Mediolan, ; ViLLARl, Savonarola, I., 9 ; Ranke,
Hist. Biogr. Studien, p. 223 (Leipzig, 1877), is strangely mistaken in
saying that Borso " had contributed largely to the undertaking."

X Brief to Borso, without date. (Non deberes malorum patrociniuni

tam aperte suscipere.) Lib. brev. 9, f. 229, Secret Archives of the Vatican.

§ Pll II. Comment. 96, and particularly the vehement *Complaints

of Nic. Palmerius who was sent as Papal Nuncio to Florence, 1460^
March 17, X. 1-52, f. 54-6. State Archives, Florence.
 THE COLLECTORS FOR THE CRUSADES. 243

to keep on good terms with the powerful enerri)' of

Christendom.*
The exhortations of the Pope were thrown away on
these short-sighted worshippers of Mammon. And even the
threat of severe spiritual penalties produced little effect

in Bologna and other places. Many who would not pay

were not frequenters of the Sacraments. The chronicler,

who relates this, adds that the money was by no means

destined for the Turkish war, that it was all a cheat, and
that the contributions were not demanded anywhere, save
in Bologna.f On the other hand, it was asserted that a
great deal of money had been collected in that city for the
defence of the Faith.;!: All the inhabitants did not share
the anti-Roman sentiments of the chronicler. A glance
at the Registers in the Secret Archives of the Vatican
suffices to shew the falsity of the assertion, that tribute for

the Turkish war was not claimed from other states. Even
during the Congress, and immediately after its close, Nuncios
and Collectors were sent Norway, Sweden, Lithuania,
to

various districts in Germany and Italy, to England,

Scotland, Ireland, Aragon, Castille, and Leon. Some of
the Briefs on this subject are dated from Siena, and some
from the Baths of Macereto and Petriolo, an evidence of
the zeal and earnestness displayed by the Pope.§

* Pi I IL Comment. 95,
t Cronica di Bologna, 732. See also*GHIRARDACCl, St. di Bologna,
f. 339 ; Cod. 768, University Library, Bologna.

I Annal. Bonon., 892. See Atti dell' Emilia, N. S., IV., 169.

§ Brief to Florence, dated Mantua, 1459 (st. fl.), Jan. 17. "Dilect-
umque filium Ignatium abbatem monasterii S. Mariae de Florentia
ordinis S. Benedict! presentium exhibitorem cum plena facultate

exigendi decimam, trigesimam et vigesimam huiusmodi in vestro

dominio collectorem et nuntium nostrum per literas nostras sicut
videre poteritis deputavimus." State Archives, Florence, X., 2-23,
f. 69b- 70. *Regcst. 471, f. 301 sf^.: " Marinus de Fregeno (see
244 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

The results obtained were certainly small ; a strange

indifference prevailed in almost all the Christian States
regarding the danger which threatened from the East,
although it was. a favourite subject with the Humanistic
Poets and Rhetoricians.* The Decree for the levy of the
Tithes from the members of the Eoman Court was
published at Siena on the 24th February, i46o.-|- Soon,
however, it became known
some Prelates and that
Cardinals, especially those whose sympathies were
with France, " did not set the good example of paying,
but the evil one of murmuring and resisting.''^ In Italy,
Pius II. complains to Cardinal Bessarion in May, 1460,
that " people are far from manifesting the alacrity we had
hoped for. Few are mindful of the engagements they made
at Mantua." § France and Germany, the most war-like

GOTTLOB, Cam. Ap.) constituitur nuntius et commissarius pro regnis

Norvegie, Gotie et Lituanie, d. Mantuae, 1459 tert. Non. Jul." Conf.

and Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 75. Reg. 476, "]-] " Fran-
f. 341, f. :

ciscus ep. Interamnen. constituitur collector in regnis Anglie, Scotie et

Ibernie, d. Senis, 1459, xiii. Cal. Mart. A° 2°"; f. 281 : "Antonius de
Senis constituitur nuntius et collector in partibus Mediolan. Derthon,
Alexand. Novarien. etc., civit. et dioc, d. Petrioli, 1460, x. Cal. Julii
A° 2°." Conf., f. 327, f. 289 ; "Ant. de Veneriis constituitur collector et

nuntius in reg. Castellae et Legionis, d. Macerati, 1460, iii. Cal. Junii

A° 2°." See also Reg. 514, f. 35b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
* See for example the Eroticon of Tito Vesp.asiano Strozzi, Lib. V.,

f. 58b (Venice, 15 13), and Pietro Apollonio Collazio's "Epistolarum

liber" (published at Novara, 1878, at the expense of the Library,
not for Here are seven Latin letters, in \'erse, addressed
sale). to the

most eminent Princes and to Pius IL. pp. 1 1-15.

t Mandatum solutionis decime pro curialibus, dat. Senis, 1460,
Febr. 24, A° 2° ; PlI IL, Div. lib. L, i. 73 seq.^ Secret Archives of the
Vatican, Arm., xxix., T. 29.

\ Raynaldus, ad an. 1460, N. 10; Voigt, III., 107.

§ Brief of May 5th, 1460. Lib. brev. 9, f. 20ib-202. Secret Archives

of the Vatican.
 AN ENVOY FROM THE EASTERN POWERS. 245

of the Western powers, were even less zealous than Italy.

The fair promises in most cases came to nothing.*
In this deplorable state of things, any great undertaking
was impossible. Pius II. had for the time to content him-
self with giving assistance to the most oppresed, as far as
his small means and the troubles in Naples and the States
of the Church permitted, and with keeping the idea of a
Crusade alive until better days should dawn. His strongest
opponents cannot deny that he did this to the utmost of
his power.f
While the Pope was at Siena, Moses Giblet, Archdeacon
of Antioch, a scholar well versed in Greek and Syrian litera-
ture, arrived in that city. He came as Envoy from the Greek
Patriarchs of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Alexandria, the Prince
of Caramania, Ibrahimbeg, and other Oriental Rulers who
hoped that Pius II. would deliver them from the Turkish
yoke. He bore letters from these various Eastern potentates
declaring their adhesion to the Florentine Union. Pius
received him both in private audience and publicly, and on
the 2 1st April, 1460, caused a memorandum to be drawn up
recording these professions of obedience. This Document,
together with a Latin translation of the letters of the
Patriarchs and Princes, was deposited in the Archives of the
Church. It is preserved in a book prepared for the purpose,
and distinguished from other contemporary Registers by its

penmanship and arrangement. It was called

careful " The
Red Book" on account of its handsome red binding.;]:

* See supra, p. 61 seq. The fact that Mantua does not possess the
smallest memorial of the meetings of the Congress accords well with
this.

t Regarding the seriousness of the Pope's intentions, see Appendix

N. 42.

\ Secret Archives of the Vatican, Arm. iv., caps. III., N. i, or A. ; see

Mittheilungen d. CEsterr. Instituts, \'., 61 S scq. Kaltenbrunner is here
246 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

It is worthy of notice that Pius II. never again mentioned

this great event. Possibly, even at the time, he may have
had doubts of the genuineness of the mission and the
letters. *

At the end of December of this year (1460), a fresh

Embassy from the East arrived in Rome, whither the Pope
had by that time returned.-]- The Romans were astonished

wrong in stating that the last Document drawn up by Moses himself,

bears date i6th April, 1460. Document, f. 23, in which he declares his

acceptance of the Florentine Decree of Union in the name of those who

have sent him, concludes with the following words :
*" Ego Moyses
Giblet hie an[te] nominatus archidiaconus Anthiochenus indignus servi-
tor V^ S''^ hec scripta manu propria signita confiteor. Dat. Senis die
xxi. mensis Aprilis, 1460." From the Documents before us, it is hard
to decide whether Giblet was acting in a straightforward manner.
Ibrahimbeg's letter (*Lib. rub., f. 22b) conveys the impression of being
genuine : it is not directed to Giblet's advantage. More suspicion may
attach to the other letters which praise his zeal for the Church.
Giblet's signature, i. 24b, made "Jo. Bapt. Gonfalonerius Arch. S.

Angeli custos" doubt him as long ago as 1633. The letters of the
Patriarchs Joachim of Antioch, Marcus of Alexandria, and Joachim of
Jerusalem (thus in the Documents of the Papal Archives. By these
Le Quien, III., 515, is to be corrected) may be genuine, according to the
opinion of my colleague Bickell, to whom I shewed them Frommann, ;

also (200, note,and 246) believes that the three Patriarchs really joined
the Union, " yet the affair had no practical result." See also, in regard
to this Embassy, PlI II. Comment. 103, and PHIL. DE LiGNAMINE, 1308,
where, however, is an error in the date. The Giblets were among the

most distinguished of the Syrian nobles ; see Mas-Latrie, Chypre,

341 (Paris, 1879).
* VoiGT, III., 644.
t I found, in a **Letter written by Carlo de Franzoni from Rome to

the Marchioness Barbara of Mantua in 1460, in nocte S. Stephani, the

date of the arrival of the Envoys which was not known " Le venuto," :

says Carlo, " da sei giorni in qua una nova generation de ambasiatori

che gia gran tempo non furono mandati al summo pontefice, etc."

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. With this agrees a Record in the State

Archives at Florence, published by MuLLER, Doc. 188. The Brief of
 A NEW AMBASSADOR FROM THE EAST. 247

at the appearance of the Envoys of Emperor David of

Trebizond, of the King of Persia, the Prince of Georgia,
and other Eastern Rulers in their strange Oriental attire.*

The Persian and Mesopotamian Envoys attracted particular

attention ; the latter had his head smooth-shaven like a
monk, with the exception of a little crown of hair and a
tuft at the top. The travellers had come through Austria
and Hungary to Venice, and had there been honourably
received, a circumstance which convinced the Pope of the
genuine character of the Embassy. They presented letters
in grand eloquent language from their Princes. Their
interpreter and guide was Lodovico of Bologna, a Fran-
ciscan Observantine, who, in the days of Nicholas V. and
Calixtus III., had travelled much in the East and made
many friends there. He now held out hopes of a political
combination, such as had often been contemplated in

Western Christendom. The attack of the European

powers on the Turks was to be seconded by parallel
action on the part of the Oriental Rulers. Lodovico
made the most splendid promises as to the immense
number of troops they would furnish. Pius H., who had
already entered into alliance with the Prince of Cara-
mania, entertained the Envoys at his own expense, and
advised them to visit, not only the Italian Princes, but the
King of France, and the Duke of Burgundy, without whose
co-operation the Crusade could scarcely be undertaken.
They agreed to follow this advice, but asked the Pope to

supply them with money for their journeys, and to appoint

Lodovico of Bologna Patriarch of the Oriental Christians.f

Octoljer 4, 1458, whereby the privileges granted by former Popes were

confirmed in favour of Lodovico of Bologna, is in Wadding, XIII., 60.
* Fallmerayer, Trapezunt, 263 scq., and Brosset, 408-10, give
details.

+ Pn II. Comment. 127 sc(/.\ Campanus, 9S8-9 ; Platina, 735;

248 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Although provided with Papal letters of recommend-

brought nothing back, either from the
ation, the Easterns

French or the Burgundian Court, but empty words. This

time their reception was less friendly ;
suspicions of fraud

had arisen. Lodovico had, on his own authority, assumed

the title of Patriarch, granted dispensations, and collected
money everywhere. The Pope gave the Envoys money
for their journey home, but refused to nominate Lodovico
Patriarch. Soon afterwards, learning that he had carried
his audacity so far as to contrive, on false pretences, to
obtain consecration in Venice, Pius II. gave orders for his

imprisonment. Warned b>' the Doge, Lodovico fled, and

the Pope, who, from henceforth, looked with suspicion on
all messages from the East, never again heard of him.*
It is difficult to say, from the reports of this Embassy
which are before us, and considering the defective means
of communication in those times, how far it was fictitious
in its character."!- We may at least affirm that Michele
degli Aldighieri, the representative of the Emperor of

Anna]. Bonon., 891 ; Wadding, XIII., 153 seq. ; Muller, Doc. 185 ;

Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 75. In Regest. 479, f. 65, I found

*Nicolaus Tiphlo [Nic. Tephelus, cf. WADDING, loc. cit\ constituitur
baiulus in civitate Tiphli regis Persarum. " Cum tu a chariss. in
Christo filio nostro rege Persarum illustri pro causis fidei christiane ad
nos missus, etc." Dat. Romae, 1460 (st. fi.). Id. Jan. A° 3°. Secret
Archives of the Vatican.
* Pil II. Comment, loc. cit. Wadding, XIII., 155 Mem. de J. du
; ;

Clercq, IV., c.Gachakd-Barante, Hist, des Dues de Bourgogne

27 ;

II., 179 seq. (Bruxelles, 1838), Dagboek der Gentsche collatie uitg.

door Schayes 441-3 (Gent, 1842) Fredericq, 43 Heyd-Raynaud,

; ;

363-4-
t Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 144. Here a fact, which took
p'ace in the time of Sixtus IV., is brought forward in support of the
genuinen2ss of the Embassy; VOIGT (III., 650), who maintains the
existence of fiaud, omits all mention of it. See also Brosset, 407.
 ARRIVAL IN ROMI-: OF GREEK PRINCES. 249

Trebizond, was no deceiver. It can hardh- be supposed

that a man of his stamp would have travelled through
Europe in the compan)- of impostors.* Whatever may
have been the real nature of this Embassy, it is, however,
certain that the efforts of the Pope to call forth a Crusade,

movement amongst Mahomet's enemies in Asia,

elicited a

which, under more favourable circumstances, might have

proved a serious danger to him.
A deeper sensation than that caused by the appearance
of the Envoys was soon aroused in Rome by that of the
dethroned Eastern Princes, who now began to arrive. It

had long been one of the most treasured privileges of the

Holy See to shelter and befriend the exiled and the
unfortunate, and seldom had the claims on that hospi-
tality been more urgent than at this period.

On May, 1461, Thomas, the dethroned "Despot

the 7th
of the Morea," came to Rome.f In the beginning of the
previous year he had been rash enough to break a treaty
made with the Porte, and to quarrel with his brother
Demetrius. The consequence was that Mahomet deter-

mined to bring the rule of the Palaeologi in the Morea to

an end. The cowardice and degeneracy of the Greeks

were now deplorably manifested. Demetrius submitted,
and gave the Sultan his daughter for his harem. Mahomet
plainly told him that he meant to get rid of the Palaeologi.
The whole country was devastated, and horrible outrages
were committed. On the 28th July, 1460, Thomas quitted
the Peloponnesus in despair, and sought shelter in Venice.
From thence, on the i6th November, by the Pope's invita-

tion, he proceeded to Ancona, bringing with him a precious

relic, the head of the Apostle St. Andrew from Patras. This

* Hevd-Raynaud, 363, note 2.

t Report of B. Bonatto, of 9th March, 1461 ; see Appendix N. 43.

Gonzaea Archives, Mantua.

250 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

he gave to Cardinal Oliva, who, by order of Pius II., de-

posited it provisionally in the strong fortress of Narni.*
The Lord of the Morea bore a striking resemblance to
the statue of St. Paul which formerly stood in front of
St. Peter's. He is described as a grave and handsome man,
about fifty-six years of age. He wore a long black cloak and
a white hat of a material resembling velvet. Of the seventy
horses which formed his train, three only were his own.
The Pope received the unfortunate Prince in a Consistory
held in the Hall of the Papagallo, assigned to him as his
abode the Palace near SS. Ouattro Coronati, and provided
for his maintenance.-]- On L?etare Sunday he sent him
the Golden Rose, and, with the assistance of the Cardinals,
granted him a yearly pension of 6000 ducats.^

* HOPF, Griechenland, 131 seq. ; Hertzberg, Griechenland, II.,

574 seq. ; Fallmerayer, Morea, II., 375 seq. ; VOIGT, III., 650 seq.

Regarding the head of St. Andrew, see Pll II. Comment. 192 seq. ;

Peruzzi, Storia d'Ancona, 356, Thomas Pateologus afterwards pre-

sented the Pope with another relic. Otto de Carretto writes to
Francesco Sforza from Siena, 1464, May 6: *" Lo despota ha donato
[see the Document in CUGNONI, 337, seq.., cf. ibid., p. 49] a la S'^ de
N. S. lo brazo dextro di S. Giohanni Bapt. qual haveva portato da
Constantinopoli e questa matina e stato ditto brazo portato in proces-
sione accompagnato da la S''' de N. S. e da tutta la corte . . . con gran
divotione." (State Archives, Milan.) This sacred treasure is still pre-

served in Siena, see Faluschi, 13. About this time the Turks also
attacked the Despot of Arta, Leonardo III., Tocco. Pius II. caused
one of the galleys, built in Rome, to be assigned to him (see **Briefs of
i6th and 29th Nov., 1459, in the above-mentioned Codex of the
Laurentian Library), and afterwards endea\oured to support him with
money. See the ^Brief to Bologna of 13th May, 1460, in the State

Archives of that city.

t Report of B. Bonatto of 9th March, 1461, Appendix N. 43,

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See the account in MiJNTZ, I., 294.

\ Despatch of B. Bonatto to the Marchioness Barbara at Mantua,

dated Rome, 1461, March 13, Gonzaga Archives. The Ambassador
 DEATH OF THE DESPOT OF THE MOREA. 25

In the spring of 1462 Thomas, who could not forget that

he was the sovereign and heir of B}-zantium, made a vain

attempt to induce Siena, Milan, and Venice to espouse his
cause. Pius Bull, called upon all the
II., by a solemn
him with troops and arms, and thus give
faithful to furnish

him the support which he himself was unable to afford.

An indulgence was also promised to all who should aid
him to recover his throne.* When all these efforts proved
fruitless, Thomas seems to have found it impossible to
resign himself to his dependent position.-]- Melancholy and
disappointment consumed him, and on the 12th May, 1465,
he died forgotten in the Hospital of S'° Spirito. His wife
Catherine had preceded him in 1462. Thomas had two
daughters, Helena, Queen of Servia, who died in a convent
at Leucadia in 1474, and Zoe also two sons, Andreas and
;

Manuel. The latter of these two returned to Constantinople,

became Mussulman, and received a pension from the Porte.

a
Andreas, whom Pius II. acknowledged as titular Despot
of the Morea, remained in Rome, but injured his position
by marrying a woman of bad reputation. His schemes of

thus describes the Rose :

" e un arborsello de fogliete et oro cum uno
zafiro in cima." See Cartari, 57, and MuNTZ, I., 315 ; also Vol. I.

of the present work, p. 221. In a Despatch of 23rd March, 1461, B.

Bonatto writes of the "Despot of the Morea" "La S''^ di N. S. con-

tinua in farli honore."

* Raynaldus, ad an. 1462, N. 35-8; Voigt, III., 651 scq. See
Brief to Florence in Muller, Doc. 189-90. Regarding the Despot's
journey, see Cronica di Bologna, 743 ; Sanudo, i 167 ;
and Makuscev,
Monum., II., 206 scq. *Letters from Card. Colonna (dat. ex urbe
1462, Febr. 3) and from Bessarion (dat. Rome, 1462, March 15) urgently
commended him to the Sienese. I found these letters in the State
Archives of Siena.
t On the 2nd January, 1463, Bartol. Marasca tells Marchioness
Barbara that her son, the Cardinal, had invited the Despot of the
Morea to dinner, " E uno signore de grande aspecto " ; he ate little, and
was full of grief. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
252 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

reconquering the Peloponnesus by the assistance of Naples

or of France came to nothing. In 1502 he died in misery,
having bequeathed his kingdom to Ferdinand the Catholic,
and Isabella of Castille. Zoe, who was very beautiful, lived

in Rome under the guardianship of Cardinal Bessarion, and,

in 1472, received a dowry from the Pope, and married the
Grand Duke I wan Wassilijewitsch III. of Russia, trans-
mitting her claims to the throne to her only daughter
Helena and her son-in-law, Alexander I. of Poland, who
belonged to the Jagellon family.*
In the beginning of October, 1461, it was rumoured that
Charlotte of Lusignan, the youthful Queen of Cyprus, a
relation of the Palaeologi, meant come in person, and seek
to
assistance from the Pope. This unhappy Princess, who had
ascended the throne in 1458, was married to Prince Louis,
son of the Duke But the young Queen and her
of Savoy.
weak consort were unable to rule their distracted kingdom.
Charlotte had both courage and strength of will, but could
not prevent her half-brother James, with the assistance of
the Sultan of Egypt, from usurping her throne. Louis of
Savoy was surrounded by his enemies in the fortress of
Cerines, and Charlotte hastened to Rhodes and then to
Rome in search of aid.f

The prospect of this visit was by no means agreeable to

the Pope, " who had little reason to be pleased with the
conduct of the House of Savoy, or the loyalty of Cyprus."

* HOPF, Griechenl., 1^1 seg. ; Hertzberg, II., ^ySseg. M.\S-Latrie, ;

III., 174-5, "ote I, 324, note 2; Herquet, 150-54; Finlay, 306;

Fallmerayer, Morea, II., 403 seg'. ; Frommann, Beitrage, 236 seg.

t MaS-Latrie, III., 82 seg. ; Reinhard, Gesch. von Cypern, 51 ;

Herquet, Charlotta, 107 seg., and Konigsgestalten, 52 seg. Weil, ;

Gesch. der Chalifen, V., 268 seg., 303. James's Ambassadors had in
vain endeavoured to obtain recognition from the Pope; see Pn II.

Comment. 165-78, Asia, c. 97 ; MaS-Latrie, III., iS4S('q. ;

HerQUET,
Konigsgesta'ten, 74.
 THE OUEEN OF CYPRUS IN ROME. -5J

He sent Cardinal d'Estouteville to Ostia to dissuade the

Queen from her purpose.* This proved impossible, and
Pius II. received her "with sympathy and kindness." j- On
the 14th October she landed at S. Paolo, and on the follow-
ing day made her entry into Rome ; nine Cardinals met
her, and she was received with all the honour due to a
Queen. I In his Memoirs, Pius II. thus describes this
lady :
" She seemed to be about twenty-four years of age,
and was of middle height. Her eyes had a kindly look,
her complexion was pale and rather dark, her speech, as is

common with the Greek, winning and fluent. She dressed

in the French style, and her manners were dignified." §

Pius II. received Queen

the in Consistory with the
greatest kindness, and when she knelt he made her rise

* Despatches of B. Bonatto to Lodovico Gonzaga of the nth and

1 2th Oct., 1461, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Herquet, Charlotta,

129, and Konigsgestalten, 70, is mistaken in giving the end of October

as the date of the Queen's arrival from Ostia; VoiGT, also, III., 655,
assigns the same time. The account in Reinhard, II., 62 seq., is

extremely confused.
t Reumont, III., I, 146.

X See in Appendix N. 51, the letter of B. Bonatto of the i6th Oct.,

1461, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. Different dates are assigned for
the Queen's entry into Rome. In a *Letter of Giac. Chicio to the
Marquess of Mantua, dated Rome, 1461, Oct. 16, we read: "a 15
del presente la regina di Cipri feze lo ingresso suo dentre da Roma."
Nicolaus Consandulus in a *Lctter to Borso of Este, dat. Rom., 1461,
Oct. 14, says: "La reina di Cipri nepote del dispota de la Morea
et fiola del re passato anchuo ari\a in Roma e aloza in casa del card,

de Spoliti la quale c nel curtile del palazo del papa. Provisione e facta
per farge honore" (Modena Archives). In a second Report of the
i6th Oct., 1461, B. Bonatto expressly says: "heri entro " (Gonzaga
Archives). The 15th May then may be considered established as the
date.

§ Pn II. Comment. 179. This description agrees with that in the

Ambassador's Report from the Gonzaga Archives in Appendix N. 52.
254 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

immediately.* He assigned her as her residence a palace

in the immediate neighbourhood of the Vatican. The
next day, with many tears, she told her sad story to the
Pope, besought his help for her besieged husband, and
entreated him to furnish her with the means of continuing
her journey, for she had been plundered by pirates on her
way. Pius II. promised to grant her requests, but could
not help reminding her of the contempt of the Holy See,
and disregard of the interests of Christendom, which her
husband and her father-in-law had manifested during the
Congress of Mantua.f
Charlotte remained in Rome till the 29th October, and

visited the Holy Places.^ Meanwhile the Pope had pro-

vided for her travelling expenses, and caused an escort of
fifty men to be prepared.§ Thus attended, the Queen

* This is related by B. Bonatto in a second **Report of the i6th

Oct., 1 46 1. Giac. Chicio, in the *Letter of i6th Oct. which we have

already cited, also says :
" Cum humanitade incredibile N. S. accepto

questa regina in la camera del papagollo pres. tutti li rev. cardinali."

Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

t Pli II. Comment. 179-80.
MaS-Latrie (III., 114), the best authority on the History of
I
Cyprus, is so uncertain as to the duration of the Queen's sojourn in
Rome, that he transfers to Rome a letter of hers of the 5th Nov., 1461,

dated ap, S. Chirichum. The account in Comment. Pll II. /oc. cit.,

is also uncertain. The correct date is given by Paolo della Mastro,

Cron. Rom., 27, and in a *Despatch of B. Bonatto's, dated Rome, 1461,

Oct. 29 :
" Questa matina e partita questa regina di Cipro." Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.

§ PlI II. Comment, loc. cit. ;

Cronica di Bologna, 742. The Papal
Letter of Commendation to the French King appears as Epist. 387
of the Basle edition ; that to Florence in MuLLER, 195-6 (in place
of octavo Cal. Octob., here should be Novemb.). The accounts for
Charlotte in the Apostolic Treasury begin on the 30th Oct., 1461.

*Intr. et exitus, 449, f. nob. Secret Archives of the Vatican. See

GOTTLOB, Cam. Ap.
 FAILURE OF THK QUEEN'S MISSION. 255

passed through Siena, Florence, and Bologna, to the home

of her husband. Ever}-\vhere she was received with sym-
pathy, and hospitalit)' was shewn to her and to her escort.
But she found her father-in-law so little disposed to render
assistance that she gave up her intended journey to France.
In the end all her efforts to interest the Christian Princes
in her cause proved fruitless, and in the autumn of 1462
she embarked at Venice to return to Rhodes. The letter

in which she describes her forlorn and helpless condition

is very touching.*
Even before the arrival of the Queen of C)'prus, heavy
tidings from the East had again reached Rome. In the
end of September, letters from Venice declared that the
Principality of Sinope and the Empire of Trebizond were
in the hands of the Infidels.-f

* Letter of Charlotte's dated Mantua, 1462, Aug. 10, in GuiCHENON,

Preuves, 393 ; ibid.^ L, 540-41. Charlotte is said to have appeared at
the Congress at Mantua ; this, however, is a mistake. For a further
account of the Queen, see Chastellain, IV., 194 ; Herquet, Charlotta,
138 seq, ;and Konigsgestalten, 75 seq.
t Fallmerayer, Gesch. von Trapezunt, 280 ; Paganel, 287 ; and
HOPF in the Ersch-Gruber, LXXXIV., p. 189, give the year 1462 as
the date of the fall of Trebizond. This error is also to be found in
1st. di Chiusi, 992, and in the Hist, della casa Musachia, HOPF, Chroni-
ques, 337; VoiGT, 656; Frommann, 236; Berchet (Rep. di
III.,

Venezia e Persia, and 100) and Hevd, 365, are certainly correct in
2

adhering to the year 1461. The Annal. Venet. of St. Magno (HOPF^
Chron. 201) record the calamity as having taken place in this

year, and are confirmed by other authorities, (i) In the ^Instruction

for the Venetian Ambassadors to France, dated 1461, Oct. 20, are the
following words :
" Nuper litteras acccpimus a capitaneo nostro maris
quibus certiores facti sumus. Turcum ipsum fuso et fugato Ossone
Cassano civitatem Trapesunde occupavisse." Sen. Seer. XXI., f. 63,
State Archives, Venice. Bonatto on the 26th Oct., 1461, writes
(2) B.

from Rome to the Marchioness of Mantua *" Del Turco se ha che :

I'ha preso lo imperator de Trebusunda et mandato luy, la dona e

256 HISTORY OF THE POPES,

At the very time when the Pope thus learned that the
northern shore of Asia Minor was lost to Christendom, he
was " in the midst of the troubles of the Apulian war, and
in extreme financial difficulties." The news from the East,
together with the indifference of the Western Powers in
regard to the danger threatened by Turkey, may have been
the immediate occasion which suggested to him the bold
idea of making an attempt to convert the Sultan.* The
learned Pope's letter to Mahomet is so comprehensive that
it deserves rather to be called a treatise. It breathes the
conviction, which subsequent history has confirmed, that
the Koran can never ultimately prevail against Christian
civilisation. This remarkable document is far more im-
passioned in style than any of Pius II.'s other works. It

laid before the Sultan the teachings of Christianity, con-

trasting them with those of Islam, and expressed the
ardent desire of the writer that he might turn to the truth.
" Were you to embrace Christianity," the Pope writes,
^'
there is no Prince upon earth who would surpass you in

glory or be your equal in power. We would acknowledge

you as Emperor of the Greeks and of the East, and that

figlioli et 30"" persone de quelle paese ad Constantinopoli ad habitar."

Gonzaga Archives.
* VoiGT, III., 658; PiCHLER, I., 501, Conjectures that this mighty-
project of the Pope's was only intended to alarm the Christian powers
and induce them to join in common action. The fact that Gennadius
had, by the Sultan's request, drawn up a statement of the Christian
faith (KiMMEL, Mon. Eccl. Orient., I., i-io (Jenae, 1850) see Otto in
;

the Zeitsch. fiir Histor. Theol., 1850, III., 1864, IV.), may have led Pius
II. to make the attempt at conversion; see Hergenrother, VIII.,
144; see also Rohrbacher-Knopfler, 230. Regarding the Apology
for Christianity as against Islamism, De cribratione Alchoran, com-
posed by Cusa and used by Pius II., see Dux, II., 165 seq., 411 seq.
Histor. Politische Blatter, I., 996 seq. ; Scharpff, Cusa's wichtigste
Schriften (Tubingen, 1862), and Cusa als Reformator, p. 248 seq.
 PIUS II. ADDRESSES THE SULTAN. 257

which you have now taken by violence, and retain by

injustice, would then be your lawful possession. We would
invoke your aid against those who usurp the rights of the
Roman Church, and rend their own Mother. And as our
predecessors, Stephen, Adrian, and Leo summoned Pepin
and Charles the Great to assist them, and transferred the
Empire from the Greeks to their deliverers, so should we
also avail ourselves of your help in the troubles of the
Church, and liberally reward it. O ! what a fulness of
peace it would be ! The Golden Age of Augustus sung
by the Poets would return. If you were to join yourself
to us, the whole of the East would soon turn to Christ.
One will could give peace to the whole world, and that will
is yours !
" The Pope went on to shew the Sultan, from
history, that such a conversion would not remain isolated
the Franks had been converted with Clovis, the Hungarians
with Stephen, the Western Goths with Reccared, and with
Constantine heathen Rome itself became Christian. This
latter example was well worthy of his imitation, and the
Pope, with the help of God, would bestow the dignities
promised.*

* The Pope's letter has often been printed as Ep. 7 of the Milan
edit., Ep. 396 of the Basle edit., Raynaldus, ad an. 1461, N. 44-
112; s. 1. et a. (Frankfort, Polemical Library, 205, N. i), and also
frequently occurs in MS. Bamberg Library, Cod. E., VII., 2 (from

the Carmelite Library in that City). Berlin, Royal Library, Hamilton,

242, T. 43II., f. seq. ; Cracow, Jagellon Library, Cod. 2367 ; Munich,
Court Library, Cod. Lat., 10,454, f. 120 seq. ; Prague, University Library
(see Archiv fur (Est. Gesch., XVI., 332). Olmiitz Library ;
Rome,
Vallicella Library (the foundation of Raynaldus' version, loc. cit.\

Vatican Library, Ottob. S56, f. 19 seq. ; 1 170, f. 212 seq. ; 3009, f. i seq. ;

Vat., 4034, f. I28b-I92b, and 5869, f. 52-9ob ; Urbin., 404-406, f. 67-107,

and 697, f. 68b-ii3. The date, unfortunately, is wanting alike in these
manuscripts and in the printed copies mentioned. It is given, however,
in an ancient printed copy by Tarvish, 1475 (e.vamples of this rare

VOL. III. S
258 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

In the Holy Week of 1462 the head of St. Andrew was

brought from Narni into Rome with great pomp and
solemnity, by order of the Pope, and it may be with the

hope of re -awakening the smouldering zeal for the

Crusade.* Three Cardinals, Bessarion, Oliva, and Pic-

colomini, had been sent to Narni to fetch the precious

relic, and they brought it to Rome on Palm Sunday (nth

April). On the following day, the Pope, with all the

little work are preserved in the Library at Siena and in Cod. Vat. 5109,

f. 109 seq.\ of which copies exist (Weimar Library, see VOIGT, III.,
Here, at the
659; University Library, Padua, Cod. 61 and 489).
conclusion, is the note " Data Senis Kalendis
:
Quintilibus millesimo

quadragesimo sexagesimo." This, however, does not, as VOIGT, loc.

cit., remarks, agree with the only chronological statement in the

book in this year the Sultan conquered Sinope and Trebizond. It

;

has already been shewn, p. 178, N. 5, that the news reached the Pope
in October, 1461, and accordingly RaynalduS, loc. cit., has rightly

assigned the letter to that year, so has BEETS, 67. No certain informa-

tion whether the letter was received by the Sultan is forthcoming

(Heinemann, 25), but it is undoubtedly genuine. See VoiGT, loc. cit. ;

GREGOROVIUS, VII., 191, 3rd ed. The letter of Pius II. to the Sultan
of Babylon, dated Siena, 1460, May 28th, printed by Raynaldus, ad
an. 1460, N. 97-101, is pronounced by VoiGT, III., 659, N. 2, to be a

forgery, as Pope was not on that day at Siena.

we have proof that the

But in Cod. 535 of the Court Library at Darmstadt this letter is

dated: "Senis, V. Ydus Julii, 1460," when the Pope actually was at
Siena, as appears from RAYNALDUS, ad an. 1460, N. 86.
* Besides the description in Pll II. Comment. 193 seq., I have
made use of the detailed *Report of J.
P. Arrivabenus of the 14th

April, 1462, of a *Letter of the same date from B. Bonatto (Gonzaga

Archives), and of two *Letters from A. Dathus, dated Rome, 1462,

April 12 and 14. (State Archives, Siena.) The letter in Palacky,
Beitr., 270, gives nothing new, nor does the modern work of PORTINI
(Roma, 1847). Andreis, Cod. Vat. 5667, mentioned by VOIGT, III., 597,

is identical with the account in the Memoirs of Pius II.; and the

Diario in Cod. Vat. 5255, to which the same writer alludes, is the

published Roman Chronicle of Paolo dello Mastro.

 HEAD OF ST. ANDREW IN ROME. 259

Cardinals, Prelates, Ambassadors, and Magnates of the

City, went in procession to the meadows on the Rome-
ward side of the Ponte Molle. A high tribune with an
altar had here been erected ; it was ascended by two
corresponding flights of stairs ;
the one next the bridge
was destined for the Cardinals bearing the Holy Head,
and by the other, which was on the side of the City,
Pius H. went up to receive the treasure. Bessarion, "a
venerable man, with a long beard, was the representa-
tive of the Greeks." Tears rolled down his cheeks as he
delivered the reliquary to the Pope, who, also deeply
moved, " prostrated himself before the sacred relic. Then,
rising, in accordance with the fashion of that rhetorical

age, he pronounced a Latin oration in honour of its

advent."* The Pope's voice trembled with emotion as, in

presence of an immense crowd, he began " Thou art :

here at last, O sacred head, driven from thy resting-place

by the fury of the Turk. Thou comest as a fugitive to

seek an asylum with thy brother, the Prince of the

Apostles. O happy exile that brings thee here ! Thou
seest before thee Alma Roma, hallowed by thy brother's

blood. Here is the nation won by Peter and Paul for

Christ. We rejoice, we exult in being able to welcome
thee here. Come into our holy City, and be gracious to
the Roman people. Be our advocate in Heaven, and,
together with the Prince of the Apostles, protect Rome
* GreGOROVIUS, VII., 195, 3rd ccl. In the last numl)cr of KoCH
and Geiger's Zeitschr. f. vergl. Lit. Gesch. und Renaissancclit. (N. F.
Vol. II., N. 4-5), H. HOLSTEIN, 364-5, gives the discourse of Pius
II. on the arrival of the Head of St. .\ndrew in Rome on the 12th

April, 1462, from Cod. Upsal. Hist., 8, f. 78. The whole speech has
long since been published in Comment. 194-5. '^'l^c place where
PlI

Pius II. received the holy head is still marked by a statue of St.
Andrew. MiJN'jZ, I., 248 seq.^ considers this to be a work of Paolo
Romano.
26o HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and the whole of Christendom. Turn the anger of the

Almighty against the godless Turks and Barbarians who
despise Christ our Lord." After the Pope and all present

had venerated the relic, and Pius II. had invoked the
protection of St. Andrew against the Turks, the Te Deum
and other festal hymns were sung. Then the solemn
Procession moved towards Rome, the Pope bearing the
Apostle's head. The Via Flaminia was filled with
multitudes of people ;
and, as an Indulgence had been
proclaimed for the feast, countless Pilgrims had flocked

together, not merely from all parts of Italy, but even from

France, Germany, and Hungary. The relic was laid on

the High Altar in S'^ Maria del Popolo, and on the 13th
of April carried thence to St. Peter's.
In his Report to the Sienese, Augustinus Dathus says>
that so grand a function had not been seen for centuries.
The were strewn with flowers and fragrant herbs,,
streets

and sheltered with rich tapestry from the rays of the sun.
The great men of the City and the Cardinals, in particular
Alain and Borgia, had vied with one another in the adorn-
ment of their Palaces, and the Churches displayed all their
relics and treasures. Lights were burning everywhere, and
sacred music filled the air. The streets were thronged with
worshippers, and was believed that so many had not been
it

present on any single day of the Jubilee of 1450. The

Procession went round and through the City, and the Pope
had given orders that all who took part in it, even the
Cardinals, should go on foot. It was touching to see

Princes of the Church, bowed down with age and infirmity,

clad in their gorgeous vestments, and with palms in their

hands, following it, and praying fervently. All the Clergy

and Magistrates, the Ambassadors, and the great men of

Rome walked in this Procession carrying lighted tapers.

The Pope, although suffering from gout, was there in full

 DISCOVERY OF ALUM-BEDS. 26

pontificals. Seated on a golden chair of state, beneath

a Baldacchino, he bore the Holy Head to St. Peter's, which
was brilliantly illuminated. It was deposited in front of

the Confession. In a lengthy oration, Bessarion invoked

the aid of St. Andrew and the Princes of the Apostles for
the Crusade. When he had done, the Pope stood up and
spoke again :
" We promise thee," were his concluding
words, " Holy Andrew, most worthy Apostle of Christ, to

do our utmost to regain possession of thine earthly abode,

and of thy flock. We have nothing so much at heart as
the defence of the Christian religion and of the true Faith,
which the Turks, thy enemies and ours, are threatening to
destroy. If the Christian Princes will listen to our voice,
and will follow their Shepherd, the whole Church will rejoice

that we have not neglected what belongs to our office, and

that thou hast not sought a brother's aid in vain." The
relic was then exposed for the veneration of the faithful ;

and the Festival was closed by the Papal Benediction and

the publication of a plenary Indulgence.
In the month of May of this same year, the rich alum-
bed of Tolfa was discovered by Giovanni de Castro, a
Paduan, and son of the celebrated jurist Paolo.* Until

* Pn II. Comment. 185-6. Here, as also by N. della Tuccia and in

the *Cronica di Forli, f. 278 (Buoncompagni Library, see supra, p. 112),
the discovery is said to have occurred in the year 1462. This is con-
tradicted by a Document in Theiner, Cod. Dipl., 419-20, of the 23rd

Aug., 1 46 1, which Reumont, III., I, 506, follows. In the *Regest. Pll

II., XV., f. 72, is the clear entry 1461, x. Cal. Sept. A° IIT ; but mis-
takes on the part of the Register Clerks are not impossible. Among
modern writers, VOIGT, III., 548, and Heyd, 556, also adopt 1462 as the
date, and it is found in the Cronica di Bologna, 748, in *Ghirardacci

(see supra, p. 243), Annal. Forliv., 226, and Palmerius, 246, who
mentions one Carolus Pisanus, as associated with de Castro in this dis-

covery. Gasp. Veronens., 1038-43, names instead of him, the Astrolo-

ger Uomenico (di) Zaccariafrom Padua ; see Marini, II., 18 and 200.
262 HISTORY OF THE FOPES.

1453, de Castro had managed extensive dye-works in

Constantinople, and there he had become acquainted with
the Levantine alum and the places where it was found.
Pius II., in his Memoirs, tells us that Giovanni de Castro,
wandering about the mountains, which extend from near
Civita Vecchia to the sea, and are rich in springs and in
forests, found an herb in the March of Tolfa, which also
grows on the Alum Mountains of Asia Minor, and then
observed white stones which had a saltish taste, and on
being submitted to the fire proved to be alum. Giovanni
hastened to the Pope to inform him of the discovery.
" To-day," he cried, " I bring you a triumph over the Turk,
Every year he receives more than 300,000 ducats from
Christendom for alum. I have found seven mountains full
of this substance, which elsewhere in the West is only
obtained in small quantities, and in a few places. There
is enough here to supply seven-eighths of the world, and
plenty of water near at hand. This, and the proximity of
the sea, gives every advantage for the working of the beds.
Thus, a great gain may be withdrawn from Turkey, and
fresh resources for carrying on the Holy War may be
furnished to you."
Pius II. at first looked on the whole affair as the dream
of an astrologer, but experts confirmed Some its reality.

Genoese, who had learned the way of working alum in the

East, were summoned " They shed tears of joy when they
:

recognised the mineral. The process of baking proved

the quality to be excellent ; 80 pounds of it were worth 100
of the Turkish alum. The Pope determined to employ the
gift of God to His glory in the Turkish war ; he exhorted
all Christians henceforth to buy alum only from him and
TUCCIA, 88, says : "II trovatore di quest' allume fu messer Giovan
da Castro per mezzo d'un giovane Cornetano e un Genovese,
ch'erano stati in Turchia, etc."
 FURTHER CONQUESTS OF MAHOMET H. 263

not from the Unbelievers." The working of the beds

was at once begun ; and, according to the chronicler of
Viterbo, 8000 persons were employed in it as early as the
year 1463.* The technical part of the business was, from
the first, left by Pius II. entirely to the discoverer who,
conjointly with a Genoese and a Pisan, founded an Alum
Company company took the Apostolic Treasury into
; this

partnership.-]- The Tolfa alum, which is still highly

esteemed, was soon in general request, and Castro became
famous ; his discovery brought a yearly income of 100,000
ducats to the Papal Treasury.^
While this new and unexpected source of revenue had
been opened to assist the Pope in his war, the Infidels had
brought nearly the whole Archipelago into subjection.
Almost immediately after the fall of Sinope and Trebizond,
Mahomet had sent a powerful fleet to the yEgean Sea. The
object of this expedition was to put an end to the Genoese
rule in Lesbos, to extort a higher tribute from the Maona
of Chios and the Duke of Naxos, and, if possible, to expel
the Knights of St. John from Rhodes and its dependent
islands. These last, on whose behalf the Pope subsequently

* N. DELL.\ TucciA, 268 ; Raynaldus, ad an. 1463, N. 86 ;

VOIGT,
III., 547.

t GOTTLOB, Cam. Apost., and ReumONT, Briefe, I., 285. Atti dei

Lincei Ser. III., i, 96, 164. See also S. Breislak, Saggio di osser-
vazioni mineralogiche sulla Tolfa, etc. (Rome, 1786),and GUGLIEL-
MOTTI, II., 334 seq. Through the kindness of his Eminence, Cardinal
Teodolfo Mertel, I have had access to his rare pamphlet quoted above.
Cenni storici sulle minierc delle allumierc (Civita Vecchia, 1835), and
also to a collection of manuscript notices which furnished me with
further materials for the history of the Alum Quarries in the i6th
century. A picture by Pietro da Cortona in the Callery of the Capitol
represents the beds of Tolfa.
+ N. della TUCCIA, loc. cit., and Ammanati, Comment., 394 (edit.

Francof.).
264 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

appealed to Germany, were able to hold their own ; but in

September, 1462, the rich Island of Lesbos was conquered
by the Turks, and fearfully devastated.*

In the following year the Unbelievers directed their

forces against the few remaining Southern Slavs, who still

retained their independence. Bosnia was in the greatest

danger, and the designs of Mahomet were greatly forwarded
by the unfortunate state of its internal affairs. The country
was distracted by feuds, there was discord among the
members of the ruling house, and fierce sectarian dis-
sensions. Stephan Thomaschewitsch, who came to the
throne in 146 1, had much to suffer from this last cause.
Stephan made peace with his step-mother Queen
Catherine, and with Matthias Corvinus, and in every way
favoured the Catholic Church. "The Slavs, following the
example of the Roumanians, preferred servitude under
the Turks to the freedom which the Latin world brought
them." The numerous Patarenes in Bosnia entered into
secret alliances with the Sultan, and slowly prepared the
storm which at last was to shroud their country in " the
lasting night of Ottoman bondage."!
The Bosnian King's refusal to pay tribute in 1462
finally determined Mahomet II. to carry out his purpose

of reducing the country to the condition of a Turkish

Pashalik. Being at the time occupied in Wallachia, he
postponed his vengeance until the following spring.

* HOPF, Griechenland, 143 ; Vigna, II., i, 138 seq. ; Hopf, De

Leonard] Chiensis de Lesbo a Turcis capta epistola papae Pio II.

missa, 7 seq. (Regiomonti, 1866), and Chroniques Greco-Romanes,

XXXVII., 359-66; Hertzberg, II., 582. Regarding the assist-
ance of Rhodes, see Raynaldus, ad an. 1461, N. 27, 1463, N. 20, and
the **Brief of March ist, 1463, to the Bishop of Strasburg. District
Archives, Strasburg, G. 141.
t Klaic, 414 seq., 425 seq., 440 ; HoFLER, Slavische Geschichte,
885.
 MAHOMET II. CONQUERS BOSNIA. 265

Stephan Thomaschewitsch employed this interval in pre-

paring, as best he could, to meet the threatening danger.

The Pope helped him according to his ability. Venice, of
all powers the one best able to grant assistance, was
indifferent, and absolutely rejected the proposals of the
Bosnian Ambassadors for an alliance against the common
enemy.*
The Sultan's plan was to take the King by surprise before
help could reach him from any quarter. He kept the
project secret, and granted a truce of fifteen years to
Stephan, who was terribly alarmed by the immense warlike
preparations of Turkey. Mahomet then advanced with
150,000 men, sent some of his troops against the Save
to keep Matthias Corvinus employed, and with the rest

proceeded to the Bosnian frontier. In May, 1463, the

Turkish host encamped before the fortress of Bobovatz.
Mahomet had made up his mind to a protracted siege but ;

after a few days, Radak the Commandant, a Patarene at

heart, gave up the bulwark of the country. When this

traitor claimed the reward promised by the Sultan, the

tyrant caused him to be beheaded.
The general consternation produced by the fall of
Bobovatz, to which further treachery was added, facili-

tated the work of conquest. The unfortunate King, who

had fled to the strong Castle of Kljutsch on the Save, was
beleaguered by the Turks. Want of victuals and am-
munition constrained him to capitulate ; life and liberty
were promised him on condition that he would himself
summon all places, not yet conquered, to surrender to the

Turks. " And now all the horrors by which the cruel
policy of the Sultan loved to break conquered nations
fell upon the land."-]- Those who could sought safety in

* Klaic, 427 ; Makuscev, Slaven, 104 seq.

t Hertzberg, Byzantiner und Osmanen, 621 ; KlaiC, 431 seq.;
266 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

flicfht. A brave Franciscan drew Mahomet's attention to

the threatened depopulation of the territory he had just
acquired, and the Sultan granted to his Order a Deed by
which the free exercise of their religion was permitted to
the Christians. From this time forth the Franciscans were
the only shield and refuge of all Bosnian Christians."*
Not content with the subjugation of Bosnia, Mahomet
next cast his eyes on Herzegowina, but soon found that
the conquest of that mountainous country could not be so
easily accomplished. On his way back to Adrianople, he
caused the letters he had granted, ensuring freedom to the
King of Bosnia, to be declared invalid, and had him
beheaded, together with his uncle and nephew.-j- The
Queen Maria and the Queen-mother Catherine escaped
death by flight the latter lived first at Ragusa, and, from
;

the year 1466, in Rome. Supported by the Pope, she, with

other noble Bosnian lords and ladies, inhabited a house
near St. Mark's, and afterwards one in the Leonine City.

Here she died on the 25th October, 1478, at the age of

.fifty-three, having bequeathed her kingdom to the Holy

See, unless her children, who had become Mahometans,

Balan, Slavi, 196 seq. ; Makuscev, Slaven, loc. aV., and Mon. Slav.,

II., 26 seq.
* Klaic, 439 ;
Balan, Slavi, ic^gseq. Regarding the self-sacrificing

labours of the Franciscans in Bosnia and Herzegowina, see Batinic,

Djelovanje Franjevaca u Bosni i Hercegovini (Agram, 1881-83, 2 Vols.).
Mahomet's Firman of 1463 was pretty generally respected, yet it did
not suffice to hinder grievous oppression of the Latins at a later period,
as we learn from the Firmani inediti dei Sultani di Constantinopoli ai
convent! Francescani e alle autoritk civili di Bosnia e Erzegovina,
published by D. Fabianich, Firenze, 1884.
t Hammer, II., 76-8 ; Schimek, Gesch. von, Bosnien, 152 (Wien,
1787). Lately (1888) the Grave of Stephan Thomaschewitsch is said
to have been discovered at Jaice. See Dr. Ciro Truhelka, Gesch.
und Denkwiirdigkeiten von Jaice, Serajewo, 1888.
 PIUS II. LEADER OF THE CRUSADE. 26/

should return to the Catholic Church. " The grave of the

landless Queen is to be seen in S'-'' Maria Araceli. Her
full-length figure is sculptured on the stone, her crowned
head resting on a pillow, at whose sides are two coats of
arms ; her hands are laid upon a book, with an inscription
which describes her lineage, dignity, and age."*
Even before the tidings of the subjugation of Bosnia had
reached Italy, the Pope, during many sleepless nights, as
he himself declared, had thought of a new expedient for
infusing fresh vigour into the struggle with the Turks :

sickly as he was, and feeble from age, he would undertake

in person the Leadership of the Holy War.
Pius H. imparted the project, in the first place, to six
Cardinals in whom he placed special confidence, supporting
his view by a retrospect of his former fruitless efforts to

unite Christians against the common foe. " When the

idea of a Convention occurred to us," he said, " what
occurred at Mantua shewed us that the plan was a vain
one. When we send Ambassadors to ask the aid of the
Princes they are mocked. If we impose a tithe on the
Clergy, appeal is made to a future Council. If we publish
Indulgences, and invite contributions, by means of spiritual
favours, we are charged with greed. People think all this

is done merely for the sake of extorting money ; no one

trusts us. We have no more credit than a bankrupt
merchant. Whatever we do is interpreted in the worst
manner; people measure our sentiments by their own.
We see but one resource, perhaps the last. In the year
that Constantinople fell Duke Philip of Burgundy made

* REUMONT, III., I, 148; KlAIC, 438 MiKLOSIC, ; 519; Casimiro,

Mem. d'Araceli, 147; ClACONlUS, III., 41, gives a very inadequate
representation of the monument. Regarding the Queen's residence,
see Adinolfi, Portica, 102-4 5 lier will is given by Theiner,
Mon. Slav., I., 509-11.
268 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

a solemn vow to take the field against the Turks if some

great Prince would place himself at the head of the
expedition. Up to this time no one has offered. Well,
then, in spite of our age and infirmity, we will take upon
ourselves the warfare for the Catholic Faith. We will go
into the battle, and call upon the Duke of Burgundy to
follow. If the Vicar of Christ, who is greater than the
King and the Emperor, goes to the war, the Duke, when
his oath is appealed to, cannot with honour stay at home.
If embarks at Venice we will wait for him at
Philip
Ancona, with as many Galleys as we can .make ready, and
with our whole force. The Duke will bring about 10,000
men. The French King will be ashamed not to send at
least as many,
he promised 70,000.
for Volunteers will
come from England, Germany, and Spain those who are ;

threatened by the Turks will rise everywhere, in Europe

as well as in Asia. Who will refuse his aid when the
Bishop of Rome offers his own person ? Above all, how-
ever, the Venetians must be induced really to take part,
for they best know how the Turks should be attacked, and
all the seas are open to them. If they agree, and if

Burgundy and France also consent, we mean to proceed

boldly to impose on all Christians a five years' truce under
pain of Excommunication, to lay a contribution on all the
clergy under the same penalty, and to invite the support
of the laity by granting Indulgences and spiritual favours.
We hope that the publication of this determination will
act as a thunder-clap to startle the nations from their
sleep, and inflame the minds of the faithful to stand up in
earnest for their Religion."*

* Pii II. Comment. 189-91 ; VoiGT, III., 676-7.

 CHAPTER VII.

Plans of Reform. — Amendment of the Religious Orders. —

Measures for the Protection of the Negroes and
Jews. —
The Bull of Retractation. ^Defence of the —
—
Liberty of the Church. Punishment of Heretical
—
Teachers. The Dispute on the Precious Blood. Church —
Festivals. —
Canonisation of Catherine of Siena. —
—
Creation of Cardinals. Promotion of Art. Siena and —
PlENZA.

Bv the Capitulation Act at the Election of 1458, the

new Pope was expressly bound to undertake the reform
of the Court of Rome. In the case of a man like Pius II.,.
this motive of action was scarcely needed, for "
he had
learnt life in all its phases, and amassed a wealth of
experience, combined with multifarious knowledge, which
was unequalled amongst his contemporaries."* No one
knew better than he that great and terrible evils existed in

all the other countries of Christendom, as well as in Rome

and Italy. At the beginning of his Pontificate, Pius II.

certainly was not wanting in zeal for the work before him.
Evidence of this disposition is found in a fact which has
hitherto remained unknown to students of history. The
Pope appointed a Commission, composed of several
Cardinals, Bishops, Prelates, and Doctors, to deliberate
concerning the Reform of the Roman Court. " Two things
are particularly near my heart," said Pius to the members
of this Committee,
— " the war with the Turks, and tlie

Reform of the Roman Court. The amendment of the

* Reumont, III., I, 135.
270 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

whole state of ecclesiastical affairs, which I have deter-

mined to undertake, depends on this Court as its model.
I purpose to begin by improving the morals of the
ecclesiastics here, and banishing all simony and other
abuses from hence."*
Of the projects brought forward on this occasion, two are
before us, that of the learned Venetian, Domenico de'
Domenichi, and that of Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa, which
latter was embodied in a Papal Bull. The Cardinal, who
was an intimate friend of the Pope, took a wider view of
the question than Domenichi, and drew up a scheme for
the general reform of the Church.-|- According to it, three

*" Nam dixit nobis duo sibi maxime in corde versari ad quae intendat
scilicet ad curiae reformationem a qua sicut ab exemplo et forma
dependet ecclesiae reformatio quam intendit et sic corrlgere excessus

et reformare mores maxime clericorum ne sanguis eorum de manu

sua requiratur et sic a curia sua expellere vendentes et ementes et

menses nummulariorum evertere et cathedras vendentium columbas

id est auferre symoniacas concessiones, negotiationes et alias

immunditias et indecentias. Item maxime intendit ad defensionem

eiusdem ecclesiae contra perfidos Turchos christiani nominis inimicos
et hoc est aliud quod versatur in corde ipsius." Dominicus Dominici,
De reformatione, etc., f. 5b ; see f. 6 and 14b in the MS. of the Vatican
Library, cited infra, p. 273, note *.

t Cusa's project is preserved only in Cod. 422 of the State Library at

Munich. Scharpff, 284 seq., has the credit of being the first to draw
attention to this remarkable paper, which Dux afterwards published,
II., 451-66. VOIGT, III., 341, judges the project unfairly; he attacks
the Introduction, not considering that in the Middle Ages it was
customary to proceed from the general question, and connect every-
thing with the chief fundamental principles. See also Scharpff,
Cusa als Reformator, 263 (Tubingen, 1871), and regarding Cusa's zeal
for reform in general, Ennen, III., 765, and Hist.-Pol., Bl. LXXIX.,
23 (on Voigt's supposition). As to Voigt's further assertion that
"Pius II. regarded Cusa's reforms with an eye to their poHtical effect

alone," proofs are wanting, for the one case adduced by him only
shews that there was a difference of opinion between Pius II. and
 PROPOSED REFORM OF THE CHURCH. 27

Visitors were to be chosen ; and, beginning with Rome and

the Court, were gradually to extend their labours through-
out the whole Church. Fourteen Rules were laid down for
the guidance of these Visitors, who are to be " grave and
proved men, true copies of Christ our model, preferring
Truth before all else, combining knowledge and prudence
with zeal for God, not striving for honour and riches, but
detached from all things, and spotless in thought and
deed, a burden to none, contenting themselves for food and
raiment with what is appointed by the Canons, to which
they are bound by oath."
The substance of the Rule for the Visitors ma}' be
summed up as follows From among those to be visited,
:

three sworn men are to be chosen, with whose co-operation

the reform is to be carried out. Its ultimate aim is a return
to primitive conformity with the precepts of the Church, so
that every one, ecclesiastics and laity, may live in a manner
befitting his vocation and condition. Detailed directions
are given in regard to beneficed persons, specially aimed
at the abolition of pluralities ;
the incorporation of Church
preferment in Chapters and Convents is strictly forbidden ;

a very important clause threatens all secular and regular

Clergy, who, under pretext of Papal privilege, oppose the
reform, with the loss of their prerogatives. Those who
despise Papal censures are to be deprived of their benefices,

Cusa on the matter of the Bleeding Host, as there are in the present
day differences of opinion on this question ; see our Vol. II., p. 123, and
Hefele-HergenROTHER, VIU., 46 seg. The other instance, which,
besides, is not an isolated one (see infra, p. 277), merely evinces the
Pope's goodwill in regard to Monastic Reform. We leave the reader to
judge whether the fourteen Articles of Reform " in principle concern only
forms and formalitii's." The German Cardinals' project is not dated.
I think, however, that I cannot be mistaken in connecting it with the
appointment of the Commission of Reform spoken of by Domenichi
in his * Reform plan, f. 6.
272 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and the faithful to be forbidden to attend their ministra-

tions. The Visitors are recommended to pay special
attention to Hospitals, to the fabric of Churches, to fraud-
ulent dealers in Indulgences, to the enclosure of nuns,
to the genuineness of Relics, and whether the veneration
in which they are held is excessive, also the reality of
alleged miracles, particularly Bleeding Hosts. Finally, the
Visitors are to be zealous in eradicating open usury,
adultery and contempt of the commands of the Church ; to
suppress all factions, to cleanse all places from the defile-

ment of soothsayers, sorcery, and all such sins, by which

the Divine Majesty and the Christian commonweal are
offended, and to do their best to bring back the purity of
the early Church.
The second part of Cusa's project concerns the amend-
ment of the Court of Rome. Beginning from the Pope,,

a list of reforms is called for affecting the Cardinals, the

Court officials, and the Roman clergy. He who remarks
anything calculated to give scandal, even in the Supreme
Head of the Church, is to speak out freely. The Court is

not to be an asylum for idle and roaming Prelates, Bene-

ficiaries, and Religious, or to furnish them with opportunities
for suing for higher dignities and amassing benefices. i\ll

who, for any just reason, are detained there, must conform
to the rules of the Church, in conduct, morals, clothing,

tonsure, and observance of the Canonical hours. Members

of the Court, even laymen, who lead immoral lives, are to

be sent away. The office of the Penitentiary is to be most

closely examined. Here, as well as in the other offices,

Cusa urges the removal of novelties which have been

introduced for the sake of gain ; if nothing better can be
done at present, at least the Court might be brought back
to the state it was in at the accession of Martin V.
The plan of Domenico de' Domenichi is equally bold.
 PROJECTED REFORM OF THE ROMAN COURT. 273

His long residence in Rome had given this distinguished

scholar and diplomatist a thorough acquaintance with

existing evils.* The scheme of reform for the Roman
Court, which he submitted to the Pope, is divided into
twenty-two sections.f The first two are directed to prove
the necessity of Reform, and depict in dark colours the
prevailing corruptions. Hence Domenichi concludes that
the work of renovation must begin with the Pope and the
Cardinals, then be extended to the Bishops, and ultimately
to the other members of the Church, and that none should
venture to put hindrances in the way. The fifth section

* Domenichi was born in 1416, had been for twenty-one years

Professor of Philosophy in the University of Padua, distinguished
himself greatly held before Eugenius IV., who
in a disputation
appointed him head of the Academy of S. Biagio. Nicholas V. made
him Protonotary in 1448, gave him the Bishopric of Torcello, where he
laboured zealously. Calixtus III. summoned him to Rome, and made
him Apostolic Referendary his discourse in the Conclave is men-
;

tioned, supra p. 8 seq.

^
Pius II. placed special confidence in this gifted

man ; he took him with him to Mantua, entrusted him with the
revision of the suit against Duke Sigismund, and then sent him to
establish peace in the German Empire. See Gradonicus, 352 seq. ;

Marini, I., 158 ;

Agostini, I., ^^(iseq. ; CiCOGNA, II., 116 seq. ; and in

particular, the dissertation of Jo. de Augustinis prefixed to Domenichi's

Liber de dignit. Episcop., 16 seq. I hope elsewhere to be able to speak
of writings of Domenichi, for the most part unpublished, in the Vatican,
the University Library at Bologna, and the Mantua Library. I will

only here remark that Domenichi's work, De dinuit. Episc, dedicated

to Pius II., and adorned with exquisite miniatures, is in the Ambrosian
Library, Milan, Cod. A. 76 Inf.
t Domenichi's Tractatus de reformatione curiae Romanae ... ad
sane. dom. Pium papam secundum, was printed in Brescia in 1495
(see Hain, 6321). This edition is, however, extremely rare, and even
the Brescia Library contains no copy of it ; it is in many places very
incorrectly printed. I make use of two Manuscript copies of the
treatise, which I found in the \'atican Library in Cod. Ottob., 2473, and
Vatic, 5689.
VOL. III. T
274 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

brings him to his special subject. He begins with Public

Worship, the ceremonies to be observed by the Pope, and
of the silence which should be maintained by the Cardinals
and Prelates in Church. A Chapter is devoted to the
duty of Almsgiving, especially as incumbent on the Pope,
who should be the father of the poor. Indulgences, accord-
ing to Domenichi, should be granted but rarely. Nepotism
is strongly condemned making appointments, good and
; in

learned men but Domenichi does

are always to be preferred ;

not disapprove of the advancement of virtuous members of

the Pope's family Those who immediately surround the
!

Supreme Head of the Church must be blameless above all, ;

they must be absolutely incorruptible.

In the eleventh section Domenichi touches a funda-
mental ecclesiastical abuse ; that of the plurality of bene-
fices. This demands strong measures, especially in the

case of reversions. Sections 12-17 refer to the life of the

Cardinals and higher Prelates. Those who compose the
Supreme Senate of Christendom are to set a good example,
to hear Mass in public, to eschew all luxury and pomp ;

the members of their households are to wear the tonsure,

and to be clad as clerics. Grievous abuses have crept in,
and give great scandal to those who come to the Court.
Sumptuous banquets must not be given by the Cardinals
and Prelates, not even to do honour to Ambassadors ;

Domenichi would have jewels and gold and silver plate

almost completely banished from the houses of Prelates.

In the case of Bishops and beneficed Clergy, the duty of
residence is strongly urged. Young men who frequent the
Court instead of devoting themselves to study, and seek to
rise to ecclesiastical dignities by the favour of Cardinals,
are severely blamed. A special Commission to insist on
the duty of residence is suggested. The eighteenth chapter
condemns the custom which prevailed at the Papal Court,
 DIFFICULTIES IN WAY OF REFORISI. 27

of allowing Protonotaries and Ambassadors to take pre-

cedence of Bishops. Penitentiaries should be forbidden to

receive anything from those who made confession to them.
Above all, a regular salary ought to be assigned to the
Court officials, especially to the Abbreviators and members
of the Rota, and all other gains be forbidden. Finally,
Domenichi expresses the wish that the Decrees of Con-
stance and Basle, for the amendment of the Court, may be
carried out as far as they suit present circumstances. In
the last section he recommends the institution of a Con-
gregation of Cardinals and Prelates to effect the reform of
the Court officials, especially those of the Chancery, who
should make it their business to eradicate everything
approaching to Simony.
Unfortunately these extensive reforms were only partially
undertaken. The fact that Pius II. summoned such a man
as St. Antoninus * to take part in his Commission, and also
caused a Bull to be drafted directed against the prevailing
abuses,^ will prove that, for a time, he seriously intended to
carry out this important work. But, in the end, he did not
venture to engage in a gigantic conflict with all the evils
which had invaded the Church, and contented himself with
opposing isolated abuses. The alarming advances of the
Turks, and the struggle for the existence of Christendom,
soon engrossed his attention, and, if his whole energies were
not absolutely absorbed by the Turkish question, an un-
usual combination of troubles in Italy, France, Germany,
and Bohemia, claimed a part of his care. The question of
Reform was driven more and more into the background,

* Vita S. Antonini in Acta SS. Alaii, I., 324. As St. Antoninus died
on the 2nd May, 1459, the plans of Reform of which we have spoken
evidently belong to the beginning of Pius II.'s Pontificate.

t I found this interesting Document in a manuscript in the Bar-

berini Library, Rome. For details see Appendix N. 42.
2/6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and in the interests of the Church, this cannot be sufficiently

regretted. It remains certain, however, that Pius II. was
not altogether inactive in this matter. As early as June,

1459, the Bishops were restored to their proper precedence

over the Protonotaries. The ApostoHc Referendaries were
required, on their entrance on office, to swear that they
would not receive any presents.* It is evident that the
abuses in the Penitentiaries must also have been corrected,
for the simple, moderate, and upright Calandrini was
appointed Grand Penitentiary. Pius II. carried out an
expressed desire of Domenichi's when, ip the year 1460,
he set on foot a thorough visitation and Reform of the Peni-
tentiaries of St. Peter's, the Lateran, and S'^ Maria Mag-
giore.f Ordinations not in accordance with the canonical
prescriptions were strictly forbidden by a Bull, issued in

1 46 1. J Strong measures for the suppression of concubinage

among Seculars and Regulars in the Diocese of Valencia
were adopted in 1463. § Peter Bosham, who went as Nuncio
to Scandinavia in 1463, received a special charge to see to
the reform of the clergy in those parts.ll Pius II. also took
pains to enforce the duty of residence on incumbents in the
Venetian territory.lT

* Bull, v., 152-3 ; Pll II. Comment. 37.

t Bull. Vatic, II., 162-3.
+ Bull, v., 165-6.

§ *Pius II. dil. fil. vicariis ven. frat. nostri episcop. Valentin, in

spirit, generalib. et officiali Valent. contra concubinarios civit. et dioec.

Valent. D. Romae, 1463, xiii. Cal. Oct. A° 6°. Regest. 493, f. 9-1 1.

(Secret Archives of the Vatican.) Regarding the deposition of the

unworthy Archbishop of Benevento, see Tartinius, I., 994, and
Borgia, III., 396.

ij
*Regest. 519, f, 27 (Petro Bosham. Dat. 1463, V. Id. Nov. A° 6").

IF This is evident from a *Brief, unfortunately without date,

addressed to the Doge in Lib. brev. 9, f 156b. Secret Archives of

the Vatican.
 REFORMS EFFECTED BY PIUS II. 2//

Cardinals who, like Rodrigo Borgia, forgot the dignity of

their position and gave themselves up to a licentious life, and
worldly members of the Sacred College and of the Roman
Court, were often sharply rebuked by the Pope.* His
zeal for the restoration of Monastic Discipline is specially
worthy of praise. The terrible descriptions given by well-
informed contemporaries, such as Johannes Ruysbrock,
Johannes Busch, and Jakob von Jiiterbogk, bear witness
to the enormity of the abuses.fSoon after his accession
the Pope published a Decree to hinder members of
Mendicant Orders from withdrawing themselves from the
jurisdiction of their superiors,! under pretext of studying.
Later on we find him proceeding against relaxed Convents
in different countries, especially in Italy, Germany, and
Spain.§ He bestowed many favours on the admirable
and exemplary Benedictine Congregation of St. Justina, at

Padua ; confirmed all its former privileges, and aggregated

to it convents which were in need of reform.!! The
amendment of the Convents of the Order of Vallombrosa

* Pll II. Comment. 339; CUGNONI, 199. Regarding the letter of

reproof to R. Borgia, see our account, Vol. II., p. 452 seq.

t See especially Chapters 23 and 24 of the *Tractatus de malo

(seculi) of Jakob von Jiiterbogk (see Vol. II., p. 45 seq.) in Cod. 34 of the
Cathedral Library, Treves, and also in Cod. 561, Helmst. of the Library
at Wolfenbiittel. I found in the Uni\ersity Library, Wiirzburg, a work
by the same author : *De causis deviationis religiosorum et de remediis
eorundem.
X Bull, v., 143-4. See Bull. Carmelit., 252-3, and Bull. Praedic,
III., 384; in both the last-named the Bull is dated xv. Cal.
Nov.
§ *Archiepiscopo Toletano. Dat. in Abbatia S. Salvatoris Clusin.
dioc. 1462, prid. Cal. Aug. A° 4'. Regest. 507, f. 233. See Wadding,.
XIII., 254.

!
Bull. Casin., I., 90; II., 353, 355. Regarding the salutary labours
of this Congregation, see Katholik, 1859, ^^-i 13^° ^^i-t 1489 J^ey.; i860,,

I., 200 seq.., 425 seq.

2/8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

was undertaken in 1463.* In Florence and Siena, Pius II.

sought to restore Monastic Discipline. Measures were taken

for the Reform of the Humiliati in Venice, of the Domini-
cans at Forli and Reggio, and of the Carmelites at Brescia.f
Martial Auribelle, the unworthy General of the Dominicans,
was removed from his position by the command of the
Pope.;[: Pius II. was encouraged to take a peculiar interest in
the renovation of the Carmelites, on account of the character
of their General, John Soreth, a man who combined gentle-
ness with austerity, and who had all the knowledge of the
necessities of the case demanded by such a work.§
The Pope did, comparatively speaking, a great deal for
the improvement of the German Convents. Amongst other
entries of the kind in his Registers are ordinances for the
reform of the Scotch Abbey at Ratisbon, and of the Poor
Clares at Basle, Eger, and Pfullingen. |
At the very out-

* See *Regest., 518, f. 162. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

t Secret Archives of the Vatican, Regest. 493, f. 132 : *Excom-
municatio contra intrantes monasteria monialium Florent. Ord. S.

Benedicti. D. Romae, 1463, Oct. Id. Octob. A° 6°. *Briefs regarding

the Reform of the Convent of S'^ Maria Novella of 2nd June and ist
September 1460, are in the State Archives at Florence. In reference
to Siena, see *Regest. 478, f. 199, and the *Letter of Card. Calandrini to

the authorities of that city, dated Rome, 1464, July 17 (State Archives,
Siena), which shews the anxiety of Pius II. to set things right there.
Humiliati in Venice : see State Archives, Venice, Misto XVI., f. 41b ;

Forli and Reggio, see Bull. Praedic, III., 401, 404; Brescia, GRADO-
NICUS, 247.

X CUGNONI. 224.

§ Bull. Carmelit., 262-3. See Freib. Kirchenlexikon, III., 1920 seg'.,

2nd ed. ; Pezzana, 202. The historian of the Carthusians, Tromby

(VIII., 255 seg'.), also praises the solicitude of Pius II. in regard to the
Religious Orders. Regarding Soreth, see the excellent work of KOCH,
Die Carmelitenkloster der niederdeutschen Provinz, 12, 122 (Freiburg,
1889).

II
Secret Archives of the Vatican, Regest. 472, f. 189: " *Monas-
 BENEDICTINE ORDER IN GERMANY. 279

set of his reign he warmly acknowledged and commended

the devoted labours of the Benedictine Congregation
at Bursfeld, and extended to it the privileges which
Eugenius IV. had granted to that of St. Justina in Padua.*
Subsequently he supported this Union of German Bene-
dictines in various ways ;
two Bulls in their favour bear

date 146 1.
It has been remarked that the external constitution
of the Bursfeld Congregation was characterised by
a centralisation which did not belong to the original

Benedictine rule. This change was due to the circum-

stances of the period. " Isolation had latterly brought
much evil to Convents." J In consideration of this fact
Pius II., in 1461, contemplated the union of the three
Congregations of Bursfeld, Castel, and Molk.§ Although
this great scheme was not carried into execution, this was
not due to any diminution in the reforming zeal of the

terium S. Jacobi Sector. Ratisp. mandatur reforniari et \isitari per

Rupertum administrat. eccles. Ratisponen. D. Romae, 1458, IV., Non.
Dec. A* r"; ibid.^ f- 235 "Reformatio monast. monialium in
:

PhuUingen ord. S. Clare Const, dioec. Dat. Mantuae, 1459, Sept. Cal.
Aug. A° r." Regest 507, f. 178. The reform of the convent, S. Clare,
was committed to the Bishop of Basle. D. Romae, 1461, xv. Cal. April.
A° 4°. Regarding Eger, see Schlesinger, Deutsche Chroniken, III.,
276, and Glassberger, 410.
* EvELT, Anfange der Bursfelder Benediktiner-Congregation, in the
Zeitschr. fiir Gesch. Westfalens, 3, Series V., 139 ;
Leuckfeld, 155, Nic.

de Siegen ; Chronicon, published by Wegele, 431, 446-7 (Jena, 1855)

Thomas, Gesch. der Pfarrei St. Mauritius, III.
t One in Leuckfeld, 160-64, the other *Regest. 485, f. 139 :
" Dil.

fil. Thome in Borsfeldia Magunt. dioec. et S. Jacobi prope Magunt.

monasterior. abbatiljus conceditur facultas reformandi monasteria et
alii pia loca dioec. Magunt. Dat. Romae, 1461, X. Cal. April. A" 4°."

Secret Archives of the Vatican.

+ Katholik, i860, I., 428.

§ Keiblinger, Melk, I., 63S, note r. ; Helyot, VI., 266 scq.

280 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pope. In April 1464, the Papal Nuncio, Jerome, Arch-

bishop of Crete, in support of the reform of the Benedictine
Convents, declared that nothing was more pleasing to the
Pope than this salutaryThe nobles, however, were
work.
its chief opponents. In Bamberg there seemed danger that
the occupation of the Abbey of St. Michael's Mount by
reformed monks not belonging to the Franconian nobility
would provoke a civil war. When we consider the wealth
of the Benedictine Order, " we can understand the interest
of the nobility in preventing the Reform of these Abbeys."*
The reform of the Bavarian Premonstratensians, and of
the Dom.inicans in the Netherlands, was also promoted
by Pius Il.f
Among the Franciscans he favoured the strictest, that is

to say, the Observantines.; " A series of Bulls shews that

he confirmed donations made to them, permitted them in

some places to build new houses, and conferred privileges

on them favours calculated to give them a greater hold on
;

the people." In his many journeys the Pope loved to rest

at their houses. In obedience to a Papal command the
Conventuals withdrew from the Convents at Tivoli and
Sarzana to make way for the Observantines. In Spain and
Germany, also, he befriended them, and they, on their side,
were indefatigable in preaching the Crusade. In 1464 he
gave to the Vicar-General of the Observantines out of Italy
authority to proceed independently against any members
* HOFLER in the Quellen zur Frank. Gesch., IV., 21-2.
+ VOIGT, III., 341, Bull. Ord. Praedic, III., 399.

X Regarding the Pope's measures of Reform, especially in the

Franciscan Order, see Vols. II. and III. of the Indie. Bull. Ord. Seraph,
of Petrus de Alva et Astorga, which has already been cited. P. Eubel
had the goodness to inform me that, having compared the Bulls here
given with the copies of Bulls on this subject, preserved in the Minorite
Archives of SS. Apostoli, he found the number of the latter to be rather
limited.

t
 LABOURS OF THE OBSERVANTINES. 251

of the Order who might

away from the Faith, a privilege
fall

which was, however, withdrawn by later Popes.* The

favours shewn to the Observantines advanced the cause
of real Reform, for their preachers in Italy were most suc-
cessful in combating the prevalent immoralit}- ;
the part)'
passions that burst through all bonds ; and the usury by
which the people were impoverished, f They were the
chief originators and promoters in Italy of one of the most
useful Institutions of that time, the public pawn-offices.
These Monies pietatis, as they were called, relie\-ed the
immediate necessities of the poor, and saved them from
becoming the prey of the usurer. ;J:

No less fruitful were the labours of the Franciscan

Observantines among the heathens and Infidels. " In their
missionary work they displayed a courage and constancy
such as were no longer to be found among the Secular
Clergy or the other Religious Orders. In Bosnia, Dalmatia,
and Croatia, in Moldavia and Wallachia, in all provinces
which had already fallen or were inevitably falling under the
power of the Crescent, the Observantines, step b}' step, and
often sword in hand, defended the Christian faith. They
had houses in Jerusalem near the Holy Sepulchre, and in

other parts of the Holy Land, in Rhodes, and in Crete,

They were established in Minorca and Iviza, and thence
they accompanied the expeditions to the Canar}' Isles and

* VoiGT, III., 587 seq., where are to be found the proofs from
Wadding. See also Eubel, II., 277 seq,; Gaudentius, Beitriige zur
Kirchengesch., I., 135 (Bozen, 1880), and GlassbeRGER, 378 seq., 407
seq. Pius II. did not accede to the Observantines' desire for the
Canonisation of Capistrano.
t Kirchenlexikon, IV., 1662, 2nd ed. ; BURCKHARDT, Cultur II., 238
seq., 3rd ed.

X See Moroni, XLVI., 253 seq.; Funk, Zins und Wucher, ^oseq.
(Tubingen, 1868); WEISS, Vor der Reformation, iii seq. ; CristOFANI,
327-S ; FUMI, 724 ;
Luzi, II prime Monte di l'iet<\ (Orvieto, 1868).
282 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Guinea," where there was a great dearth of Secular Clergy.*

There, on the West African Coast, Negro slavery in the

time of Eugenius IV. had just begun to appear. In the

days of Pius II. it had attained such proportions that
even the converts of the Missionaries were not safe from
Christian slave-dealers. When the Pope heard of these
doings, he at once, in a Brief of the 7th October 1462, to
the Bishop of Ruvo, condemned the nefarious traffic, and
threatened all Christians who should dare to drag the new
converts into slavery, with severe ecclesiastical penalties.f
Pius II. also actively promoted the ransom of Christians
who were in captivity among the Turks. ;J:

The Jews, who in those days were often the victims of

much unjust oppression, also excited the compassion of the
Pope. During the Congress at Mantua, a Jewish Deputa-
tion brought their grievances before him. He desired the
Bishop of Spoleto to examine carefully into their complaints,
and then issued a solemn Decree, forbidding the baptism of
Jewish children under twelve, against the will of their rela
tions, and also the practice of compelling the Jews to do

servile work on Saturday. § He manifested the same

freedom of spirit in regard to astrology, the interpretation
of dreams, and other forms of magic, || which, in those days,
were so much in vogue.

* VoiGT, III., 590.

t Raynaldus, ad an. 1462 ; N. 42 ; Nuove effemerid. Sicil. Sett.-Ott.,

1880 ; Margraf, Kircheund Sklaverei, igi (Tubingen, 1865), who, how-

ever, is wrong in his statement that the negro slave trade began under
Nicholas V. ; see, on the other hand, Raynaldus, ad an. 1436, N. 26.

X *Regest. 479, f. 316. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

§ Pezzana, III., 28-9, App., 15 seq. I was not able to consult

Bardinets article on this subject in the Rev. des Etudes Juives, 1883,
Burckhardt, Cultur II., 281,
II
3rd ed. The common idea that
Pius II. expressed latitudinarian opinions in regard to the Mendicant
Orders, and to the marriage of Priests, is clearly contradicted by VOIGT,
 FORMER OPINIONS RETRACTED BY PIUS II. 283

The foregoing pages have brought Pius II. before us

as the zealous opponent of the adherents of National
Churches and the Supremacy of Councils. As there

were in his earlier writings, especially those belonging-to

the period of his sojourn in Basle, many things to which
this party could appeal in support of their opinions, he
felt called upon to make a solemn retractation of his former
errors. This was done in the celebrated Bull of Retracta-
tion, addressed to the University of Cologne on the 26th
April 1463.* Pius II. begins by recalling to mind the
Dialogues which, while as yet only in minor orders, he had
addressed to the University of Basle, in defence of the
Supremacy over the Pope, claimed by the Council held in

that City, " Perhaps," he proceeded, " this may have led

some of you into error. If God should now require this blood
at our hands We can only answer by an acknowledgment
of our sin. But it is not enough to pray for mercy from
God, We must also seek to repair our fault. Misled, like St.
Paul, We have said, written, and done much that is worthy
of condemnation, and, in ignorance, have persecuted the
Church of God and the Roman See. Therefore We now
pray : Lord, forgive us the sins of our youth ! Meanwhile
our writings are no longer in our own power but in the

hands of many, and may, if misused by the evil-minded, do

great harm.

III., 577, who was certainly no friend of the Pope's. Voigt is mistaken
in supposing the cehbacy of the priesthood to be an article of faith in

the Church, for it is only a matter of discipline.

* This Bull has been frequently printed, but generally the versions
are incorrect {e.g., in Bull. V., 173 J^^.; Raynaldus, adan. 1463, N.
114 seq.); the best is in Fea, Pius II., 148-64 (Romae, 1823). For
a critical examination of this document, especially the passage
regarding the Council of Constance, see Phillips, IV., 460 seq. ;

Vallet de Viriville, III., 433; Laacher Stimmen, III., 119 seq.-,

Dux, I., 320-21 Beets, 78, 85 seq.

;
284 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

" We are therefore obliged to imitate St. Augustine, and

retract our errors. We exhort you, then, to give no credit
to those earHer writings which oppose the Supremacy of
theRoman See, or contain anything not admitted by the
Roman Church. Recommend and counsel all, especially
to honour the throne on which our Lord has placed His
Vicar, and do not believe that the Providence of God, which
rules all things and neglects none of His creatures, has

abandoned the Church Militant alone to a state of anarchy.

The order given by God to His Church requires that the
lower should be led by the higher, and that all, in the last

resort, be subject to the one Supreme Prince and Ruler who

is placed over all. To St. Peter alone did the Saviour give
the plenitude of power : he and his lawful successors are
the only possessors of the Primacy. If you find in the
Dialogues, or in our letters, or in our other works — for in

our youth we wrote a great deal — anything in opposition

to this teaching, reject and despise it. Follow that which

we now say ; believe the old man rather than the youth
do not esteem the layman more highly than the Pope ;
cast

away yEneas, hold fast to Pius."*

To confute those who attributed his change of mind to

his promotion to the Papal dignity, Pius takes a retrospect

of the Basle period, and shews that he had come to

acknowledge the truth long before his elevation. This is

proved by the letter of recantation which yEneas Sylvius

addressed to the Rector of the Academy of Cologne, in
August i447-t
At the conclusion of the Bull the Pope again insists on
the monarchical constitution of the Church. What St.

Bernard taught regarding Eugenius HI. is to be applied

* A similar passage occurs in the undated Retractation of his

erotic writings (Opera, 870), which Pius vainly attempted to suppress.

+ Published by Fea, 1-17.

 CONDEMNATION OF WRITINGS OF PECOCK. 285

to Eugenius IV., and to all successors of St. Peter. The

summoning of General Councils and their dissolution
appertains to the Pope alone ; from him, as from the
head, all power flows into the members.
The decision with which Pius II. resisted the Conciliar

Party was also manifested in regard to the encroachments

of the temporal power on the liberty of the Church. In
Italy he had to defend himself against attacks of this kind
from Siena and Venice, and from Borso d'Este.* The
appointment of Bishops to the Sees of Cracow and Leon
involved him in disputes with the monarchs of Poland and
Castile and Leon.-j- In these two cases he was defeated^
but in Aragon a Pragmatic Sanction, which threatened
the liberty of the Church, was annulled. This matter
was brought to a satisfactory conclusion by Stefano
Nardini.;|:

If Pius II. pronounced many censures, the circumstances

of the time were the cause. As far as in him lay he was
circumspect in the employment of these weapons, and their
increasing inefficacy is one of the most serious tokens of
the waning influence of the Church. §
In 1459 he felt bound, in defence of the integrity of the
Faith, to take measures against the heretical writings of
Reginald Pecock, who was tainted with the errors of
Wicklif, and had, in 1457, been deprived of the Bishopric

* See **Brief to the Doge on the 14th March 1460, in the Borghese
Library, I., 28, f. 19, and to Borso of Este, Ep. 10, edit. Mediolan.
In reference to Siena, see the *Letter of L. Benevolentius, dated Rome,
1463, Oct. I. State Archives, Siena.

t PlI II. Comment. 103 (not 503, as Friedberg, II., 539, states).
Further details as to the contest with the King of Poland will be
found, supfii, p. 232 ; VoiGT, III., 575 ; and Zeissderg, 230 seq.

\ *Re\ocatio constitutionum in Aragonia contra libertatem ecclesi-

asticam. Cod. I., 28, f. 291-3, Borghese Library.

^ See supra, p. 163, note + ;

and VOIGT, III., 262.
286 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of Chichester.* The Pope also gave orders for the punish-

ment of a rigorist sect which declared celibacy to be

necessary for salvation. These errors sprang up in Brit-
tany while Picardy was infested by numerous Waldensees,
against whom Pius II. pronounced severe sentences. "In
the very States of the Church a sect appeared which would
acknowledge no one as successor of St. Peter who did not
follow his Master in poverty," a description which must
apply to the Fraticelli. In Bergamo a Canon of the
Cathedral taught that Christ suffered, not from love to the
human race, but constrained by astral influences ; that in
the consecrated Host He is present, not in His Humanity
but only in His Divinity ; and that theft and robbery are
not mortal sins.-j- The Dominican, Giacomo da Brescia, and
the Papal Auditor, Bernardo da Bosco, induced the unhappy
man to abjure his errors, which, by the Pope's command,
he expiated by confinement in a convent for the rest of his
life.

The name of Giacomo da Brescia is connected with a

dogmatic dispute which, even in the time of Clement VI.,
had divided the Franciscans and Dominicans. The question
between them was, whether the Blood shed by our Lord
in His Passion, and reassumed at His Resurrection, was,
during the three days He remained in the Sepulchre, hypo-
statically united with the Godhead, and therefore entitled to
worship? The celebrated Minorite Preacher, St. Jacopo
* Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 29. (In the collection of Bulls in
the State Archives, Venice, I saw a copy of the document given
by Raynaldus.) Regarding Pecock, see Pauli, Gesch. von England,
v., 664 seq.^ and Reusch, I., 36, II. 1219.
t Bernino, IV., 184; VoiGT, III., 581. Here there should have
been a reference to the work of BourQUELOT, Les Vaudois au 15^
Siecle, in the Bibl. de I'ecole des chart., 2"'' Series, 1864, III., 81-109.
See also Fierville, 27 seq.; Lea, III., 519 seq., 568; and Sybel'S
Hist. Zeitschr., LXI., 57.
 DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE MENDICANT FRIARS. 28/

della Marca,* in the pulpit at Brescia, on Easter Sunday,

1462, maintained the negative, and was, at the instance of the
Dominican, Giacomo da Brescia, pubhcly accused of error
and heresy. A hot dispute at once arose between the
Franciscans and Dominicans which the Bishop of Brescia
in vain endeavoured to appease. Then Pius II., under pain
of Excommunication, forbade any one to preach publicly
or privately on the question. -j- Notwithstanding this

prohibition the agitation continued, and accordingly, at

* See the literature concerning this distinguished man in Cheva-

lier, 1 144-5, 2665. Autograph drafts of sermons and other writings
from his hand are preserved at Monteprandone (Prov. Ascoli Piceno).
Regarding the MSS. in the Library at Monteprandone, cf, Bruti
LiBERATi, P., Inediti documenti sulla bibl. et rehquie di S. Giacomo
detto della Marca publ. per la prima messa del sig. ab. A. Romandini
(Ripatransone, 1845). Tasso, L., in the Miscell. Francesc, I., fasc. 4

(Foligno, 1886). Criveixucci, I codici della libreria raccolta da S.

Giacomo della Marca nel convento di S. Maria delle grazie presso monte-
prandone (Livorno, 1886). Two MSS. of S. Jacopo della Marca are
preserved in the Franciscans' Library at Quaracchi ; these are like our
note-books. The outside shews them to have been much used. Some
leaves were only written in part by the Saint, and another hand (of
the same period) has written in the blank spaces little stories and
anecdotes which must have been related by him, as we learn from the
note : narrat. Fr. Jacobus. Here and there single leaves have been
cut out of both these little books ; in some places several sheets even
are wanting. The contents of both \olumes consist of Treatises on
Theology, Canon Law, and Philosophy, plans of sermons, little stories

and examples for preachers, and such like. The author frequently
cites Holy Scripture, the Fathers, the Classics (Horace, 0\id, Seneca,
Dante), and makes great use of the Scholastics and the writers on
the Summa of the 13th and 14th centuries. At the beginning of each
of these little books is an Inde.x rubricarum. (Information kindly
given by Herr Fr. B. Rechte.)
t Wadding, 206 seq.., 264 seq. \ and Glassberger, 394. Con-
cerning the contest, see also Gradonicus, 348 seq.^ and the Intro-
duction to Dominici, De dignit. Episc, 22 seq.
288 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Christmas, 1462, a great Disputation was held by the Pope's

order, and in his presence. Domenico de' Domenichi,
Lorenzo Roverella, and the Franciscan, Francesco della
Rovere, greatly distinguished themselves. After three days
of discussion a consultation was held with the Cardinals,
most of whom, as well as Pius II., pronounced in favour of

the Dominican opinion.* A definite Decree on the subject,

however, was deemed inopportune ; the services of the
Minorites as preachers of the Crusade were indispensable,
and Pius II. was therefore unwilling to offend them. The
fact that, in August, 1464, the Pope was again obliged to
forbid preaching and disputation on this point, shews that
the conflict continued. -j-

Although Pius II. did not follow the example of his

predecessors in instituting any ne\v Church festivals, he
observed those which already existed with great solemnity.
This remark is specially applicable to the Feast of Corpus
Christi. In 1461 Pius was in Rome at the time, and him-
self carried the Host in the great Procession, in order to

* PlI II. Comment. 279 seq. At 292 occurs the following passage :

" Maior pars sententiam praedicatorum approbavit, pauci cum

Minoribus sensere. Pius quoque in maiori parte fuit : sed non est
visum eo tempore decretum fieri declarationis ne multitude Minorum
cuius erat contra Turcos praedicatio necessaria oftenderetur : in aliud

tempus decisionem referre placuit." Benrath, Ochino (Leipzig,

1875), is to be corrected by this statement. See also CUGNONI,

299-336. VoiGT, III., 592, has already observed that in the Pope's
Memoirs (also in the Cod. Reg., 1995, f. 487b, mentioned in Appendix
N. 65), the year 1463 is wrongly given as that of the Disputation.
Perhaps this may be explained by the fact that the New Year was
often counted from Christmas. Any idea that the Disputation might

have been at Christmas, 1463, is removed by a ^Letter from Cardinal

Gonzaga to his parents, dated Rome, 1463, Jan. 7. Gonzaga Archives.
Lea, II, 173, is accordingly altogether wrong in placing the Disputa-
tion in the year 1463.

t Bull, v., 180-82 ; Bull. Ord. Praed., III., 434.

 FEAST OF CORPUS CIIRISTI AT VITERBO. 289

express his veneration for the Hoi}' Sacrament of the

Altar.* In the following year, when he was at Viterbo
seeking relief from the gout which caused him so much
suffering, the Feast was celebrated with surpassing splen-
dour. All the pomp and pageantry of the Renaissance were
pressed into the service of religion. From the Church of
St. Francesco to the Cathedral, in the streets through which
the Procession was to pass, all booths and other obstructions
were cleared away, and the work of adorning the houses
was distributed amongst the Cardinals, Prelates, and
members of the Court then in the City, the Pope reserving
a share for himself The rich tapestries of the French
Cardinals were a marvel to behold. Other members of the
Sacred College prepared Tableaux Vivants representing
appropriate scenes. Torquemada exhibited the Institution
of the Blessed Eucharist :a statue of St. Thomas Aquinas
was included in the group. Carvajal depicted the fall of
the Angels ; Borgia had a fountain of wine symbolising the
Blessed Sacrament, with two adoring angels ; Bessarion's
represented a choir of angels. There were also exhibitions
which we can scarcely understand in the present day, such
as combats of savages with wolves and bears. A Holy
Sepulchre was erected in the market-place, from which, as
the Pope drew near, the Saviour arose, and, in Italian verse,
announced the redemption of the world. The tomb of the
Blessed Virgin was also to be seen, and, after High Mass
and Benediction, her Assumption was represented by living

figures. The streets through which the Procession took its

course were hung with garlands ;

there were sky-blue awn-
ings decorated with golden stars ;
gorgeous triumphal arches
and altars of repose had been erected, and sacred music

* See the * Report of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1461, June 4, and

addressed to the Marchioness Barbara immediately after the Feast,
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
VOL. III. U
290 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

resounded on every side. Thousands of persons had con-

gregated from the surrounding neighbourhood. Pius II. in

full pontificals bore the Blessed Sacrament. The chroniclers

of Viterbo affirm that so glorious a festival had never been
celebrated, either in their City or in any part of Italy.*

Canonisations were always celebrated by the Popes with

great magnificence. The Pontificate of Pius II. witnessed
only one event of this kind, that of St. Catherine of
Siena.f She died at the age of thirty-three, and, like St.

Francis of Assisi, was at once venerated by the people

as a Saint. Her letters were widely read ;
even a rational-
istic them as a " magnificent book of
historian describes
devotion, parts of which seem more like the words of an
Apostle than those of an unlearned maiden." Her like-
ness, copies of which had, by the beginning of the 15th
century, been multiplied in Venice, was in the possession of
thousands4 Yearly, on the day of her death, her feast was

* Besides the detailed description given by Pius II. (Comment.

208- 11), see the not less full account of N. della Tuccia, 84-7 ; also

Campanus, 982 ; KiTZlNG's Report in SS. Rer. Siles., VIII., 105-6 ; and
the notices of a MS. in the Forteguerri Archives at Pistoja, given by
Ciampi, II., from the Episcopal Archives at Viterbo ; and Burckhardt,
Cultur, II., 151, 3rd ed. (A similar representation by living persons
took place in the Corpus Christi procession at Munich, in the year
1563. Oberbayer, Archiv XIII., 58.) For an account of the solemn
reception of the head of St. Andrew, see supra, p. 258.
t St. Vincent Ferrer had been canonised by Calixtus III. on the 29th
June, 1455; see our account Vol. II., p. 326. As, meanwhile, the
"literae ejus superveniente obitu minime confectae fuerunt," Pius II.

issued on the ist Oct., 1458, a new Bull, entered in Regest. 468, f. 377
seq., printed in Bull. V., 145-9 ; in BzoviUS, 1458, N. 38 ; and
FONTANINI, Codex constit. quas s. pontif. edit, in solemni canoniza-
tione Sancton, 175 seq. (Romae, 1729) in part ; in Ravnaldus, ad an.

1455, N. 40 seq., and Acta SS. April, i, 524-5.

X Hase, Caterina von Siena, 174, 302 (Leipzig, 1864). See Reu-
MONT, Briefe, 21-2.
 CANONISATION OF ST. CATHERINE OF SIENA. 29I

kept at the Dominican Convent, her panegyric preached,

and wreaths of flowers and crowns were laid before her
picture. In the evening a dramatic representation of the
principal scenes of her life was performed in the Court of
the Convent. The choruses sung on this occasion are still

preserved ; the following is one of them :

" O sweet city of
ours, Siena, birth-place of the HolyVirgin, the glory of this
poor maiden outweighs all thy other glories." *
The Holy See had never forgotten its debt to this
simple nun. Several of the Popes, especially Gregory XH.,
had taken the cause of her Canonisation in hand, but the
troubles of the time, and afterwards the jealousy of the
Franciscans, prevented its completion. The question was
again raised by the Sienese Ambassadors in the time of
Calixtus Hl.f Pius H. gave it his attention immediately
on his accession, and entrusted the necessary investigations
At the Congress of Mantua further
to certain Cardinals.;|:
progress was made in the matter, but, as the Holy See
proceeded with its usual circumspection, it was not con-
cluded until 14.61.^ Consistories were held on the 8th and
15th June, and in the latter the Canonisation was finally
decided. II
Great preparations were made ; an Ambassador

* Chavin, III., 83. Regarding the terra-cotta clay bust of St.

Catherine, see BODE, Ital. Portrait-sculpturen, 32 (Berlin, 1883).

t Banchi, in Arch. Stor. Ital., 4, Serie V., 442.
:|:Two Decrees of Cardinals Bessarion and Colonna, dated Ferrara,

1459, May 19, and ordering the introduction of the Process of Canonisa-
tion, are in the Library of Siena. As far as I know they have not been
published.
§ Tre lettere di M. G. Mignanelli, 15. In the "^Instructions, dated
14th Sept., 1459, for the new Ambassadors, Lod. de Petroni and
Niccolo Severino, sent by Siena to Mantua, they are again charged to
press forward the Canonisation. Instr. VIII., State Archives, Siena.

II
*Report of B. Bonatto, dated Rome, 1 461, June 8 and 15. See
the *Lctter of Carlo da Franzoni of i8th June, 1461 (Gonzaga Archives,
292 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

estimates the expenses at 3000 ducats.* On the Feast of

SS. Peter and Paul, Siena's most distinguished son declared
that the Church had raised the greatest of her daughters to
the Altar. The Pope himself drew up the Bull of Canonisa-
tion. " To a Sienese," he says, " has been granted the
happy privilege of proclaiming the sanctity of a daughter of
Siena." -f
Pius II. composed an Epitaph, the Office,
further
and several Latin hymns in honour of the new Saint.
The Italians, in whose hearts the memory of Catherine
was ever fresh, were full of joy, which found expression in
solemn processions.^: The inhabitants of Fontebranda, the
quarter of Siena in which she was born, .turned the house
into an Oratory. This Sanctuary has been beautifully
decorated, and still contains many relics of the Saint.§
Other memorials of her abound in the ancient city.

Pinturicchio painted her Canonisation in the library hall of

the Cathedral, and in the Chapel of S. Domenico, where her

Mantua) ; and the *Report of the Sienese Ambassador of 8th June, 1461.
State Archives, Siena.
* ^Letter of B. Bonatto to Marchioness Barbara, June 29, 1461.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Pll II. Comment. 135 ; INFESSURA, 1139 ;
^Letter of B. Bonatto
to Marchioness Barbara, dated Rome, 1461, June 29. (Gonzaga
Archives.) The Bull of Canonisation is given with a wrong date in
Bull, v., 159-65 ; the correct date in Raynaldus, ad an. 1461, N. 127.
In a separate publication (Siena, 1861), Acta Sanct, Chavin, III., 99-
108 ; Bull. Ord. Praed., III., 409 seq. ; and Capecelatro, Storia di

S, Caterina, 477 seq., here at p. 473 seq. are also the hymns composed
by Pius II. See also CUGNONI, ^iT^ ; and Tromby, VII., p. cclxvii. seq.

X Annal. Placent., 906 ; Annal. Bonon., 893 ; *Ghirardacci (see

SJipra, p. 243) ; Tromby, IX., 5-6. Pius II. celebrated the feast of the
new Saint with great pomp ; I found in Cod. Vatic, 4589, f. 48-74, of
the Vatican Library, a discourse pronounced before the Pope on
this occasion, in 1463, by D. de' Domenichi.
§ See Regoli, Documenti relativi a S. Caterina (Siena, 1859) ; and
A. BusiRi, La casa di S. Cat. in Siena (Siena, ii
 QUESTION OF NEW CREATION OF CARDINALS. 293

head is preserved, Sodoma's picture is perhaps the most

beautiful and touching Hkeness of her that exists. Rome
also has many memorials of the Saint ; in 1855, when
Pius IX. laid her body in a new resting-place beneath the
High Altar of S. Maria Sopra Minerva, and again, in 1866,
when the same Pontiff added a fresh jewel to her Crown by
declaring her Patroness of the Eternal City, the Romans
did not fail to pay due honour to her mem.ory.
After the election of Pius II. the Sacred College
numbered twenty-three members, of whom only seventeen
were then present in Rome. Late in the summer of 1459,
when James of Portugal and Antonio de la Cerda were
removed by death, the Pope had but fifteen Cardinals
around him.* This circumstance, and the opposition
manifested by the French party immediately after the
Conclave, compelled him at once to consider the question
of further creations.f These were violently opposed by
some Cardinals, especially by Scarampo.;]: The Pope,
however, stood firm ;
" it was neces.sary that he should secure
a devoted majority. This must be remembered in our
judgment of the much blamed practice of promoting rela-
tions. In the Apostolic Senate, as he found it, Pius II. had
determined adversaries and few friends, and this compelled
him to make fresh nominations." §

* According to the *Acta Consist, of the Secret Archives, f. 28b,

Cardinal James died on the 27th Aug. ; de la Cerda on the 12th
September. See the *Letter of one " Francesco," whose full name is

not known, to Filippo da Strozzi in the C. Strozz., 242 seg., 249. State
Archives, Florence.
t See in Appendix N. 3, the ^Despatch of Antonio da Pistoja of
2ist Aug., 1458. Ambrosian Library.
X See Pn IL Commefit. 97-8 (Gaspary, 655, shews \'oigt to have
completely misunderstood this passage), and the important supplement
in CUGNONI, 199-200.
§ VoiGT, III., 528. Many of the secular powers also urged the
294 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Not until March, 1460, was all opposition overcome ; on

the 5th of that month Pius II. created his first batch
of Cardinals at Siena. Those chosen were all excellent
men. Angelo Capranica, brother of the estimable Cardinal
Domenico, was distinguished by his austerity, piety, and
uprightness, and was also considered to be an admirable
administrator.* Bernardo Eroli was celebrated for similar

qualities. " Although raised to the Bishopric of Spoleto,

and invested with several small offices, he had continued
poor. Pius II. had the greatest confidence in him, and
shewed him marked favour. Some of the Cardinals »

opposed his elevation on account of hi,s plebeian origin

and needy position, but the Pope took no heed of their

objections. He made him Legate for Perugia, and Eroli

held this appointment until his death, many years later.

He was stern in manner, even harsh and rough, but all

who knew him were obliged to confess that he not only

thoroughly understood justice, but also practised it."f

The brave Niccolo Forteguerri, the third of the Car-

dinals created on this occasion, combined diplomatic skill

with remarkable military talents, and was distantly related

to the Pope. The reader will remember the services he

creation of Cardinals. Florence pleaded the cause of Filippo de'

Medici, Bishop of Arezzo ; see the *Letters to the College of Cardinals
and the Pope of the 19th and 20th Febr., and 3rd March, 1460 (11

X. Dist. I. n. 55, State Archives, Florence), and the **Brief of

apology of Pius II. to Cosmo de Medici, dated Siena, 1460, March 7,

Lib. brev. 9, f. 127.

* See CiACONlus, II., 1035; RaspONUS, 98; Cronica di Bologna,

733; Annal. Bonon., 894; Cardella, 136 j-^^. VoiGT, III., 532; ;

MiGNE, Card., 619. O. de Carretto, in a *Letter of 12th Sept., 1458,

partly written in cipher, bestows the highest praise on A. Capranica.
State Archives, Milan.
t VOIGT, loc. cit. ; Eroli, Miscell. Nam., I., 104 seq. ;
Sansi, Storia,
52, 62 ; MiGNE, Card., 928 ; see supra, p. 32.
 THE NEW CARDINALS. 295

rendered to the Papal cause in the war agahist the party

of Anjou and Malatesta. The assertion of a modern
historian that there was more of the soldier than of the
priest in Forteguerri, is contradicted by the opinion of
well-informed contemporaries.*
His youthful age was all that could be brought against
Francesco de' Todeschini-Piccolomini, son of the Pope's
sister, Laudomia. He was a man of distinguished " culture,

versatile capacity, and estimable life."f

Alessandro Oliva, General of the Augustinians, was

in every sense an admirable man. Pius H. introduced
him to the Cardinals, " elect of God, and perfect like

Aaron." " In the fifth year of his age, his parents had
consecrated him to God and the Blessed Virgin ; for forty-

two years he had belonged to the Augustinian Hermits,

who adhered strictly to the ancient rule, and laboured
assiduously to restore the failing credit of the Order." He
had for many years been professor of Philosophy at
Perugia. Later he traversed the greater part of Italy as
a zealous and inspired preacher. Elected General of his
Order in 1458, "his life was a shining example of per-
fection." From his unwearied efforts to appease party
contests in the Italian cities, he w^as called the angel of
peace. His summons to the Senate of the Church took
him completely by surprise, and his friends had to supply
the necessary outfit. Elevation to the purple made no
* In opposition to VoiGT, III., 530, Monograph of ClAMPl,
see the

17, to which he had not access. Forteguerri had been made Vice-
treasurer, and afterwards Bishop of Teano, by Pius II. see GOTTLOB, ;

Cam. Ap. Regarding Forteguerri's inexcusable conduct in the year

1464, see our account in Chapter 8 ; respecting his palaces, see N.

DELLA TUCCIA, 98 and 106, who greatly praises him ; and Bussi, 275.
CORTESIUS, De Cardinalatu, CXXVIII., speaks of his earlier relations
with ALneas Sylvius.
t VoiGT, III., 531 ; CiACONius, II., 1048 st-g. ; Cardella, 142 seg'.
296 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

change in his austere life, or his rule of devoting six hours

every day to the Canonical Office. He was often seen to
shed tears when offering the Holy Sacrifice. Although his

income was but small, Oliva was always ready to help

the poor Exiles, needy Churches and Convents, and Greek
Schismatics returning to the Church. He was a zealous
patron of learned men. Gentle towards others he was
severe towards himself, and wore a hair shirt beneath the
purple. He never quitted his modest dwelling except to
visit the Pope, the Cardinals, or the Churches. A heavy
blow was dealt to the Church, when, in August, 1463, he
was carried off by a fever at the age of fifty-five. Pius H.
himself undertook the charge of his funeral, and presided
at his obsequies. In his Memoirs, he writes of him with
deep feeling :
" He was an ornament to the Sacred Col-
lege. The lustre shed by his learning was only equalled
by the radiant purity of his life. Many men might have
died, and no harm be done ; this death inflicted a severe

wound on the Church."*

If to have made such a man Cardinal, is one of the
glories of Pius II., the general belief which prevailed that
Oliva, if he had lived long enough, would have been the
next Pope, reflects equal credit on the Sacred College.
The sixth new Cardinal, Burchard of Weissbriach, Arch-
bishop of Salzburg, was retained in petto, as the Pope did
not wish to offend the other ultramontane Princes. J The
* Pii Comment. 329; VoiGT, III., 532; Cardella, 142 seq.\
II.

and, especially, Lanteri, 5 1 seq., who made use of a Manuscript Life of

the Cardinal, by Phil. Nicolaus Basanti. Differences exist as to the
day of his death ; Voigt adopts the usual date of the 20th August
Lanteri and Migne, Card., 1289, have the 21st; but Card. Gonzaga
mentions it in a *Letter of the 19th August, 1463. Gonzaga Archives.
t OssiNGER, Bibl. Augustin., 640 ; WEISS, Vor der Ref., 103.

:j: *Brief to H. Senftleben, dated Rome, 1461, March 6th, Lib.

brev. 9, f. I26b-i27. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
 ALL THE NEW CARDINALS ITALL\NS. 297

rest were, " contrary to all expectation," published at once

on the 5th March 1460.* Pius II. admonished them in an
impressive address on the duties of their high office. -f On
the 8th March, Forteguerri, Eroli, and Oliva received the
red hat, and on the 19th their titular Churches of S.

Cecilia, S. Sabina, and S. Susanna. On the 21st of March

Capranica and Todeschini-Piccolomini also arrived, and,
five days later, the Churches of S. Croce in Gerusalemme
and S. Eustachio were assigned to them. Cardinal de
Castiglione dying on the 14th April, Todeschini-Piccolomini
was, on the last day of that month, appointed Legate of the
Picentine Marches.
AH the Cardinals published on the 5th March were
Italians. was impossible, however, permanently to dis-
It

regard the feelings of the Ultramontane powers. As early

as December, 1460, Pius II. began to speak of the necessity
of shewing them consideration in this matter, but he again
encountered violent opposition. § A year elapsed before he

* Besides Pn IL Comment., loc. cif., see N. DELLA Tuccia, 79;

Annal. Bonon., 892 ; Cronica di Bologna, 733 ; and particularly, *Acta
Consist., f. 29. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
+ Pn II. Comment. 99. In the catalogue of the Brera, at Milan, a
speech to the new Cardinals, in Codex A. G. IX., 26, f. 169-70, is noted
as unpublished (Verba quibus usus est Pius II. P. M. cum primos suos
cardinales creavit). This discourse is completely different from that in

Mansi, II., 89-91, in which the new Cardinals are described, but is

literally identical with that in the Commentaries, loc. cit.

X *Acta Consist., loc. cit.

§ The *Letter from the Florentines to the Pope and the College of
Cardinals, dated 9th Dec. 1460 (11 X. Dist. I. N. 55, State Archives,
Florence), shews that a fresh creation of Cardinals was in contemplation
at the end of 1460. In October, 1461, Pius II. made another attempt
(see CUGNONI, 214); the assembly of Cardinals called together in
November (see Cronica di Bologna, 714) was no doubt connected with
this matter. The date when the negotiations began appears from the
statement that Cardinal Fieschi died at the time. His de;ith took
298 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

was able to carry out his purpose. On the i8th December,

1461, three Italians and three Ultramontanes were added
to the Sacred College.* Among the Ultramontanes, the
names of Jouffroy and d'Albret have already come before
us. Their elevation, like that of Jayme de Cordova, Bishop
of Urgel, and of Francesco Gonzaga, was due to princely
influence, " From the time of the Turkish Congress
close relations had existed between Pius II. and the family
of Gonzaga, and from a yet earlier period between
the Pope and the Hohenzollerns. Lodovico, the most cul-
tured noble of an intellectual age, sympathised with the
Pope in his efforts for the promotion of Science and Art.
Francesco, who was twenty years of age, was pursuing his
studies at Padua when the Purple was conferred upon
him. His tendencies were anything but ecclesiastical." f
place on the 8th October, 1461 ; see *Acta Consist. On the 7th Oct.
Paulus Archiepisc. Januen. et Hybletus de Flisco, writing to the Pope
from Genoa, informed him: "*Rdus Card, de Flisco . . . laborat in
extremis." State Archives, Genoa, Lit., Vol. ib.
* The common statement which VoiGT, III., 535, adopts, that seven
Cardinals were published, is incorrect; for Pius II., in his **Letter to
Florence of 1 8th Dec, 1461 (State Archives, Florence), expressly says
that he had nominated only three Italian and three foreign Cardinals.
N. DELLA TUCCIA, 267 and Kitzings in SS. Rer. Siles., VIII., 69, give
;

the same account. The i8th Dec. is proved beyond all doubt to be the
day of the nomination by the *Brief of that date of Pius II. to Fr.
Sforza, in which Ammanati's creation is announced (State Archives,
Milan) by a ^Despatch of L. Petronius of 18th Dec, 1461 (State
Archives, Siena), and by the Decree for Rovella, which will be cited
presently.
t Reumont, III., I, 258-9; see Lorenzo, I., 235 seq., 2nd ed.

From the year 1460 efforts had been made to obtain Francesco's
nomination ; see PORTIOLI, 13, 16, and Hofmann, Barbara, 16. Later
on these negotiations were conducted by B. Bonatto, the Ambassador,
from Mantua to Rome (Platina, Hist. Mant, 860), whose *Letters in

the Gonzaga Archives enable us to follow the course of the affair. In a

*Letter of the 14th Dec, 1461, he first confidentially informs Marchioness
 CARDINALS ROVERELLA AND AMMANATI. 299

He took, however, a lively interest in Literature and

Art.*
The two other Italians who entered the Sacred College,
Bartolomeo Roverella and Jacopo Ammanati, came of poor
and were distinguished by a good humanist
families,

culture. Roverella had to thank Nicholas V. for his nomi-

nation to the Archbishopric of Ravenna. From that time
forward, " he had been unceasingly occupied in political

Embassies or the administration of the States of the Church,

under Pius II. he had governed the March of Ancona and
Umbria, and he had especially distinguished himself in the
Legation in the kingdom of Naples during the war against
the Anjou." Vespasiano da Bisticci praises the conscien-
tiousness, the fear of God, the simplicity and humility of
Roverella. -j- Ammanati was born in 1422, at Villa Basilica

Barbara that the promotion of her son had been determined in a Secret
Consistory that very day, and that the pubhcation was to take place
on the following- Friday. Barbara, herself, subsequently thanked the
Elector Albrecht for his intervention in this matter ; see Spiess,
Brandenburg, Miinzbelustigungen, IV., 302 (Ansbach, 1771). Some of
the Cardinal's *Letters are to be found in the Royal Archives, Berlin ;

his *Correspondence with his parents, which I discovered in the

Gonzaga Archi\es at Mantua, is extremely valuable, and has been of
the greatest use to me in the present work. In the above-mentioned
Archives, I saw an autograph letter from Cardinal Rodrigo Borgia to
Marchioness Barbara, dated ex urbi, 1461, Dec. 18, announcing
Francesco's elevation. Cardinal Gonzaga started for Rome on March
4, 1462 (SCHIVENOGLIA, 149), arrived there on the 23rd, and was
received in Consistory on the following day. See *Acta Consist.,
Secret Archives of the Vatican.
* The enthusiastic interest taken by Gonzaga in Art is clearly shewn
in his will. See MuNTZ, III., 297-300.
t Mai, Spicileg., I., 196-200 ; Graziani, 614 ; Canensius, 85 seq. ;

Gasp. Veronen., 1033 Blondus, It. Illustr., 355

; ;
Quirini, Mon.
lit. episc. Venetae ditionis., 1742 VoiGT, III., 537. ; The Decree of
Roverella's nomination, dat. Romae, 1461. xv. Cal. Jan. in Regest.

484, f. 22b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

3CX) HISTORY OF THE POPES.

near Lucca, and went at an early age to Florence, where

he laid the foundation of his classical studies.* In the time
of Nicholas V. he came to Rome ; there he lived in the
greatest poverty, entered the service of Capranica, and
under Calixtus III. became Apostolic Secretary. Pius II.,

on the very day of his election, confirmed him in this

appointment. It soon became evident that he enjoyed the

special favour of the new Pope, who, in 1460, conferred
upon him the Bishopric of Pavia. His episcopal labours
were most fruitful, and during his long absence he took
care that his place should be properly filled. Ammanati
looked up to Pius II., who had received him into the Picco-
lomini family, and invested him with the rights of a citi-

zen of Siena, " with affectionate reverence." The Sienese

Pontiff was his ideal in literary matters. His continuation
of the Commentaries, and his numerous letters, are quite
in the Pope's style ; they are among the most important
historical authorities of the period. The loss of his " Life of
Pius II." is greatly to be regretted. Although not per-
fectly free from Plumanistic vanity and irascibility, the
Cardinal of Pavia was a good man : his will bears witness

to the generosity and kindliness of his disposition.!

The elevation of the x'\rchbishop of Salzburg was not

published till the 31st May, 1462, at Viterbo.:J: There is no

* See especially the Monograph of Pauli ; I make use of this rare

work from the National Library at Florence, which was unknown to
Voigt, and even to Tiraboschi.

+ Pauli, 100-107.

+ *I462, XXXI. Maii. Eodem die fuit publicatus dom. Card. Salz-

burgen. Acta Consist., f. 30b. (Secret Archives of the Vatican.) VoiGT,

III., 542, is to be corrected by this statement. See also ZachariaS,
It. Litt., 72 seq. (Venet., 1752); Anecd. Litt., III., 355 seq.^ y]\ seq.;
VoiGT, III., Reumont, III., I, 202, 337; Lorenzo, I., 405,
538 seq.',

2nd edit., and Magenta, I., 471. According to the *Acta Consist.,
Secret Archives of the Vatican, Ammanati had already recei\ed the
 PIUS II. NOT AN ENTHUSIAST FOR ART. 301

authority for the a.ssertion that the Bishop of Eichstiitt,

John III. von Eich, was also at this time raised to the
Purple. There can be no doubt that his zeal in the refor-

mation of his diocese well deserved such a distinction;

but the Calendars of Eichstatt do not mention it, and the
fact that the Consistorial Acts of the Secret Archives are
equally silent is conclusive.* In the year 1463 the Sacred
College lost two of its members, Prosper© Colonna and
Isidore. t Their places, however, were not filled, though,
during the remainder of Pius II.'s Pontificate some princes
sought to bring about fresh creations of Cardinals^
Pius II. was not an enthusiast for Art, like his predecessor
Nicholas V., or his successors Paul II. and Leo X.; never-
theless he appreciated it keenly, and did much for its pro-

motion. Numerous architects, sculptors, painters, gold-

smiths, and miniature painters were employed by him ;

but the government of the Church was the engrossing

interest of his life.§

Hat on the 19th December, and on the 8th January, 1462, the title of
S. Crisogono.
* Eggs, 180-81, who, hke Cardella, 157, maintains that John was
created Cardinal, gives only recent authorities ; VoiGT, III., 542, none
at all. John's promotion to the Sacred College was called in question

by CONTELORIUS, Elenchus, 56 ; see also Suttner in the Eichst.

Pastoralblatt, 163 (1854).

t P. Colonna died on the 24th March, Isidor on the 27th April,

1463 ; see *Acta Consist., /oc. cit. See *Letter of Card. Gonzaga of
27th April, 1463. Gonzaga Archives.
+ O. de Carretto, Fr. Sforza's Ambassador, repeatedly sought to ob-
tain the elevation of Nardini, the Archbishop of Milan. See Carretto's
^Letters, dated Siena, 1464, April 4 (Ambrosian Library), and Rome,
1464, June 6. State Archives, Milan.

§ MuNTZ, I., 220 seq.^ 308 seq., and Bibl. du Vatican, 122 seq. I find

no mention in Miintz of the splendid disc-shaped Monstrance, with the

embossed figures of the Pope praying on one side, and on the other an
Agnus Dei, which he had given to the City of Basle. An Inscription
302 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Both the Vatican Palace and St. Peter's were embeUished

by this Pontiff. The tribune for the Papal Benediction,
and the new Chapel of St. Andrew, which he caused to be
erected, are important works, and deserve special notice.
" A spacious platform, to which an imposing flight of steps
133 feet wide led up, then occupied that side of the Piazza
of St. Peter's, where Bernini's colonnades now meet. Be-
yond this platform was the entrance to the Atrium, sup-
ported by columns, which had to be traversed in order to
reach the five doors of the ancient Church. On this plat-

form Pius II. new tribune, having first restored

erected the
the steps which were much dilapidated, and adorned them
with colossal statues of SS. Peter and Paul." In 1463 the
celebrated Mino da was employed here. i\ntique
Fiesole
pillars supported the tribune, which was covered with
declares it to ha\e been sent by him, in 1460, to the City of Basle, in

token of ancient friendship. There is a description of this work of art

inBURCKHARDT-RlGGENBACH, Der Kirchenschatz des Miinsters zu
X., 9 seq. (1867)
Basel, it is now among the treasures
; of the Art
Museum at Beriin. I know four rings of Pius I I.'s (i) one at Nachod, in :

Bohemia, of copper-gilt, with a false ruby, at the four sides, on the upper
part, are the emblems of the Evangelists, on the hoop the arms of the
Piccolomini, the Keys of St. Peter, and the words : Papa Pio. A repre-
sentation of it is given by M. Beermann, Alt-und Neu-Wien 555-60
(1888). (2) A similar ring, with a topaz, in the collection of an
Englishman, Th. Windus, is given in Illustr. Ztg., I., 345 (1879), and
Alte und neue Welt, 334 (1886). (3) Another, like it,in the Ferdin-

andeum, at Innsbruck, not yet engraved, origin unknown. (4)

A ring in the Museo del opera del duomo, at Siena, formerly in
the Bibl. Comm. Bishops' and Prelates' rings of this period, in copper,
are by no means rare. I am able to give some account of the Siena
ring. In a *Letter from Paul V. to Silvio Piccolomini, dated Romae
xiv. Cal. April., 1610, A° 5°, which I found in the Siena Library, B.V.
5, f. 160, are the following words : "*Annulus quern tipi mittimus nuper
repertus fuit in sepulcro fel. rec. praed. nostri Pii II. S. P. Gentilis tui,

dum ampliandae principis apostolorum sane™" basilicae [causa] ex

antique loco dimoveretur."
 ARCHITECTURAL RESTORATIONS AT ROME. 303

marble sculptures. The Chapel of St. Andrew, to the

left of the principal entrance of the ancient Church, was
built to receive the head of that Apostle. This beautiful
shrine was destroyed when the Basilica was rebuilt. Some
fragments of the magnificent reliquary, in which the head
of the Saint was kept, are preserved in the Grotto of St.
Peter's. Recent investigations have proved that all Pius
II.'s great works were carried out under the direction of
the sculptors, Paolo di Mariano (Romano), and Ysaias of
Pisa.*
The roof of St. Peter's, the Lateran, S'"" Maria Maggiore,
S. Rotunda (Pantheon), the Capitol,
Stefano, S'^ Maria
many of the bridges, and also the wall encircling the city,
were repaired by Pius Il.f It is evident that the mighty
projects of Nicholas VI. had no attraction for him. Rome
was to him the city of ruins. While yet a Cardinal he gave
expression, in a well-known epigram, to that sense of the
transitory nature of all earthly things which the Eternal
City, more than any other place in the world, tends to
impress on the mind.

O Rome ! thy very ruins are a joy,

Fall'n is thy pomp, but it was peerless once !

The noble blocks wrench'd from thy ancient walls

Are burn'd for lime by greedy slaves of gain.
Villains ! If such as you may have their way
Three ages more, Rome's glory will be gone. J

* MuNTZ, I., 244 seq., 269 seq., 277 seq. ;

Janitscheks, Repert.,
IV., 426 seq., 429 seq. ; Cancellieri, De Secret, 702 seq. ; Kinkel,
3059, 3076 ; BONANNI, Num., 180 ; FORCELLA, VI., 39 ; GEOFFROY,
382 seq.
t NiBBV, Mura, 290; FoRCELLA, XIII., 5 ; MuNTZ, I., 2g^seq. ;

Rev. Archeol., VII., 136, 238 (1886). In 1888, on the city walls between
the Pretorian Camp and the Porta Pinciana, I saw the coat of arms of
Pius good preser\ation, with the ancient small tiara.
II. in

X Mabillon, Mus. Ital., I., 97. Beschreibung von Rom., I., 257,
304 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

This feeling comes out still more strongly in the Bull

issued by Pius II., on the 28th April, 1462.* In it he

forbids the injury or breaking down of ancient buildings
in Rome, and in theCampagna, even on private property,
reserving to himself the right of making any alterations
that may become necessary. The Pope's account books
shew that he frequently availed himself of this right.-f A
Roman citizen, Lorenzo, the son of Andrea Mattel, was
appointed architectural superintendent of the City.:|: Many
buildings were erected, mostly for military purposes, and ^

various restorations carried out in the States of the

Church by the Pope's order, and at ^his expense, at

Assisi, Civita, Castellana, Civita-Vecchia, Narni, Nepi,

Orvieto, and Viterbo. A new harbour was made at

Corneto, and, as we have already mentioned, a fort was

built at Tivoli.§

The ancient city of Siena is still full of memories of

Pius II. and the Piccolomini. In the Cathedral an inscrip-
tion records his gift to it of an arm of St. John the Baptist
also that he had raised it to the rank of a Metropolitan
Church, and, in 1460, granted an Indulgence there. A
second inscription on the uncompleted wall of the projected
larger Cathedral commemorates his prolonged stay at
Siena. We Jiave more than once mentioned the frescoes
in the Cathedral Library, which are so striking a memorial

* Theiner, III., 422-3.

t See MuNTZ, I., 266 seq. Regarding Pius II.'s care for the pre-
servation of the old Church in Luni, see Sforza, 270-1.
X "*Laurentius Andrae Matthei civis Romanus constituitur officiaHs

aedificiorum et magister stratarum urbis. D. Romae, 1458, Sept. Id.

Sept. A° i°." Regest. 515, f. 22b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.

§ See supra^ p. 48 ; Pn II. Comment. 131 ; MiJNTZ, I., 228 seq.,

297 seq. ; LaSPEYRES, 8 and 32. In Orvieto, Pius II. provided for
the restoration of the great hall in the Papal Palace ; see FUMI,
718.
 SIENA AND THE PICCOLOMINI. 305

of this Pope, " in their abiding freshness and the splendour

of their unfading colours."*
The lover of the past, as he walks through the streets of
the City, which still retains a mediaeval air, will notice on
many of its houses and palaces the armorial bearings of
the Piccolomini ; he will admire the graceful vaulted hall

(Loggia del Papa) which, according to the inscription, Pius

II. dedicated to his family. The builder of this Loggia,
commenced in 1460, was Antonio Federighi.-j- The archi-
tect, Bernardo, designed the plans for the dwelling which
Pius II. caused to be erected for his sister, Caterina, in the
principal street of Siena (Palazzo Piccolomini della Papesse,
now Nerucci), and also for the magnificent Palace com-
menced by Giacomo and other Piccolomini, which still bears
their name.+ The stately splendour of the early Renais-
sance architecture is strikingly exemplified in this building,
and yet more in the magnificent works in the Pope's birth-
place.

Midway between Orvieto and Siena, near the ancient

military road to Rome, and at three hours' distance from
Montepulciano (famed for its wine), the Episcopal City of
Pienza is enthroned upon a hill of Tufa. It is a straggling
place, almost isolated in the Valley of Orcia, and the hill

* See supra, pp. 124 and 292 ; Reumont, Briefe, I., 6; and Keyssler,
Reisen, 409.
t MiLANESi, Doc. per la storia dell' Arte Senese, II., 308, 321 ;

Faluschi, 150; MuNTZ, I., 305 seq. Siena e il suo territorio, 254
(Siena, 1862). According to the Report of a Sienese Ambassador of
the 27th September, 1458, even at that time the Pope contemplated
the erection of a beautiful palace in Siena ; see Piccolokhni, Docum.,

27 ; and, in relation to A. Federighi, see JANITSCHEK, Repert., XII.,

277 seg.

I RUMOHR, II., 198 seg.; Reumont, III., i, 395. Pius II. also

caused the Churches of S, Pellegrino, S. Martino, and S. Francesco in

Siena to be restored. Milanesi, II., 31 i ; Muntz, I., 306.

VOL. III. X
306 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

on which it is built slopes steeply down towards the South

East. Here once stood the Castle of Corsignano, and, in its

neighbourhood, the country-house where the Pope was

born. While still a Cardinal, Pius II., with "that warm
love of home, which was a marked feature in his character,"
had adopted the poor parish ; in 1459, after his elevation
to the Papal Throne, he determined to adorn it with a new
Cathedral and a Palace.* The works were at once begun ;

and, in 1460, the Pope personally inspected their progress.

On account of the strained relations between Pius II. and
the Republic, he did not visit Siena in 146 1, or either of
the two succeeding years, and devoted all the more attention
to his birth-place.f was investeci with municipal
In 1462 it

privileges, and named Pienza, and the Cardinals and Court

officials were called upon to build residences there.:[: By
the month of June, 1462, the Cathedral was sufficiently
completed to be consecrated and, in August of the same ;

year, the City was made an Episcopal See.§

* RUMOHR, II., 177 seq. ; REUMONT, III., I, 130 ;

PiCCOLOMINI,
Docum., 12. See supra, P- Si-
t See VoiGT, III., 559 seq. The tension was particularly great in

July, 1462. See Malavolti, 66, and especially the *Despatch of Nic.
Severinus to Siena, dated ex castro abbatie S. Salvatoris, 1462, July 4.

State Archives, Siena.

\ On the 29th August, 1462, Cardinal Gonzaga informed his parents

that the Pope had requested him to build a house in Pienza. A letter
from Jac. de Aretio to Marchioness Barbara, dated Tivoli, 1463, July
31, shews that he again urged the matter in that year. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua. G. Lolli, in a *Letter to Siena, dated Rome, 1462,
Dec. 22, speaks in general of the expenditure of the Pope for Pienza.
State Archives, Siena.

§ By a Bull of 13th August, 1462. In the *Register of the Secret

Archives of the Vatican, 487, f. 187, it is entered in very large letters.

Raynaldus, ad an. 1462, N. 47, gives it, omitting part of the commence-
ment, and it is complete in Bull. V., 186 seq. For an account of the
Consecration, see 1st. di Chiusi, 993.
 PIENZA MADE AN EPISCOPAL SEE. 307

Pius II. calls the Director of these works by the name of

Bernardus Florentinus, and in the Papal accounts he is

styled Mastro Bernardo di Fiorenza. It is not, however,

clear whether he is the same as Bernardo RoselHno, or
Bernardo di Lorenzo, who built the vestibule of S. Marco in

Rome. The original estimate was considerably exceeded,

yet Bernardo continued in favour with the Pope, and was
even entrusted with fresh commissions.* The Bishop's
Palace, the Canon's residence, and the Town Hall are also
his work.
The buildings we have mentioned are picturesquely
grouped round a little square in which a fountain plays ; to
the south is the Cathedral, with its beautiful fagade ; near
it, on the eastern side, is the grave and simple House of the
Bishop (Vescovado) ; on the west the great Palace of the
Piccolomini, an imposing edifice in the Florentine rustic

style. Though now sadly dilapidated, the interior, " with

its richly-coloured coffered ceilings, and beautiful doors
and chimney-pieces, bears witness to the taste of the truly
artistic Prince."f Each of the three storeys on the southern

* Pll II. Comment. 235. Regarding the expense, which is over-

estimated by Voigt, see MiJNTZ, I., 301-2. The latter thinks that

"according to all probability" by Bernardo di Fiorenza is meant

B. Rosellino ; this opinion is RuMOHR, II., 194 Redten-
shared by ;

BACHER, 132 ; LiJTZOW, 324 ; and Burckhardt, Cicerone, 91 while ;

G SELL- Fees, I., 221 ; and Lubke, Gesch. der Architektur, II., 684, 5th
ed., uphold the claims of Bernardo di Lorenzo. Rosellino's identity, as
Reumont in the Allg. Zeitg., 1883, p. 962, remarks, has not yet
been established.
t H. HOLTZINGER, 23 ; Raschdorff, 7, 23-9. The coat of arms
on the Bishop's Palace, of which Holtzinger, 20, gi\es a figure
without any explanation, is that of R. Borgia, to whom Pius II. en-
trusted the superintendence of this building. The splendid ornaments
of the facade of the Court of the Piccolomini Palace are represented
in Dolmetsch, Der Ornamentenschatz (Stuttgart, 1887), Plate 47,
N. 9-1 1, Regarding the interior disposition, see also Burckhardt,
308 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

side, overlooking the garden, has an open gallery which

commands that magnificent view of the Etruscan hills,

on to the basalt summits of Monte Amiata and wild

Radicofani, which had such charms for a lover of nature
like the Pope. Almost opposite the Cathedral, and separ-
ated from the Bishop's Palace by the principal street, is
the Town Hall (Palazzo del pretorio), richly decorated in
Sgraffito ;
" a true work of the bright and joyous early

Renaissance." It has an open court, and at one corner a

beautiful Campanile ornamented with elaborate iron-work.*
The Cathedral,-]- which has three doors, stands like that

of Siena, with its choir overhanging the steep slope of

the hill, and has under the High Altar, in imitation doubt-
less of that church, a Crypt accessible from the interior,
which forms the Baptistery. The plan of the edifice is that

of a Church with three Naves of equal height, an arrange-

ment very unusual in Italy. J It appears to have been
begun from the choir ; there are many traces of the
Northern Gothic style, the pointed windows have rich late
Gothic ornaments. When we come to the beautiful facade,
all these disappear, and the Renaissance reigns supreme.

Gesch. der Renaissance, 170 seq. By a *Bull, dat. Tibiiri, 1463, xiv.
Cal. Aug. A° 5° (Library at Siena, B. V. 5, f. 82), Pius II. gave his
Palace at Pienza to his nephews, Antonio, Giacomo, and Andrea ; see

PiCCOLOMlNi, Doc. 12.

* See Raschdorff, Plates 30, 33, 90. Burckhardt, Gesch. der
Renaiss., 217, gives a ground plan of Pienza; the survey of

HOLTZINGER, loc. ctt., Plate 16, is better and more accurate. I am

indebted to the kindness of Herr Conservator Graus of Graz for many
interesting observations regarding Pienza.

t The ground plan, fagade, and section, are given by HOLTZINGER,

Plates 16, 17; and by LaspeyreS, Die Kirchen der Renaiss. in Mittel-
italien, Berlin, 1882.

X It is also to be found in the Gothic Cathedral at Perugia, and the

Church S'^ Maria dell' Anima at Rome.
 THE CATHEDRAL OF PIENZA. 309

It is interesting to note the circle of chapels round the

manner of the Italians.
choir, contrary to the The general
impression conveyed by the whole is that the architect had
been desired to introduce certain Northern ideas, and this

accords with the statement in the Pope's Memoirs.* He

says he had decided on the form of a church with Tribunes,
because, from the examples which he had seen in Austria, " it

appeared to him more beautiful and lighter." The Castle

Church at Wiener-Neustadt (A. D. 1449), the Cathedral at
Graz (a. d. 1449), and St. Stephen's at Vienna, may have
suggested this type to him.f
The interior of the Cathedral was cased with marble, and
the Pope issued a special Bull prohibiting the introduction
of paintings, tablets, or any kind of adornment that could
interfere with the effect of its glistening whiteness.^ The
stalls in the choir are extremely beautiful, with the Italian-
Gothic carving and intarsia work, and on them the Pope's
armorial bearings, supported by angels, with the date 1462,
are introduced. On the other hand, almost all the furniture
of the Church, holy water stoups, lectern, font, are of the
best early Renaissance.^ A tabernacle in the same style
as the Church is still to be seen in a chapel to the left,

near the High Altar ; in the other chapels are three altars

with Italian wood-carvings in basso relievo, and pictures of

the Sienese School.il In one of these chapels relics are
kept, amongst others a portion of the head of St. Andrew.
* In the celebrated description of Pienza, reproduced by MtJNTZ, I.,

353-60.
t KiNKEL, 3059, only mentions St. Stephen's. Pius II., who did
not finally leave Germany until May, 1455, may have seen both the
other churches.

\ Pn II. Comment. 235 ;

HOLTZINGER, 18, 19; and Burckhardt,
Geschichte der Renaissance, 154.
§ LiJTZOW, 325 ; HOLTZINGER, /oc. cit., 1 9 scq.^ and Plate 18.

II
LiJBKE, Ital. Malerei, I., 383 ; HOLTZINGER, loc. cit., 20.
310 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pius II.'s Gothic Pectoral Cross and Chalice are preserved

there, the latter high and wide in the cup. The richly
embroidered Cope of the Pope is also there, with a number
of more modern vestments.*
Campanus, Pius II.'s Court Poet, celebrated in verse the
new creation of the early Renaissance, the effect of which
is indeed strikingly complete and harmonious :

" If I, Pientia, stand on high

In pomp and splendour drest,
My very name will tell you why
To me above the rest
Of country-towns there should be giv'n
A city's laws and state,
A rich Cathedral, solid walls,
A Palace fair and great.
Pius, the Pontiff, loves full well

The cradle of his race.

Envy me not, that he bestows

On me his special grace !

" t

* The Cope, in the autumn of 1883, shared the fate of many other
works of art modern Italy it has disappeared.
in ;

t HOLTZINGER, 24; RUMOHR, II., 178 REUMONT, ; III., I, 517.

Pienza is now again a lonely little country town, with about 3000 in-

habitants, where it is difficult e\en to get a night's lodging. Some

MSS. of the time of Pius II., which used to be kept there, are now
removed.
 CHAPTER VIII.

The Crusade and Death of Pius II.

The Pope's heroic determination to place himselt per-

sonally at the head of the Crusade, in hope of thus
inducing " all the Christian Powers to take part in it," had
at first been kept secret. In March, I462, it was communi-
cated to six of the Cardinals, and was approved by them.
They considered that it well became the Vicar of Christ
to follow the example of his Master by giving his life
for his sheep.

Pius II. had also, in a confidential autograph letter,

informed the Doge of Venice, Prospero Malipiero, of his

purpose. The reply of the Venetians was favourable, but so
vague in its terms that it gave no indication as to whether
they contemplated any change of policy.* Hitherto these
selfish traders, looking to their commercial interests alone,
had been careful to keep as far as possible on good terms
with the Porte. At all the Conventions for organising
united resistance to the Turks, " their ambassadors either
kept away altogether, or arrived too late, or unprovided

* The Venetian **Reply to the Papal Letter (Epist. 44 of the

Milan edit., with the wrong date, 1463 instead of 1462) is in the State

Archives, Venice, Sen. Seer., XXL, f. 80. See ibid.^ 86, *Letter to
Pius IL, dated 1462, April 22. The Pope was to keep secret the
promises of Venice on behalf of the war ; nor was he to mention
to any one the assistance given by the Republic to Hungary ; ibid.,

f. 99b ;
"*Nic. Sagundino, secret, nost. ad S. Pontif.," 1462, July 19.
312 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

with sufficient powers, or else they insisted on impracticable

conditions."* The Pope's exhortations were all in vain.

The Venetian Government was unremitting in its prepara-

tions for the struggle which must eventually break out
between the first naval power of the West and the new
Empire on the Bosphorus. But, meanwhile, it was resolved
to put off the evil day as long as might be.
The Doge, Prospero Malipiero, the leader of the peace
party, dieci on the 5th May, 1462, and on the 12th of the
same month Cristoforo Moro was elected as his successor.
Great hopes of a change of policy, favourable to the
Christian cause, seem to have been entertained at Rome.
Cardinal Bessarion, in his letter of congratulation, said
that a staunch defender had been won for the cause of
religion, by this election.-]- The Pope, not content with
merely writing, sent a special Ambassador, who made an
oration in the style of the period, expressing the joy with
which he welcomed the elevation of the Doge. Most of
the Cardinals wrote separately in the same strain.;|:

* Heyd-Raynaud, lI.,3i8-9. See Vol. II. ofthe present work, p. 278.

t Bessarion's **Letter, dated Viterbo, 1462, May 24, is in Cod. Lat.

Xlll.-XC., f. lob-i I. St. Mark's Library, Venice.

J In the MS. referred to in the preceding note, the following passage

occurs " *Cum ill. princeps dom. Christoforus Mauro ad fastigium
:

Venetorum ducatus promotus esset ab italorum exterorumque potentati-

bus congratulatorie littere misse fuerunt, quas ego Leonardus Sanudo
tunc S. Ex. suarumque fortunarum curam egens in unum coegi. A°,
1462, xii. Maii." Here is inserted Pius II.'s letter of congratulation, dated
Viterbo, 1462, Mai 18. Then "*Hec sequens oratioa Feltrensi praesule
non superiori epistola Pius papa contentus coram praefato principe
illust. suo nomine edita fuit, Et iterum per Bellunensem praesulem de
eiusdem assumptione congratulatus est, ut sua mens magis perspecta
fieret." At p. 7b-9b, is the discourse, published in CUGNONI, 161 seg. ;

f. 10, the *Brief of Pius II., dated Viterbo, 1462, May 19, accrediting
Donato, the Bishop of Belluno ; f. iob-i4b, the Congratulatory letters
of Cardinals Bessarion, Cusa (dat. in urbe veter. xi. Junii), Scarampo
 FURTHER TURKISH CONQUESTS. 313

The desired change, however, did not immediately take

place, and Venice, while diligently continuing to make
ready was equally assiduous in her efforts to defer
for war,

it.* In September, 1462, Lesbos was conquered by the

Turks, while the Venetian Captain-General looked on at the
head of a well-armed squadron of twenty-nine galleys with-
out venturing to interfere. The extraordinary activity now
displayed by the Sultan in strengthening and organising
his naval forces made it evident that the commencement of
the decisive struggle was not far distant.f Nevertheless, a
powerful party still remained in Venice, which advocated
conciliation and diplomacy.
The refusal of the Venetian authorities at Modon to give
up a Christian slave, although in itself a trivial matter, "at
last brought down the avalanche." In November, 1462,
Omar Pasha ravaged the environs of Lepanto. The Pasha
of the Peloponnesus in the following spring attacked the
Venetian colonies in Argolis, and on the third of April,
with the assistance of a treacherous Greek priest, obtained

(dat. " Monteflaschon.," xxv. Maii), Alain (dat. ex Viterbio, Cal.

Jun.), Estouteville (dat. Viterbii, ult. Maii), Colonna (dat. ex terra

nostra Ardie, vi. Junii), Calandrini (dat. apud balnea S. Philippi in
agro Senensi, x. Junii), Barbo (dat. ex urbe, xx. Maii), Carvajal (dat.

ex. Viterbio, ii. Junii), R. Borgia (dat. ex Viterbio, Cal. Juniis),

Gonzaga (dat. Viterbii, i. Junii) ; f. 16, ^Congratulations of Card.

Roverella (dat. Beneventi, xii. Junii) ; i6b, ^Congratulation of Card.
Capranica (ex Bonnonia, xxiii. Julii, 1462). Early in the succeeding
year Pius II. sent the Doge a blessed sword (still preserved in the
Arsenal at Venice) ; see Cicogna, VI., 575. On the 15th January, 1463,
B. Giustiniano was charged to thank the Pope for the same. *Sen.
Seer., XXL, 132b.
* Regarding the preparations, see the *Resolution of 6th Nov., 1462.
Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 124b. State Archives, Venice.
t MaLIPIERO, II ; ChaLCOCONDYLAS, 529 seq. ;
VOIGT, III., 675 ;

ZiNKElSEN, II., 243 seq. See also the *Despatch of Nicodemus of

1 2th Oct., 1462, State Archives, Milan.
314 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

possession of Argos. " Although it was now perfectly

evident that the Porte meant the annihilation of the
Venetian power, the Signoria still hesitated to declare
war."* In the same spirit the Republic received the
Ambassadors of the oppressed King of Bosnia very coldly,
and absolutely declined the alliance which they proposed.
Its action was very different when it was a question of

supporting Malatesta in his revolt against Pius II., and

appropriating the territory of the Church on the shores
of the Adriatic.j- Accordingly, by the end of June, Bosnia
had become a Turkish province. The danger to Ragusa
and the coast of Dalmatia caused great .agitation through-
out the whole of Italy ,^ and the war party took advantage
of this to make another attempt to obtain a hearing.
Vittore Capello, a man of strong and resolute character,
was at their head. In a long speech he asserted that
further delay was treason to the Republic. He pointed
out that the seizure of Argos clearly shewed that the
Sultan meant to try how far he could go. If his course

were not checked, he would take possession of the other

Venetian cities in the Peloponnesus, and even of Negro-
ponte. It was necessary at last to shew this barbarian the

power of the Christians ;

Constantinople, the Peloponnesus,
and, finally, Bosnia, had been lost by delay. If they still

remained with folded hands what could be expected but

that the rest of the possessions of the Republic would be
taken, and her subjects reduced to slavery. The war party

* Hertzberg, Griechenland, II., 586; HOPF, 154. For an account

of the preparations determined on. May 1463, in consequence of the
loss of Argos, see *Sen. Seer., XXI., f. 152. State Archives, Venice.
t See SUGENHEIM, 339, and stipra, p. 127.

\ **Card. Gonzaga's letters of 22nd June and ist July, 1463. See
also Bart. Marasca's letter to Marchioness Barbara, dated Tibure die

30 Augusti, 1463. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.

 ATTITUDE OF VENICE. 315

now became predominant, although their opponents still

formed a considerable body.*

The panic occasioned in Venice by the conquest of
Bosnia is evidenced by the altered tone of the instructions
given to Bernardo Giustiniano, the Venetian Ambassador
to Rome. On the loth June he was commissioned to
impart the sad tidings to the Pope and the Cardinals. A
fortnight later he was instructed to describe the further
advance of the Turks into Croatia, and the danger which
threatened Italy, and also to declare that his government
had resolved to resist the enemy to the utmost. The
Ambassador was to request the Pope's permission for the
levy of the tithes, and the twentieth and thirtieth parts by
the Signoria in their dominions, so that the war might be
carried on, not merely for their own defence, but also for
that of the other Christians.f
In spite of all these fair promises it soon appeared that
the Venetians meant to carry on the inevitable war, as
far as possible, with a view to their own private interests.

These intentions were not hidden from their contemporaries.

Pius II. drily says that the commercial position of the
Morea, and the 300,000 ducats yearly derived from its

customs, had won the Venetians over to the war.|

* Chalcocondylas, 545 seq. ; Zinkeisen, II., 297.

t The ^^Instructions are dated the loth and 25th June, 1463, State
Archives, Venice. The *Letter of Card. Gonzaga of the 22nd June,
1463, shews how indignant Pius II. had been at the former indifference
of Venice. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
X VOIGT, III., 695. The passage in the Commentarii, 314 seq., is

much stronger in the original edition. Here it is stated that the

Venetians had been induced to take arms, not for the defence of
religion, but with the aim of extending their dominions. CUGNONI,
228-9. The Milanese ambassadors also assert that the chief concern

of the Venetians was the conquest of the Morea. See *Report, dated
Rome, 1463, Oct. ig. Ambrosian Library, Milan.
3l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Another consequence of the fall of Bosnia was the

termination of the unholy war which had divided the forces
of the Hungarian kingdom, and "dangerously weakened
this strongest bulwark of Christendom against Islam. To
the Legate, Cardinal Carvajal, belongs the credit of having
recognised the real position of affairs, as well as the needs
of Christendom, and laboured unremittingly for peace while
keeping aloof from the dynastic questions whose evil

effects were before his eyes. The actual conclusion of

the treaty in the year 1463 (24th July), at Wiener-
Neustadt, was brought about through the mediation of
the Pope." In it Corvinus was acknowledged as King
for life, and in the case of his death, without legitimate
issue, the succession was secured to the House of Haps-
burg.*
The Pope, however, could not be satisfied with the ad-
hesion of the Hungarians and Venetians alone. To suc-
ceed in such a task the co-operation of the whole of Italy
and the Emperor, together with France and Burgundy,
must also be secured. Bishop Lorenzo Roverella of
Ferrara had been sent at Easter, 1462, to the last-named
countries. But Louis XL would have nothing to say to
the war, which he declared to be a mere trick designed to

* Reumont, III., I, 144; VoiGT, III., 681 j^^. ; and Hoffmann, 39

seq.^ go at length into the subject of the Pope's mediation between the
Emperor and Matthias. See Bachmann, I., 389 seq. ; Mittheil. der

CEsterr. Inst., VIII., 664 seq. ; and HUBER, III., 148 seq. A. POR (see

Lit. Berichte aus Ungarn, IV., 412), in an article upon Pius II. and M.
Corvinus, treats of the zeal and energ^y of Carvajal ; we are also
indebted to this writer for a more popular Biography of the Pope,
Budapest, 1880. A monograph regarding Carvajal's relations with
Hungary, based on authoritative documents, has been prepared by
Fraknoi. I take this opportunity of expressing to the honourable Vice-
president of the Hungarian Academy my thanks for the assistance
which he has rendered me in my studies.
 ADHESION OF THE DUKE OF BURGUNDY. 317

shelve the affairs of Naples.* Philip of Burgundy, who was

ill at the time, promised to send Envoys to Rome. As
they did not arrive, Pius II. sent Lucas, the Dalmatian, as
Nuncio, to hasten them. He was not at first more success-
ful than his predecessor, but the Duke, being again attacked
by serious illness, looked upon this as an admonition to
fulfil his vow. The moment he recovered he announced
himself ready to accomplish it.f

The Pope received these happy tidings on the 2nd July,+

and at once imparted them to the Italian powers, and
invited them to a Congress at Rome. At this moment
" he might have cherished the hope of at last seeing the
work, to which he had devoted the labour of years, worthily
carried out." § On the 5th of July Bessarion went as
* Pll II. Comment. 221-2 ; VoiGT, III., 677 seq.

t VOIGT, loc. Cii.; 484; OLIVIER DE LA MARCHE,

BACHMANN, I.,

III., 36. Philip's Ambassador, Guillaume Filastre, Bishop of Tournay,

subsequently described his change of mind, in the rhetorical style of

the day, in his "*Oratio dicta Rome apud S. Petrum in consistorio

publico, 1463, viii. die Octobris." Dr. Sauerland, who found this docu-
ment among the ^NISS. in a library in the Rhenish provinces, will
publish it in his " Quellen zur Gesch. des 14 und 15 Jahrh." According
to the Cab. Hist., 1885, p. 223, this *discourse is also to be found in a
MS. in the Archives of Dijon.
+ See the Letter of commendation addressed to Philip on the 2nd
July, 1463, Milan edit., V., 1487, Epist, 46. The date " Romae " is incor-

rect, for Pius II. was at the time at Tivoli. In Cod. R. II., 11, of the
Seminary Library at Treves is (f. 178-80) a copy of the Brief with
the correct conclusion :
" Scriptum [apud urbem] Tiburtinam, &c."
§ Reumont, III., I, 148. The Brief informing the Florentines of
the decision of the Duke of Burgundy, and inviting them to the Con-
gress at Rome, is dated Tivoli, 1463, July 6. There is a copy in the

State Archives at Florence. Pius II. wrote in similar terms to

Bologna on the 3rd July; see Makuscev, I., 309-10. Regarding
the power and wealth of the Burgundian Duke, see Chastel-
LAIN, IV., 360 ; Rauch, 9 ; Muntz, Renaiss., 50 ; Fredericq, h^
57-8.
3l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Legate to Venice.* The object of his mission was to

induce the Signoria formally to declare war against the
Turks, to arrange details in regard to the general Crusade,
and to settle the dispute between Venice and the Emperor
about Trieste.
The Greek Cardinal arrived on the 22nd of July in
Venice, and was received almost as if he had been a

crowned head, but his negotiations were not rewarded by

the immediate success which his zeal for the holy cause
had expected.-f The Signoria gratefully accepted the
Pope's support, and the permission to levy tithes, twentieths
and thirtieths in its territory, but made difficulties as to

the formal declaration of war, and did not* fail to intercede

for the rebellious Malatesta. " Most Holy Father," wrote

Bessarion, on the 26th July, " I do not understand, and

very greatly wonder, why the Venetians make such

difficulties about a formal breach with the Turks, for
they have already made, and are continuing to make, great
preparations by land and sea. This is now done quite
openly ;
whereas, formerly, the very appearance of prepara-
tion was avoided. Therefore I hope that they will soon
come to the point.":j: By dint of unremitting exertions he was
able, on the 29th of July, to write to Rome announcing

that the declaration of war with the Porte had been decided

* Not in August, as VoiGT says (III., 696). See *Acta Consist., f.

31b, in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.

t See Serapeum, II., 93.

X **Report of Bessarion to Pius II., dated Venice, 1463, July 26.

I found the originals of this and the following letter of the Cardinal
in the valuable Codex of the Secret Archives of the Vatican, mentioned
at p. 160. On account of their length I must reserve these Reports
for publication in my collection of Documents. The other collections
of Bessarion's Acts in the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Arm.,
XXXI v., N. 6 and 7 ; XXXV., T. 134 and 135), contain Decrees,
Dispensations, &c., but no Reports of his negotiations.
 ALLIANCE BETWEEN VENICE AND HUNGARY. 319

on the day before.* Yet a full month more passed before

the Crusade was publicly preached in Venice, or the levy
of the tithes — twentieths and thirtieths, in accordance with
the Decree of Mantua — proclaimed for the whole territory
of the Rcpublic.f
A part of the Legate's commission was now discharged,
but the negotiations regarding the general Crusade pre-
sented difiiculties of a yet more serious character. The
Venetians again put in a plea for Malatesta. Bessarion
applied for further Instructions,;]: and the Legate's request
for the cessation of the war with Trieste was at first

unheeded; peace was not made until the 14th November,

and was but of short duration.
An offensive alliance entered into in September, 1463,
between Venice and Hungary, was a most important event.
These two powers, equally threatened as they were by the
aggressive policy of Turkey, bound themselves only to lay
down their arms by mutual consent. The Venetians were
to attack the enemy with a force of forty Galleys, and also
to send cavalry and infantry to the Morea and Dalmatia,
while the Hungarians were to advance with a strong force
on the northern frontier provinces. This compact was com-
municated to all the other Kings or Princes.||

* Bessarion's **Report of the 29th July, 1463, to Pius IL ; see also

the extracts from the Venetian State Archives given by Vast, 270.
t **Letter from Bessarion to Card. Ammanati, dated Venice, 1463,
August 28, loc. cii.

\ Loc. cit.

§ Bachmann, L, 530. Regarding Pius IL's relations with Trieste,

see Fr. SwmA in the Archeografo Triestino, N.S. XIV., i seq.^ Trieste,

1888.

||
The Original of this treaty, dated Peterwardein, 1463, Sept. 12
(published by Raynaldus, ad an. 1463, N. 50-1 ; and Theiner, Alon.
Hung., II. ,
380 seq.\ and written on parchment, is preserved in the State
Archives, Venice, Atti Dipl.
320 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pius no time in appealing for assistance to

II. lost

Skanderbeg, whose very name was already a terror to the

Turks. His harbours and fortresses were advantageously
situated for the disembarkation of the Italian troops. The
Archbishop of Durazzo was commissioned to call upon the
Albanian hero to take part in the contest on which the
Western powers were about to enter. He responded by
at once commencing hostilities against the Turks, without
even waiting to declare war.*
Meanwhile the long-looked-for Burgundian mission had
reached Tivoli where the Pope was spending the summer.
The splendid promises made by its spokesman, the Bishop
of Tournay, filled his heart with joy and h'ope.f
The official reception of the Burgundians took place
on the 19th September in a public Consistory in Rome,
whither Pius II. had returned a short time previously. The
Bishop of Tournay spoke with enthusiasm of the Crusade,
and promised that his master would, in the following spring,
begin the war in good earnest, and would, if possible, him-
self join the expedition, or if unable to do this, would send a
representative. The Pope warmly commended the Duke's

zeal, and spoke of the Congess of Italian Envoys which

was to open immediately.^

* SiSMONDl, X., 234; PaGANEL, 315 seq. On the day of Pope

Pius II.'s death, Skanderbeg gained an important victory over the

Infidel.

t Pn II. Comment. yi<^seq. ; Viola, III., 107. See*Card. Gonzaga's

Letters of July ist and Sept. 5th, 1463, from Tivoli (which speak of
the offers of the Burgundians). Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. See also

the resume in the long **Despatch of the Milanese Ambassadors of

the i6th Nov., 1463. State Archives, Milan.

ChaSTELLAIN, IV., 458 ; Pll II. Comment. 331 seq. The date here
I
omitted is supplied by a *Letter from Card. Gonzaga to his .father, dated
Rome, 1463, Sept. 19: " Questa matina facendose consistorio publico
per audir li ambasciatori de Bergogna, quali hanno fatto le offerte come
 NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE ITALIAN POWERS. 32

The political condition of Christendom seemed at this

time to promise well for the Crusade. The contest for the
throne of Naples was at an end, turbulent Malatesta had
been subdued, all Italy was for the moment at peace.
" Venice and Hungary, who had already taken up arms,
formed a solid coalition, able, without extraneous assistance,
to put forth considerable power, and yet happy to accept
the co-operation of others. Pius II. hoped in the Congress
to recover the direction of the whole scheme, and by the
offering of his own person, the last means at his disposal,
to regain the leadership of the enterprise."*
The negotiations with the Envoys of the Italian powers
opened on the 22nd September. The Pope informed j-

them of the promises made by the Duke of Burgundy, and

enquired what they proposed to do for the defence of
the Catholic Faith. The replies of the Neapolitan and
Venetian Envoys sounded satisfactory, but that of the
Milanese was completely different in its tone. The import
of their many words was merely that they had not sufficient
powers, and must communicate with the authorities at
home. The Florentines adopted the same line, but their
reply was even less encouraging, for they insisted on the

altra fiata scrissi a V.S.," and by the ^Despatches of B. Marasca to

Marquess Lodovico, and the *Letter of J. P. Arrivabenus to Marchioness

Barbara, dated Rome, 1463, Sept. 19. In the latter occur the following
words: "Opinione commune e che N. S, a bon tempo debba ussir de
Roma et elezer qualche luoco idoneo a la coadunatione de christian!.
Assai se dicto de Udene, ma Molti dicono che se venira a Mantua."
Similar reports had already been current at the Roman Court ; see
the **Despatch of B. Marasca, dated Tivoli, 1463, Aug. 30. I found
all these Documents in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua.
* VOIGT, III., 686.
t The date in the Comment. Pll II., 333, is incorrect. Bart. Marasca,

in his ^Despatch of 23rd Sept., 1463, expressly says, the negotiations

took place yesterday. Gonzaga Archives.
VOL. in. Y
322 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

co-operation of the French King, of whose aversion to the

Crusade they were well aware. The Sienese, Bolognese,
Lucchese, and Mantuan deputies also declared themselves
obliged to consult their respective governments, and receive
fresh instructions.
In his answer, Pius II. dealt, in the first place, with the

question of the tithes, and referred to the resolutions framed

at Mantua, and there approved by all parties, with the
exception of the Venetians, who, however, were now full of
good-will. Every prince might, he said, collect the money
in his own dominions, enlist troops, and prepare ships ;
he
would not touch it, only provision must be made for seeing

to its proper expenditure. With regard to'the condition laid

down by the Florentines, he maintained that Italy, being
the country most immediately threatened, ought to be the
one to begin the Crusade. The Envoys, however, stood
firm, and declared themselves unable to enter into any en-

gagement until they had received further powers from their

governments the Venetian Envoys alone formed an honour-
;

able exception to this line of conduct*

As time went on the duplicity of the Florentines became
more and more apparent, and they proved the most cunning
and obstinate opponents of the Crusade. Their conduct
was prompted by their jealousy of the projects of politi-

cal aggrandisement in Italy cherished by the Republic of

St. Mark, and the rivalry between the two powers for the

possession of the trade of the Levant. " The secret hope of

the Florentines was that Venice would exhaust herself in

* Pil II. Comment. 333-4, and the more detailed **Report of A.

de Rubeis and O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463, Sept. 24, which has
unfortunately been much injured by damp. State Archives, Milan
(wrongly placed in P. E., 1461). See also the *Letter of B. Marasca,
dated Rome, 1463, Sept. 23. The Pope, he says, spoke "elegante-
mente more solito." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
 FLORENTINE JEALOUSY OF VENICE:. 323

single combat with the Turks." Accordingly they were

most anxious that the war should not be made the common
affair of the West * and to effect this object their Envoys

shrank from no intrigue. In a private audience they re-

presented to the Pope that the war against the Turks was,
after all, taken in hand merely for the benefit of the
Venetians, who, dreaming themselves the successors of the
ancient Romans, and the inheritors of their world-wide
•dominion, aspired, after the conquest of Greece, to subject
Italy to their yoke. Would the Roman Church in such a
case be able to retain her independence and dignity ? The
Venetians and the Turks ought to be left completely to
themselves ; the result would be a protracted war by which
both powers would be weakened to the great advantage of
Italy and the Christian world.
Pius II. pronounced such a policy to be short-sighted,
ignoble, and unworthy of the Vicar of Christ. The
ambition of the Venetians might indeed be excessive, but
dependence on Venice was to be preferred to dependence on
the Porte. Even though she might be selfishly aiming at
the possession of the Peloponnesus, still her discomfiture
by the Turks would be a disaster for Christendom. In the
present crisis the only thing to be thought of was how the
Turks could be repelled, and the liberty of Europe secured.
The future must be left to take care of itself All must

* Hevd-Raynaud, IL, 339. The delay of Florence, in sending

Envoys Rome, appears from the *Despatches of Nicodemus of
to

Pontremoli, dated Florence, 1463, Aug. 14 and 22. In the Despatch of

24th Sept., 1463, mentioned in the note on preceding page, Florence is

said to be " in tutto aliena de questa impresa." All these Reports are

in the State Archives at Milan. An invitation to Florence was issued

on the 6th July, 1463 ; at the beginning of September no Envoy had
yet arrived, and accordingly, on the ist of that month, in a *Brief
dated from Tivoli, Pius II. begged that one might be sent as quickly
as possible. Copy in the State Archives, Florence.
324 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

unite, with his assistance and the support of the Duke of

Burgundy, the King of Hungary, and the enemies of
Turkey in Asia, to attack and vanquish the common foe.

In order to make it plain to the Florentines that the

conquered territores would not all become the property of
Venice, the Pope unfolded a plan for the partition of Turkey,
This is the first of many similar projects. The Venetians
were to have the Peloponnesus, Boeotia, Attica, and the cities

on the coast of Epirus Skanderbegwas to receive Macedonia,

;

Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, Wallachia, and all the country as

far as the Black Sea, were to belong to Hungary ; while other
portions of the Byzantine Empire were to fall to the share
of various distinguished Greeks. The Envoys also laid
great stress on the difficulty that there would be in getting
money from the Florentines.*
On the following day (23rd September) the Pope in a
Secret Consistory laid his scheme before the assembled
College of Cardinals. In a long and earnest address, in the
course of which he even shed tears, he strove to meet all

objections to the undertaking. Peace being restored in

Italy, it was now possible, he said, to take up arms against

the Turks, and this ought to be done without delay. Now
was the time to prove whether the Cardinals' zeal for
the Faith had been merely a pretence, or whether they
would follow the Pope. He meant to equip as large a

fleet as the resources of the Church would permit ; and,

feeble and old as he was, to take ship himself and proceed

* Pll II. Comment. 334 seq.; Zinkeisen, II., 282 seq. Similar
representations to those made to the Pope were made by the Florentine
Envoys to the representatives of Milan ; see their **Despatch of the
24th Sept., 1463, cited supra, p. 322. (State Archives, Milan.) The
*Letter of A. de Rubeis and Otto de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463,
Oct. 10, shews that the Florentine En\oy obstinately persisted in his
opposition to the Crusade. Ambrosian Library, Milan.
 PIUS II. ON THE CRUSADE. 325

to Greece and Asia. " It will be said, of course, '

what has
this sickly old man, this priest, to do with the war? What
business have Cardinals and officials of the Roman Court
in the Camp ? Why do they not stay at home and send a
fleet with troops accustomed to fight ? '
Whatever we do
people take it ill. They say that we live for pleasure,
accumulate wealth, bear ourselves arrogantly, ride on fat

mules and handsome palfreys, trail the fringes of our cloaks

after us, and show round plump faces beneath the red hat
and the white hood, keep hounds for the chase, spend much
on actors and parasites, and nothing in defence of the Faith.
And there is some truth in their words : many among the
Cardinals and other officials of our Court do lead this kind
of life.* If the truth be confessed, the luxury and pomp
at our Court is too great. And this is why we are so
detested by the people that they will not listen to us, even
when what w^e say is just and reasonable. What do you
think is to be done in such a shameful state of things ?

Must we not take some steps to regain the confidence

which we have lost ? You will ask what steps ? Truly
none that we find ready in these days we must enter upon :

new paths, we must enquire by what means our predeces-

sors won for the Church the authority and consideration
that she has. These means we also must employ. Her
authority must be maintained by the same means which
originally served to acquire it. Temperance, chastity,

innocence, zeal for the Faith, ardour in the cause of religion,

contempt of death, and the desire for martyrdom, have
exalted the Roman Church, and made her mistress of the
world. She cannot maintain her position unless we follow
in the footsteps of those who created it. It is not enough

* Evidently an allusion to Cardinal Borgia. We have already men-

tioned the letter of admonition which Pius II. addressed to this Car-
dinal in the year 1460. See Vol. II., 452 seq. of this work.
326 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

to profess the Faith, to preach to the people, to denounce

crime, and extol virtue. We must make ourselves like

those who offered their lives for the heritage of the Lord.
We must suffer all things for the flock entrusted to our
care, even unto death. The Turks are devastating one
Christian country after another. What shall we do?
Send troops against them ? There is no money to arm
them. Shall we exhort the Princes to go forth and drive
the enemy out of our borders? That course has already
been tried in vain, without success.
Our cry, Go forth has resounded in vain. Perhaps, if
" !

the word is. Come with me it will have more effect. !

This is why we have determined to proceed in person

against the Turks, and by word and deed to stir up all

Christian Princes to follow our example. It may be that,

seeing their Teacher and Father, the Bishop of Rome, the
Vicar of Christ, a weak and sickly old man, going to the
war, they will be ashamed to stay at home. Should this

effort also fail, we know of no other means to try. We

are well aware that at our age we are going to meet
an almost certain death. But let us leave all to God, His
holy will be done ! Nevertheless, we are too weak to
fight sword in hand, and this is not the priest's office.

But we will imitate Moses, who prayed upon a height

while the people of Israel were doing battle with the
Amalekites. On the prow of a ship, or on the summit
of a mountain, we will beseech our Lord, whose Holy
Body will ever be with us, to grant us deliverance and
victory."
The Pope concluded by calling upon the Cardinals to

follow him ; only the aged and infirm were to remain at

home, with one Legate for ecclesistical and another for

secular affairs, the latter of whom was to be supported by

a force of 50CXD men, under the command of Antonio
 DIFFERENCES IN THE SACRED COLLEGE. 327

Piccolomini. " Thus we commend our grey hair and

feeble body to the mercy of God. He will care for us,
and, if He does not permit us to return, He will receive

us into Heaven, and will preserve the See of Rome, and

His Bride the Church, unharmed."*
In spite of these stirring words, the French party in the
Sacred College protested against the Pope's plan. Men
like d'Estouteville or Jouffroy were utterly incapable of
understanding Pius H.'s resolve to imitate the martyr-
popes of old. The majority of the Cardinals, however,
agreed with him. Carvajal, old as he was, exclaimed
with enthusiasm : "It is the voice of an angel. I follow,
for it is to heaven that you are leading us."-|-

During the ensuing weeks the Pope was fully occupied

with the details of the enterprise. A commission of
Cardinals was appointed to carry on the preparations in the
States of the Church, I and consultations with the Envoys,
regarding the Burgundian proposals, took place almost
daily. § The difficulties of the expedition were clearly per-
ceived by Pius II., who studied day and night how to
overcome them, and the reproaches and objections of the
French King, who again threatened Christendom with a
Council, only served to inflame his zeal. ||

* Mansi, Orat., IL, 168-79 ;

VoiGT, IIL, 687 seg. ;
Menzel, VI IL,
31 seg. ; ZiNKEISEN, II., 285.
t Pll II. Comment. 341 ; Cugnoni, 229-30; Gregorovius, VII.,

200, 3rd ed.

I **Report of O. de Carretto and A. de Rubeis, dated Rome, 1463,

Oct. I. State Archives, Milan.

§ .See the Despatches of J. de Aretio, dated Rome, 1463, Sept. 26

and Oct. 3. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
II
See the **Report of the Milanese Envoys of ist Oct., 1463 (State
Archives, Milan), and a **Letter from the same, dated Rome, 1463, Oct.

10, quoted in above note |. In this Letter are the following words :

" Signore, la Sua S""- ha I'animo molto ardente a questa impresa."

328 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

On the 6th October, in an assembly composed of the

Cardinals and Envoys, the Pope laid down the following
regulations in regard to the Crusade : —The war, he said, is

to be undertaken in the name of God, and under the banner

of the Holy Cross. A supreme leader is to be chosen on
behalf of the Church, and is to be obeyed by the others.
The spoils are to be divided according to the service
rendered by each. As the Duke of Burgundy will set forth

next May, every one is to be ready at that time, and fur-

nished with provisions for a year. In order to avoid

differences, a monetary exchange was to be established.
All the Envoys, with the exception of the representative
of Venice, agreed to these arrangements. He, however,
objected to the disposition of the spoils, and to fighting
under the banner of the Church. Before the Assembly
broke up the Pope asked those present whether any answer
regarding the tax of the thirtieth had been received from
their governments. Only Lucca and Bologna replied in
the affirmative ; the others hoped to receive a reply by the
next despatch.*
The negotiations were extremely protracted. The Flor-
entines made more excuses than any of the other
powers ; Pius H. perceived very clearly that they meant to

(Ambrosian Library.) The Sienese Envoy, L. Benvoglienti, also wrote

on the 7th Oct., 1463: "*E1 santissimo padre ad questa sancta et
gloriosa impresa ci viene molto animoso et volenteroso . . . et se per
se medesmo el potesse fare non richiedarebbe altro aiuto ne di genti
ne di denari." State Archives, Siena.
* See the ^^Letter of Giacomo d'Arezzo of the loth Oct., 1463 (Gon-
zaga Archives, Mantua), and the **Despatch of L. Benvoglienti, dated
Rome, 1463, Oct. 7. (State Archives, Siena.) The **Report of the
Milanese Envoys of ist Oct., 1463, mentions the opposition of the
Venetians, who would not accept the decision regarding the spoils,
nor " quello capitolo quod omnes debeant militare sub vexilo ecclesie."
State Archives, Milan.
 INDIFFERENCE SHEWN BY ITALIAN POWERS. 329

do as they had already done at Mantua.* Milan, too,

shewed but little zeal.f The Pope was greatly pained by
the conduct of his native city, " for which he had done and
suffered so much.";}: As long as it was possible they de-
ferred giving any decided answer. Notwithstanding re-

peated and urgent remonstrances from the Pope, November

had arrived, and still no instructions had been received by
the Sienesc Envoy. On the 5th of that month he in-
formed his government that others besides the Pope were
astonished at their conduct. On the 12th, he again wrote,
adding that Pius II. was extremely indignant that they
who ought to have been first were the last in this matter.

After endless negotiations they finally made up their minds

to pay 10,000 ducats, excusing themselves from a larger
contribution on the plea of poverty.^
Meanwhile the Commission of Cardinals were taking
strenuous measures to collect the necessary funds. Tithes,
twentieths, and thirtieths were to be levied throughout all

the States of the Church ;

all superfluous ornaments, chalices,
&c., were to be sold, and a contribution was to be laid upon
all convents without exception. The Crusade was to be

* See the **Despatches of O. de Carretto and Aug. de Rubeis, dated

Rome, 1463, Oct. 10 and 19 (Ambrosian Library, loc. cit.). The
**Letters of the Florentine government to their Roman Envoys, dated
1463, Oct. I, 6, 15, 17, 24, and Nov. 5, 12, 19, manifest their strong
disHke to the Crusade.
t **Report of J. de Aretio, dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 16. Gonzaga
Archives, Mantua.
+ See VoiGT, II L, 691. The Sienese Envoy was expressly charged
to enter into no " promissione, obligatione o vero conclusione ;
" see
**Nota substant. al sp. L. Benevolenti, dated 1463, Sept. 12. State
Archives, Siena, Instr., VIII.
g Pll Comment. 342. See the **Despatches of 'L. Bene-
II.

volti,' dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 9, Nov. 5, 12, 23. State Archives,
Siena, Cone.
330 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

published throughout the world, and all Indulgences, but

those granted on its behalf, were to be suspended.*
On the 19th October, 1463, the Pope and the Duke of
Burgundy entered into an alliance with Venice, by which
each of the contracting parties undertook to prosecute the
war against the Turks, with all the resources they had, from
a period of from one to three years, and only to conclude
peace by common consent. Pius II. also promised that
when the Duke of Burgundy came to Italy he would him-
self set out with him.-j-

It was evident that if other distinguished princes could

also be induced personally to take part in the Crusade, as
their forefathers had done in the happier days of faith, its

importance would be greatly enhanced. Pius II. did his

best to win such adherents to the cause. In the first

instance he applied to his friend and ally, the Duke of

Milan, and afterwards to the Kings of Castile and Por-
tugal.+
Francesco Sforza gave an evasive answer, to the bitter
disappointment of the Pope, who had hoped to be able to
announce the co-operation of this powerful Prince in the
Bull which was to make the Crusade known to the whole

* *Letter of O. de Carretto and A. de Rubeis, dated Rome, 1463,

Oct. 6. Ambrosian Library.
t Conventio celebrata Rome sumende expeditionis contra Mahometh
Turcum christ. religionis hostem inter B"' in Christo patrem et D. D.
Pium II., S. Pontif., ill. principem Philippum ducem Burgundie et ill.
D. Christoph. Mauro ducem et inclytum dom. Venet., State Archives,
Venice, Commem. XV., 9113-93. f.The Treaty begins: In nomine
Dom. Cum S. in Christo pater Pius II., considerans persecutiones
. . .

et mala, &c. The principal parts are given by Vast, 270, where, instead
of " S. D. vir Pius II.," should be read: S. D. noster. See also
**Cardinal Gonzaga's letter of the 17th Oct., 1463. Gonzaga Archives,
Mantua.
I Epist., 47-9, ed. Mediolan.
 COLLECTION OF FUNDS FOR THE CKUSADK. 33

of Christendom.* This Bull had already been approved in

a Secret Consistory on the 5th October ;

and to delay its

publication was scarcely possible, for the Burgundian

Envoys were anxious to depart, and a pestilence had
broken out in Rome.-f
Accordingly, in the evening of the 21st of October, the
Pope summoned the Cardinals and the Italian Envoys to
his palace, and called upon them solemnly to bind them-

selves to carry out the Decree of Mantua on the contribu-

tions for the war. All present, first the Envoys of the
King of Naples, then those from Milan, Modena, Mantua,
Bologna, and Lucca, consented. Details as to the time
and the manner of collecting the funds were not discussed.
The Florentine and Sienese Envoys were not present at

this meeting, not having yet received instructions from

their governments. Genoa, Savoy, and Montferrat were
not even represented at the Congress !
I

On the morning of the following day, Saturday, the 22nd

October, a Public Consistory was held in presence of the
whole Court and of all the Envoys. Goro Lolli read the
Bull of the Crusade in which the Pope solemnly announced
and the Duke of Burgundy would take part in the
that he
Holy War. Immense spiritual favours were promised to

* **Report of O. de Carretto and A. de Rubeis to Fr. Sforza, dated

Rome, 1463, Oct. ig. Ambrosian Library.
t Besides the Report cited in preceding note, see a *Despatch from
the same Ambassadors of 6th Oct., 1463 (Ambrosian Library), and a
*Letter from them both, dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 21, in the State Archives,
Milan. The first outbreak of the Plague is mentioned by L. Ben\oglienti

in a *Letter, dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 7. State Archives, Siena.

I See the **Letter of the Milanese Envoys of 21st Oct., 1463 (Am-
brosian Library). Also a second ^Despatch of the same Envoys,
written on the same day, now in the State Archives of Milan where ;

there is also a *Copy of the Deed by which Milan undertook to carry

out the Taxation Decree of Mantua.
332 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

all who should support it. Those who should personally

join the expedition, and remain in the field for at least six
months, as well as those who should give money according
to their power, were to gain a Plenary Indulgence. High
and low were called upon in impassioned words to come
and join the expedition. "O stony-hearted and thankless
Christians ! who can hear of all these things, and yet not
wish to die for Him Who died for you. Think of your
hapless brethren groaning in captivity amongst the Turks
or living in daily dread of it.As you are men, let humanity
prompt you to help those who have to endure every sort of
humiliation. As you are Christians, obey the Gospel precept
which bids you love your neighbour as yourself Think of
the miseries inflicted on the faithful by the Turks. Sons
are torn from their fathers, children from their mother's arms,
wives are dishonoured before the eyes of their husbands,
youths are yoked to the plough like cattle. Take pity on
your brethren, or, in any case, take pity on yourselves ; for

the like fate is hanging over you, and if you will not assist
those who live between you and the enemy, those who live
further away will forsake you also when your turn comes.
You Germans who will not help the Hungarians, how can
you expect assistance from the French and you French- —
men how can you count upon the aid of the Spaniards if
you do nothing for the Germans ? With what measure
you mete the same shall be measured to you again The !

ruin of the Emperors of Constantinople and Trebizond,

of the Kings of Bosnia and Rascia, and other princes who
have been overpowered, one after another, proves how
disastrous it is to stand still and do nothing. As soon
as Mahomet has subdued the East, he will quickly master
the West."*

* ^N. Sylv. 0pp., 914-23 ; Raynaldus, ad an. 1463, N. 29-40 and ;

ViGNA, II., I, 189-204, 169; Menzel, VIII., 32; Heinemann, 26;

 PUBLICATION OF THE BULL. 333

Two full hours were devoted to the reading of the Bull

the Pope then announced, for the satisfaction of the Romans,
who were extremely averse to his departure, that he would
appoint a spiritual as well as a secular Legate, and would
confer on him ample powers during the time of his absence.
Further, the Chancery, the Apostolic Treasury, the Rota,
and the Grand Penitentiary would remain in Rome, so
that the faithful might suffer no inconvenience from his
absence.
Many people up to this time had looked upon the whole
affair as an impracticable dream, but the publication of
the Bull produced a great change of feeling. A general
opinion began to gain ground that if the Pope and the
Duke of Burgundy were spared, the enterprise might be
both successful and glorious. The Milanese Envoys-
concluded their report with the words :
" May God, whose
cause is at stake, grant long life to the Pope and the
Duke."*
In this Bull Pius II. took his stand as head of the
Christian Religion, and protector of humanity, liberty, and"
civilisation. It was at once promulgated in all directions.
Nuncios, Collectors, and preachers of the Crusade were also
appointed, not only for the whole of Italy, but for most
of the other States of Europe.f All Europe resounded

VOIGT, III., 692 ;

Janssen, I., 522 j^^. (13th and 14th ed.). ZiNKEiSEN,
II., 286, is wrong in giving the 19th October, and Hagenbach, 33, in
mentioning the nth November, as the date of the Bull. Regarding
the pubHcation of the Bull, which was at once printed at Mayence
by Fust and Schoffer (there is a copy in the Court Library at Aschaffen-
burg), see the *Report of J. de Aretio, dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 23.
Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
* *Letter of Aug. de Rubeis and O. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated

Rome, 1463, Oct. 25. Ambrosian Library.

t Pn IL Comment, i, XII L in VoiGT, II., 360, ; see III., 704 seq.
Numerous appointments of Collectors are recorded in *Regest. 519..
334 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

with the cry of the Holy War. The Minorites were fore-

most in this work, while the Nuncios were indefatigable

in calling on the people to render assistance, and in urging
their rulers to support the cause.* Their success fell far

short of what had been hoped. Those in high places had

lost the enthusiasm " which in the Middle Ages had drawn
the Christian world to flock to the scenes where our
Saviour had lived and shed His Blood." Scarcely a trace
remained of the " chivalrous spirit which made men willing
to devote their lives to the rescue of the Holy Places out
of the hands of the Infidels."! Only the middle and lower
classes responded, and this chiefly in Germany. In many
parts there, the excitement was so great that, as the
Hamburg Chronicle tells us, "the people for.sook their

waggons and ploughs to hasten to Rome to take arms

against the Turks.";]:
During the later months of the year 1463, Pius II. had
to carry on wearisome negotiations with the Florentine,
Mantuan, and Sienese Envoys, in order to obtain some
The Plague
assistance from the States they represented. §
was raging in Rome, many of the Cardinals fled, but the
Pope, although suffering much from gout, remained, and
sought by every means in his power to promote the great

(Secret Archives of the Vatican.) See in Appendix N., 60 and 61, the

extracts from Cod. 33 of the Cathedral Library, Treves.

* Bachmann, I., 496 seq. An account of the preaching of the

Crusade in Flanders is given by Kervyn de Lettenhove, V., 80 ; N.

DELLA TUCCIA and the Diario Nepesino, 137, speak of it in Italy. For
further information regarding the Minorites, see Wadding, XIII., 343

seq.

+ Heinemann, 27.

X Hamburg. Chroniken, 257 Janssen, I., 523, note 2 (13th and 14th
;

ed.). See also Stadtechroniken, XIV., 810, and infra., p. 352 seq.
§ The perpetual delays often incensed the Pope. See the *Letter of
Card. Gonzaga, dated Rome, 1463, Oct. 23, Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
 EQUIPMENT OF THE FLEET. 335

cause he had at heart.* He promised to fit out three

Triremes and several transports at his own expense, seven
of the Cardinals undertook each to provide a Galley, and
the others gave hope of further assistance. Among the
Italian powers, Borso d'Este, Lodovico of Mantua, and the
Republics of Bologna and Siena, engaged themselves to
furnish two triremes ; Cosmo de' Medici and the Lucchese
each one trireme ; and Genoa eight large vessels.-f On
* With regard to the plague, see Card. Gonzaga's letters, dated
Rome, and Nov. 9 (El timor e grande) *Letters from B.
1463, Oct. 25 ;

Marasca, dated Rome, 1463, Nov. 9 and from J. P. Arrivabene, dated ;

Rome, 1463, Oct. 25, Nov. 10 ; all of which are in the

Gonzaga Archives.
On the 5th No\-., 1463, Carretto and A. de Rubeis wrote " La peste :

qui ogni di e majore et e appizata in le principale case de cardinali, de

prelati et citadini et molti ne sono fuziti et la S''^ di N. S. ha mandato
li duj piu gioveni nepoti a Pienza." State Archives, Milan. Scarampo
fled to Florence, and, when the Plague broke out in that city, to Prato.
See his *Letter to "Catherina de Ursinis," dated ex Prato, 1463, Dec.
19, complaining of "questa execranda peste," which prevented his
return to Rome (Gaetani Archives, Rome). L. Benvoglienti, in a *Letter,

dated Rome, 1463, No\-. 12, speaks of Pius II. as suffering from the
gout. State Archi\es, Siena.
t Pn II. Comment, in VoiGT, II., 364. In a *Uespatch of loth
Jan., 1464, the Milanese En\oy gives higher numbers. According to

*Sen. Mar. VII., f. 168 (State Archives, Venice), ships were got ready
in Venice by Cardinals Bessarion, Barbo, Gonzaga, Scarampo, and
d'Estouteville, also by the Bolognese and Duke Borso.
as See
Sanudo, From Raynaldus, ad an. 1464, N. 37, we learn that
1 1 79.
R. Borgia also prepared a Galley. With regard to the Pope's promises,
see also a *Letter from O. de Carretto and A. de Rubeis, dated Rome,
1463, Oct. 6 (Ambrosian Library). Borso seems on this occasion to

have intended honourably to fulfil his engagement : by a *Proclama-

tion issued on the loth May, 1464, he called upon experienced oarsmen
to offer themselves for the war-ships, and undertook to pay them well.

I found this Document in Arch. Comm. at Ferrara. On the 26th

March, after Pius II. had consented to the levy of the Tithes by the
Commune, it was decided that Lucca should send a Trireme ; see
State Archives, Lucca, Arm. 44, N. 9, f. 159.
336 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the 5th November, 1463, a Decree was published, requiring

all the officials of the Roman Court, of whatever degree, to
contribute a tenth part of their income for the expenses of
the Turkish war.* A tax was at the same time imposed on
all who should receive benefices within the ensuing six
months,! and was decided that the property of all Pre-
it

lates dying during the continuance of the Holy War should

be devoted to defraying its expenses. ;{:

A special Treasurer was now appointed to manage the

moneys for the Crusade, and this duty was confided to the
care of Niccolo Piccolomini, private Treasurer to the Pope
His Crusade Account Book, bound in red morocco, and
bearing on its cover the cross and the arms of Pius H., is

still preserved. § It commences in November, 1463, and

is continued until after the death of the Pope. Receipts,

as well as payments are accurately entered. The charge

made by the personal enemies of the Pope, that he had
neglected to make due preparations for the Crusade, is

here disproved by documentary evidence. Between the

15th November, 1463, and the lOth April, 1464, 27,255
ducats were expended for this purpose. From the be-
* Papal *Mandate of the 31st Oct., 1463, published on the 5th Nov.,
Barberini Library, XXXV., 94, f. 187.

t *Bull, " Pastor providus," dated Romae, 1463, prid. non., Nov. A° 6°,

published on the 5th Nov., in the Codex f. 187b, cited in preceding note.

1 *Bull, "*Ad exequendam," dated Romae, 1463, iv. Id. Nov.

A° 6°, ibid.^ f. i88b. This Bull is mentioned by J. P. Arrivabene in

a *Despatch of the loth Nov., 1463. Gonzaga Archives.

§ In the State Archives, Rome, the record opens with the words :

" *A1 nome sia dello omnipotente idio e della sua madre, &c. Questo
libro e fatto per tutti li denari che si coglieranno e pageranno per la
crociata, il quale libro sara scripto per me Nicolo de PiccoluomO'
Piccogliuomini cubiculario di N. S. e depositario fatto per la Sua S'*."

The account book of the Pope's private coffer, also kept by N.

Piccolomini, is in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, Introitus et

Exit. Pii II., N. 458. See Gottlob, Cam. Ap.

 ZEAL OF PIUS II. FOR THE CRUSADE. 337

ginning of the new year the amounts paid out became

larger. In January, 5000 ducats were spent on provisions;
in February, 4500 for the hire of vessels from Rhodes, and
1000 for the Galleys to be fitted out at Pisa ;
the same sum
occurs again in March ; in May it rises to 2500 ducats.
In thatmonth no less than 12,639 ducats were disbursed,
and by August the sum total amounted to 62,309.*
" The Holy Father," writes the Sienese Envoy on the

I2th November, 1463, "is indefatigable in his efforts on

behalf of the Crusade. His Bull on the subject has been
sent into all Christian countries, and will, I believe, lead
many to take part in it. God has indeed sent this Pope
for the salvation of His people, whose Princes have forsaken
them, and left them a prey to the attacks of the Turks."
The Envoy then enumerates all the efforts which Pius II.

had made from the beginning of his reign, and the obstacles
which he had encountered, and rejoices at the alliance
entered into with Burgundy, Venice, and Hungary. " If,"

he concludes, " the Pope had not taken all these precautions,
we should have been worse off now than in the time of
the invasion of the Barbarians."-|-
The Turkish question was at this time the predominant
subject in all the Pope's negotiations and interviews with
the representatives of foreign powers. In the beginning of
November, he said to the Sienese Envoys :
" In consequence
of the lukewarmness and negligence of Christian Princes, I

am constrained to place myself at the head of the Crusade.

If we allow the Turks to advance, as they have done of late

* If we add together all the money disbursed up to September,

1464, the result comes to 106,327 ducats since the previous November.
Deducting the 40,314 ducats paid to the Doge on the 17th August, and
the 1800 and 1904 in September, we arrive at the figures given in the text.
t **Letter of L. Benvoglienti to Siena, dated Rome, 1463, Nov. 12.

State Archives, Siena.

VOL. III. Z
 338 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

years, we shall soon all be subjugated. I will do what is in

my power; God will help me "*!

The zeal of Pius II., and his anticipations of success,

received a fresh impulse from the good tidings which
came from Greece. General Bertoldo of Este had com-
menced operations in July, and all the Greeks and
Albanians throughout the Peloponnesus had at once risen
in arms, Vostitza and Argos were recovered, and in a fort-

night the intrenchments of the Plexamilion were restored.

When the Pope was informed of these events by Bernardo
Giustiniani, the Venetian Envoy, he immediately summoned
a Consistory, and announced the victories in an enthusiastic
address.-f
By the middle of November the death of the Prince of
Tarento had almost brought the war in the Kingdom of
Naples to an end ; and the main hindrance to the Crusade
being thus removed, great hopes for the future were enter-
tained.;!: The expectation that Ferrante I. would himself
take part in the expedition proved delusive. The Pope
then tried to obtain the 60,000 ducats which his father
had left by will for the Turkish war, but only succeeded in

inducing Ferrante to send half the amount in the following

March.§
On the 25th of October, Pius II. had addressed a stirring

* **Letter of L. Benvoglienti, dated Rome, 1463, Nov. 5. State

Archives, Siena.
t Malipiero, 17; Sanudo, 1 1 74; Hertzberg, Byzantiner und
Osmanen, 623 ; RoMANIN, IV., 315 seq. See also the Letter from
the State Archives of Siena, cited in preceding note. B. Giustiniani
was recalled in the beginning of November, 1463 : '"'Sen. Seer. XXL,
f. 199. State Archives, Venice.

X See the **Letters of L. Benvoglienti, dated Rome, 1463, Nov. 23,

27, Dec. 5 (State Archives, Siena.) For the end of the war, see sifpra,

p. 122 seq.
§ *Despatches from O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, March 10,
 DOGE OF VENICE TO JOIN THE FLEET. 339

Brief to Cristoforo Moro, the Doge, calling on him to join

the Crusade in person.* When the matter came under
discussion at Venice, the Doge made difficulties on account
of his advanced age, and his want of experience in naval
affairs, which made Vittore Capello exclaim :
" If your
Excellency will not embark of your own free will, we will
use force, for we value the welfare and the honour of this
country more than your person." The final decision was
that the Doge must proceed with the fleet, but four military
him and, by his desire, Lorenzo
councillors were given ;

Moro, Duke of Candia, was appointed Admiral of the

Fleet.f It was also determined that an attempt should
be made on the Sultan's life.;]: Preparations for war were
carried on with all possible speed ; Ambassadors were sent
to France and to Burgundy, and negotiations were begun
with Usunhassan, Prince of the Turcomans.^

and Siena, 22nd March. (State Archives, Milan.) In a ^Despatch to

Marquess Lodovico of Mantua, dated Florence, 1464, March 2, Ant.
Ricavo speaks of the Pope's energetic efforts in this matter. (Gonzaga
Archives.) See the ^Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464,
Jan. 18, loc. cit.

* Raynaldus, ad an. 1463, N. 41; Sanudo, 1175-76; Mali-

PIERO, 18 seq. The Brief of the 25th of October to the Doge has
lately appeared as a separate publication, from a Manuscript in the
Chapter Library, at Verona, by Giuliari : Breve di Pio II. al doge
della republ. Veneta, Verona, 1886.
t See Malipiero, 21 seq. ; Sanudo, 1174 ; and especially **Sen.

Seer. XXL, f. 200 ; and **Maggior Consiglio Deliberaz., Vol. XVI I L,

Regina, f. 46b-47b. State Archives, Venice.

X Lamansky, 17.
§ Regarding the preparations, see the *Letter to Pius II., dated
1463, Dec. 4, Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 210 ; ibid., f. 212-13. Nic. de Canali
was sent to France, and M. Donatus to Burgundy, 1463, Dec. 9.

(State Archives, Venice.) Concerning the relations with Usunhassan,

see Berchet, Venezia e la Persia, p. 3, 102 ; also Berchet, Nuovi
docum. e regesti, 36 seq.., Venice, 1866.
340 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Good news had, meanwhile, been received from the King

of Hungary. At the end of September he had led his army
across the Save, and invaded Bosnia, then advanced by
forced marches to the very walls of Jaitza. On the ist
October this important city was retaken ; the Citadel held
out till December. The severe winter and the utter devas-
tation of the country alone hindered the further advance
of King Matthias.*
Venice zealously supported the King, in the hope that
the Turkish forces, being fully occupied on the Danube and
the Save, their action in the South would be hampered.
But the power of the Sultan was so great that these anticipa-
tions were disappointed. Misfortune aftei' misfortune over-
took the Venetians. Bertoldo died of his wounds, the rising
in the Peloponnesus subsided, and sickness broke out. The
siege of Corinth and of the Hexamilion had to be abandoned,
and the arrival of a Turkish army, 80,000 strong, soon re-

versed almost all the previous success.-j-

The Venetian disasters were far from unwelcome to the

Duke of Burgundy. He gladly took advantage of this
opportunity to express his misgivings, and defer his de-
parture for two months. Pius H., however, was not inclined
to tolerate his delay. " On three successive days he wrote to
the Duke and keep him to his purpose." |
to encourage him,
Rome, the Duke of Burgundy's change
In Venice, as in
of mind caused much surprise and it was decided that ;

Marcus Donatus should be sent to remonstrate with him on

behalf of the Republic. § Warlike preparations were pushed

* ZiNKEISEN, II., 159 ; KLAIC, 441 ; HUBER, III., 2IO.

t Hertzberg, Griechenland, II., 586 jf^.

t VoiGT, III., 698.

§ Marco Donate oratori ad ducem Burgundie, 1464, Febr. i ; Sen.

Seer. XXI., f. 227 ; see XXII., f. 5b, *Letter to the same, written on
the 17th March, 1464. State Archives, Venice.
 DISINCLINATION OF THE DUKE OF MILAN. 34I

on, and Sigismondo Malatesta was taken into the Venetian

Service. The report that negotiations for peace were in
progress between Venice and the Porte was denied by the
Envoys of the former power.*
When the Pope declared that he would proceed with-
out the Duke of Burgundy, Venice also resolved not to be
deterred by his defection.-]-
From the month of September the personal co-operation
of the Duke of Milan had been under discussion. Notwith-
standing the evasive answer given by Francesco Sforza,;|:

the Pope made repeated efforts to win him to the cause.

The position of the Milanese Envoys was at this time a
difficult one. Francesco Sforza blamed them for not
having kept him sufficiently informed of all that passed at
the Roman Court, and especially of the Pope's alliance
with Venice ; and they, in a long letter, endeavoured to
shew that his reproaches were undeserved. § On the other
hand, they were obliged continually to find excuses to
make to the Pope for their master's failure to take part
in the Crusade.|| From the correspondence of this period
we learn that many in Rome were of opinion that the
only object of the Doge of Venice, in promising to join in

* *L. Fuscareno oratori ad S. Pontif., 1464, March 23 ; Sen. Seer.

XXII., f. 7b. (State Archives, Venice.) Regarding S. Malatesta, see
Sathas, Doc. I., 242 seq,
t **Oratori nostro ad S. Pontificem, 1464, die xxiii., Martii ; Sen.
Seer. XXII., f. 8b. State Archives, Venice.

:i:
Printed in /En. Sylv. 0pp., 865 scq. See also the *Instruction to
Otto de Carretto, dated Milan, 1463, Oct. 24. A copy is in the State
Archives, Milan.
i^ **Letter of O. de Carretto and A. de Rubeis, dated Rome, 1463,
Nov. 16. The original, unfortunately much damaged, is in the State

Archives, Milan.

II
See especially the *Report of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463.
Nov. 18. State Archives, Milan.
342 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the war, had been to exclude the Duke of Milan.* In

December, 1463, the Pope endeavoured to induce Francesco
Sforza at least to undertake to appear in person later on,
and the Envoys deemed it advisable not to destroy all

such hopes, although they well knew that their master

had no intention of the sort.f For a long time the
preaching of the Crusade was forbidden in the Milanese
dominions on the pretext of the Plague.;]: When Fran-
cesco Sforza, after continued pressure on the part of the
Pope, at last promised to send 3000 men under the
command of his son, the promise was not made in good
faith. Later on, it was discovered that h^ had even " been
working at the French Court to dissuade the Duke of
Burgundy from the expedition." §
The Duke of Milan was at this time occupied with
very different matters from the defence of Christendom.
" While Venice was most deeply involved in the Eastern
war, and was compelled after her reverses to send fresh
forces to the scene of action, Sforza seized the opportunity

to try to gain Genoa and Savona over to his side. The

naval supremacy of Venice would be seriously threatened
by an alliance between a great Italian power and these
important maritime cities." ||
The negotiations were brought

* *Letter of S. Nardini, Archbishop of Milan, to Fr. Sforza, dated

Rome, 1463, Nov. 20. State Archives, Milan.
t Report of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463, Dec. 10. State
Archives, Milan.

J See the *Letter of O. de Carretto, dated ex urbe die, xxv. Jan.,

1464. The collection of tithes in the Milanese territory was not per-
mitted until March ; see the *Despatch of Paganinus, dated Senis, 5
Martii, 1464. Both these documents are in the Ambrosian Library.
§ Malipiero, 27 VOIGT, III., 702 GiNGINS, Dep. des amb. Mil., I.,
; ;

p. 7. Regarding Sforza's promises, see Simoneta, 764, and the *Letter

of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1463, Dec. 22. State Archives, Milan.

||
VoiGT, loc. cit. ; see BUSER, Beziehungen, 115 seq.
 OPPOSITION OF FLORENCE TO THE CRUSADE. 343

to a successful conclusion on the 22nd December, 1463.

In the beginning' of February the news reached Rome,
the Pope having, up to that time, been entirely ignorant
of what was going on. At the Papal Court Sforza was
believed to have promised that the French King should
be made Emperor. Pius II. declared to the Milanese
Envoy that he would suffer martyrdom rather than per-
mit such a thing to take place.*
These proceedings in Upper Italy not only dealt a heavy
blow to Venice, but seriously hindered the war against the
Turks. The Republic of Genoa had promised to furnish
eight large transports which were urgently required ; there
was now no hope that these would be forthcoming.f
The disinclination of Florence for the Turkish war was
much more openly expressed. The Milanese Envoy, writing
on the nth June, 1463, says: " It is here considered a mis-
fortune that the Turks have conquered Bosnia ; but it is not
considered to be amiss that the Venetians should have met
with a repulse."^ The opposition of the Florentines to the
Crusade was very evident in the instructions given to their
Envoy at Rome. The proposals which he was empowered to
make were thoroughly unsatisfactory § and when the grant ;

of troops and money could no longer in honour be delayed,

** Despatch of O. de Canetto of the 3rd Febr., 1464. (Ambrosian

Library.) On the *i7th June, 1464, Carretto writes: "many at the

Roman Court are of opinion that Louis XI. has promised, in return

for the support given to his projects for obtaining the Empire, to make
the Duke of Milan King of Italy." State Archives, Milan.
+ Pn II. Comment., lib. XIII. ; VoiGT, II., 369, and III., 702.

X BUSER, Beziehungen, 113. Cosmo, in his private capacity, under-

took the arming of a Galley (VoiGT, III., 703) it is, however, ;

certain that he did not intend to have anything to do with the Holy
War.
§ *Commissio dom. Ottonis oratoris ad S. Pontif. delib. die x. Dec,
1463, X.-1-53, f. i2ob-i2i. State Archives, Florence.
344 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

itwas made as small a one as possible.* Hatred of Venice

was so deeply rooted in the City that the tidings of disaster
which came from Greece were joyfully welcomed.-|- A
Florentine chronicler even declares that his countrymen
handed over to the Sultan intercepted letters from the
Venetians, explaining the plans of the Signoria.:|:

The evident disinclination to forward his undertaking

among even most of those nearest to him, was very
discouraging to the Pope. In the States of the Church
the collection of money for the Crusade was opposed by
the laity as well as the Clergy. Pius II. was constrained
formally to impose contributions, and to insist on their
payment. " The spirit of cheerful sacrifice on which he
had reckoned was quite wanting. In Corneto, for instance,
when he ordered ship biscuits to be prepared, he heard that
the Commune meant to levy a mill -tax on the flour
employed." Threats of an Interdict were required to make
the wealthy city of Perugia do her part.| The Bolognese
had made the fairest promises ; they were only required to
provide two Galleys, but even this demand was thought
excessive. The Cardinals were very slow in getting their
Galleys fitted out.- Under these circumstances it was not
surprising that no decisive measures could be contemplated
for the moment.ll

* See the complaints of Pius II. in his *Brief to Fr. Sforza, dated
Petriolo, 1464, April 23 (Ambrosian Library), *"Qui sono molto pigri

a provedere a danari della XXX"'="" A. Acciaiuoli writes to his son

James, on the i6th June, 1464, from Florence. C. Strozz., 138, f. 28.

State Archives, Florence.

t Nicodemus to Fr. Sforza, dated Florence, 1464, June 13. State
Archives, Milan.
$ Hammer, II., 550.
v^ VOIGT, III., 711 seq. ; WADDING, XIII., 267 seg.; Peruzzi, 261.
Ij
Chastellain, v., 49. Concerning Bologna, see the **Brief of ist

Febr., 1464, addressed to that City. State Archives, Bologna.

 DUKE OF BURGUNDY DEFERS HIS DEPARTURE. 345

The most bitter of his many disappointments was yet in

store for Pius II. : the Duke of Burgundy broke the vow by
which he had bound himself to take part in the Crusade.
The party of the Lords of Croix, who were opposed to the
war, met with but little resistance from Philip, who was
thoroughly enervated by his excesses.* In February, 1464,
they brought about a meeting between him and the French
King. The latter forbade the Duke, who was his vassal, to
go to the war, alleging as a reason that the Pope's enterprise
would only be to the advantage of the Greeks and the
Venetians, and was not for the welfare of Christendom.-]-
Philipnow thought he had before him a way of breaking
hisvow and the treaty without disgrace.^ On the 8th of
March he caused his States to be informed that, at the
command of the French King, he had been obliged to defer
his Expedition for a year. His illegitimate son, Antoine,
might, in the meantime, set out with 3000 men. Well-
informed persons at once asserted that this offer of assist-

ance would come to nothing. The event proved them

to be in the right. §
Pius II. was at this time at Siena, whence, by the urgent
advice of his physicians, he meant to proceed to the Baths

* **Report of A. Malleta, dated Carnot, 1464, April 29, Cod., 161

of the Fonds Ital. National Library, Paris. Regarding the profligate

life of the Duke, see also Fredericq, 19, 84.

+**Report of A. Malleta, dated Carnot, 1464, April 27. See also

the **Letter of the same Envoy, dated Paris, 1464, March w^loc.cit.
In reference to the efforts made by Louis XL to hinder the Duke of
Burgundy from taking part in the Crusade, see also the notice from
the Archives, given by Kervyn de Lettenhove in his edition of the

Chronicle of Chastellain, IV., 461 ; and Mem. de J. DU Clercq, V., c. 8.

:j: voiGT, III., 707, 709.

§ **Report of Malleta of the 27th April, 1464, loc. cit. ; and **De-
spatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, April 12. (Ambrosian
Librar}'.) VoiGT, III., 711 ;
Olivier de la Marche, III., 35 seq.
346 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

of Petriolo.* He was so ill that he had not been able to

hold a single Consistory, and was harassed with anxiety
lest the complications at Genoa should render the Crusade
impossible.-j- From beyond the Alps the tidings which
reached him were by means cheering. King Rene had
set his face against the Collection of contributions from
the clergy in his dominions, and had also appealed to a
Council. ^: But the thing which most of all distressed the
sick Pontiff was the conduct of the Duke of Burgundy.
At first a change of purpose on the part of Philip had
appeared to Pius II. hardly more he
credible; once
reminded him of " his public and irrevocable vow, and
appealed to his honour." The Bull of Maundy Thursday
threatened all Kings who should put hindrances in the
way of the Crusade with Excommunication. This was
aimed at the author of the Duke's defection. Philip's

letter to the Pope, received on the following day, made

doubt no longer possible, and Pius II. declared that its

receipt coincided well with Passiontide.§

* The Pope had left Rome on the 6th February, 1464 (not as VoiGT,.
III., 570, states on the 4th) : see Paolo dello Mastro, Cron. Rom.,.

29 ; N. BELLA TUCCIA, 89 ; ^Despatch of O. de Carretto of the 6th

Febr., 1464, State Archives, Milan ; and *Acta Consist, in the Secret

Archives of the Vatican. He arrived at Siena on the 21st February.

(^Letter from Paganinus, dated Siena, 1464, Febr. 25, State Archives,,
Milan. " La S"' di N. S. introe in questa cita a 21 del presente." The
reading of the transcript of the 13th Book of the Comment., in the Corsini
Library, which VoiGT, IL, 373, rejects, is the correct one.) Regarding-
Petriolo, where Pius had sought relief from the gout in 1460 and 1462,
see Reumont, II L, i, 392, and the well-known work of Portioll
t Besides *Paganinus' letter of the 25th Febr., 1464, quoted in pre-
ceding note, see his *Despatch, dated Siena, 1464, March 5. State
Archives, Milan.

J Lecoy de la Marche, I., 541.

i$ VoiGT, III., 710. See *Letter of O. de Carretto, dated Siena,
1464, March 27. State Archives, Milan.
 INDIGNATION OF PIUS II. WITH 1]URGUNI)Y. 347

At Easter he heard that the King of Hungary had

received the consecrated sword with enthusiasm, but this
brief joy was soon mingled with gall. Disastrous news
came from the Morea ;
preparations at Venice were arrested
by an outbreak of pestilence * and, furthermore, a Turkish
;

Envoy was reported to be on his way to that City with a

view to negotiations for peace.f

"It might have been thought that the failure of so many

efforts, and the disappointment of so many hopes, would
have been enough to cool the zeal of the most ardent soul,

and to wear out the patience of the most constant mind.

But it was not so with Pius II. As difficulties multiplied,
his unwearied diligence kept pace with them, and in pro-
portion to the disregard of his exhortations, his voice
grew louder, and its tones more penetrating." ;J:
On the
4th April, 1464, he went with much reluctance to the Baths
of Petriolo. So greatly did he long to reach Ancona, that,
as theMantuan Envoy repeatedly declares, every day
seemed to him almost as long as a year.§ His indignation
with the Burgundians was intensified when the news arrived,
on trustworthy authority, that no reliance was to be placed
* See the *Despatches of G. de Coliis, dated Venice, 1464, April 2
and 7. State Archives, Milan, Cart. Gen.
t "*Qui si fa gran murmuratione come a Venecia deve venire uno
ambasciator del Turcho." The Venetian En\oy declared that he
would not be admitted to an audience. ^Despatch of O. de Carretto,
dated ex Petriolo, 1464, April 18. State Archives, Milan, Cart. Gen.

X Heinemann, 24.
§ " *La S. d. N. S. hiermatina a hor. XV. parti da Siena (see *Acta
Consist., Secret Archives of the Vatican) ; ando a bagni (of Petriolo,
where the Abbot of Einsiedeln went in quest of him ; see Hartmann,
Annal. Heremi. Friburgi, 161 2, p. 424 seg.) gli par ogni di uno anno
esser in Ancona." *Letter of Ant. Ricavo to Marquess Lodovico of
Mantua, dated Florence, 1464, April 5. On the loth April, 1464, Ricavo
again writes : *"Ogni di gli par uno anno esser in Ancona per esser a
la vela." Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
348 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

even on the Bastard's expedition.* The part played by

the crafty Louis XI. in these affairs so incensed the Pope
that at the end of April he spoke of Excommunicating
him.-f-

Many of the Cardinals, especially those of French

nationality, were of opinion that as Duke Philip was not
coming, the Pope would be fully justified in staying at

home.]: Pius II., however, would not listen to this for a

moment. Even those Envoys, who were averse to the

undertaking, in their reports bear witness that the Pope
was determined in any case to keep his promise, and go
in person to Ancona, there to await his Galleys and the
Venetian fleet, and then to proceed to Ragusa, where he
hoped to join the King of Hungary and Skanderbeg.§
In the face of suspicions expressed at the time, and
subsequently reiterated, it is important to observe that
the Milanese Envoy was so thoroughly persuaded of the
sincerity of Pius II. that he asked leave to settle his

domestic affairs before entering on this long journey. ||

Indeed, after he had so solemnly announced his intention

to the world, it would have been impossible, even if he had
* **Letter of O. de Carretto, dated Siena, 1464, April 4.. (State
Archives, Milan.) See his *Letter, dated Rome, 1464, April 12. Am-
brosian Library.
t *Despatch of O. de Carretto ex Petriolo, 28th April, 1464. Re-
garding the hypocritical assurances given by Louis XL, see the *Letter
of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1 464, Febr. 8. Both documents are in

the State Archives, Milan.

+ ^Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Siena, 1464, March 27. (State

Archives, Milan.) See Pn IL Comment., lib. XIIL ; VoiGT, IL, 375.
S *See O. de Carretto's despatches, dated Siena, 1464, March 27,
April 4, May 2 and 3. State Archives, Milan.

II
*0. de Carretto to Fr. Sforza, dated Siena, 1464, May 3. Carretto
adds that, after his request has been granted, he is ready to proceed
to Turkey with the Pope, should such be the Duke's desire. State
Archives, Milan.
 CRUSADE UNACCEPTABLE TO THE CARDINALS. 349

wished it, for the Pope to draw back. On the 4th May
Cardinal Forteguerri was appointed Legate of the Fleet.
A few days later, he, with the Pope's nephew, Giacomo,
went to Pisa to superintend the equipment of the Galleys ;

while on the 7th of May, Pius II. himself left Siena for
Rome, where he arrived on the 19th.*
The agitation in the College of Cardinals, caused by
the Pope's project, was extreme.f With the exception of
Carvajal, Cusa, and Bessarion, few, if any, of its members

were capable of appreciating or seconding the magnani-

mous resolve of the feeble Pontiff. The idea of following
the army into these barbarous Eastern
countries was
absolutely intolerable to the majority of these ostentatious
Princes of the Church. The French Cardinals were
particularly opposed to the undertaking. Every possible
effort was made to frustrate it. The dangers from
the
Plague, which was said to have broken out at Ragusa, and
from the hostility of the Patarenes in Bosnia, were painted
in the darkest colours.^ The diplomatists joined their
* See O. de Carretto's ^Letters, dated Siena, 1464, May May 6 and
5, ;

the *Despatch of an Envoy (probably Caymus), who signs himself

Raphael, dated Siena, 1464, May 7. (According to the *Acta Consist.,
in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, the Pope had reached Siena on
the 1st May.) The same Envoy writes from Viterbo on the 15th May :

"*to-day the Pope departed ex Bracciano, on the 17th May, Carretto

;"

reports that the Pope was obliged to keep his bed on the 20th May
;

follows the announcement from Rome had arrived on

that Pius II.
Saturday. This accords with the testimony of the *Acta Consist.,
Secret Archives of the Vatican. Carretto's letters are in the State
Archi\-es, Milan.

t See the statements of O. de Carretto in his *Letter, dated Viterbo

1464, May 15 a *Despatch from Paganinus, dated Siena, 1464, March

;

II ;
and a *Report of Gerardus de Collis, dated Venice, 1464, May 24.
State Archives, Milan.

J *Letter from O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, May 26. See also
his *Report from Viterbo of May 15th, 1464. (State Archives, Milan.)
350 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

voices with those of the Cardinals, but all was in vain.

Pius II. was not to be moved. None but the aged and
sick among the Cardinals, and those entrusted with the
affairs of government, were to remain in Rome. All the
others were to accompany the Pope.* At the end of May
he had a fresh attack of gout, accompanied by fever. It

was generally considered impossible that he should endure

the hardships of the journey. Nevertheless, he declared
that he was quite determined to set forth on the promised
expedition, even if he were to die by the way.-|-

A last attempt to detain the Pope was made on the 6th

of June by the Duke of Milan's Envoy. He explained that
his colleague at the French Court was preparing to mediate
between Pius II. and Louis XL, and to persuade the King
to give energetic support to the Crusade in the following

spring. To secure this it would be necessary for the Pope

to defer his expedition till then.

Pius II. understood only too well the real object of this
proposition. The King of France had begun by treating
him with the greatest insolence, threatening him with a
Council, and other vexatious measures. He had also, by
keeping back the Duke of Burgundy, done his best to
render the Crusade impossible. As threats had proved

Scarampo's disinclination towards the Crusade is mentioned by Ant.

Ricavo in a *Despatch to Marquess Lodoxico, dated Florence, 1464,
April 9. Gonzaga Archives.
* Besides Carretto's letter of the 26th May, cited in preceding note,
see his ^Despatch, dated Rome, 1464, June 6. (State Archives,

Milan.) On the 20th May, Fr. Sforza caused T. de' Lelli, Bishop of
Feltre, to represent to the Pope the perils attendant on the Crusade
(morte, captivita, vergogna et insidie de falsi christian:, &c.). See
*Letter of T. de' Lelli to Fr. Sforza, dated Rome, 1464, May 28.

Ambrosian Library.
+ *Despatch of O. de Carretto of the 28th May, 1464, in Appendix,
N. 62.
 HOSTILITY OF LOUIS XI. TO PIUS II. 35

unavailing, he was now trying another way. From former

experience the Pope had lost all confidence in the King's
promises. " I have no doubt," he said to the Envoy, " that
Louis XI. will allow the tithes to be levied, but in the end
he will keep them for himself"*
That the Pope did not take an exaggerated view of
the case is evident from the Reports of the Milanese
Ambassador at the French Court. On the 26th May,
writing from Paris, he says that the King is extremely
incensed against the Pope, who would not gratify him in

regard to the appointments of several Bishops. " The

Papal Nuncio," Louis XI. declared, "gives himself un-
necessary trouble ;
go and tell him in my name that I will

not consent to the levy of the tithes, and that I have no

further communication to make to him." He adds that
"the King repeated this twice." In the course of the inter-
view, Louis XI. also spoke of the King of Bohemia's agita-
tion in favour of an anti-Papal Council. Hitherto he had
not entered into this movement, but now he was expecting
a fresh Mission to treat of this subject.j- The repre-
sentative of Milan expresses his conviction that, " unless
something be shortly done to counteract these measures,
a great scandal will arise, especially as the Pope will soon
leave Rome to proceed against the Turks ; I look upon it

as certain that a General Council will be attempted."^

* The above is from a detailed **Report of O. de Carretto to Fr.

Sforza, dated Rome, 1464, June 7. State Archives, Milan.
t **Letter of A. Malleta to Fr. Sforza, dated Paris, 1464, May 26,
Cod. 161 1 of the Fonds Ital., National Library, Paris. The Mission sent
to bring about an alliance between France and the Hussites of
Bohemia had left Prague on the i6th May. At its head were Marini
and Albrecht Kostka of Postupitz, a Bohemian noble. For an account
of their fate, see Markgraf, in Sybel's Zeitschr., XXL, 297 seq. See
supra, p. 237 seq.

X " *Signore mio a mi pare che chi non provede presto a queste
352 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Those immediately around the Pope united their re-

monstrances to those of the Cardinals and Ambassadors, but
with no better success. Almost as soon as the fever had
left him, Pius II. again declared that he would start on this
expedition, even if it should cost him his life.* On the
iith June he appointed Cardinal Francesco Piccolomini
his Rome and the States of the Church.-j-
Vicar in
meantime the arrival of large bands of Crusaders
In the
in Italy was reported. The idea of a Pope leading the
Crusade in person was peculiarly calculated to touch the
lower classes in distant lands. Thousands from Germany,
the Low Countries, France, and even from Scotland and
Spain, flocked to Venice, Rome, and Anoona. The people
had been greatly stirred by the Pope's appeal : "If the
Princes and Nobles had been what they were three centuries
earlier, all the West would have been aroused." J Those

facende che ne seguira grandissimo scandalo, maxime havendose el

papa ad partire da Roma per andare contra el Turco et tango per

certo che costoro darano principio al concilio." Malleta, on the 26th

May, loc. cit. Regarding the differences between Louis XI. and Pius
II., see also *Malleta's letter, dated 1464, May 31, in the MS. already
cited. National Library, Paris.
* "*La S''^ Sua e in tutto liberata de la febre e dice volere partire

fra otto giorni." O. de Carretto, ex palacio apost., xi. Junii, 1464. In

a *Despatch, dated Rome, 1464, June 13, the same Envoy writes:
" *Sua S'"* dice vole andare se dovesse morire e con chi li dice il con-
trario se scoroza e dice che non hanno consideratione al honore suo e
de la fede katolica si che ogniuno crede debi partire lunedi, benche li

suoi cerchano de indugiare quanto puono." State Archives, Milan.

t *Regest., 517, f. 6-10: " Franciscus card''= Senen. tit. S. Eus-

tachii in absentia S. D. N. alme urbis et civit. S. Ro. Eccl. subdit.
Dat. Rome, A° 6°."
gubernator constituitur. 1464, tertio Id. Jun.
Secret Archi\'es of the Vatican.

X Reumont, III., I, 151 VoiGT, III., 693, ; 713-4. To these autho-

rities may be added N. della Tuccia, 269 ; Diario Nepesino, 140 ;

Cron. Rom., 29 ; Platina, Hist. Mant., 862 ; Campanus, 989 ; Cron. di

 PIUS II. TAKES THE CROSS. 353

who came belonged chiefly to the lower ranks of society,

and among- them were numerous adventurers many had ;

neither arms nor money. To the Archbishop of Crete was

given the double charge of inducing the useless ones to
return to their homes, and of providing for those who were
fit for war.*

It was also reported that some of the Saxon nobles were

on way with well-armed troops letters were received
their ;

in Rome, in which they complained of bad treatment from

the Duke of Modena, and expressed their confident hope of
finding the Pope at Ancona.-f
111 as he was, Pius
II. could no longer be restrained his ;

friendsand physicians might say what they would, the i8th

of June was irrevocably fixed for the start.:|: On that day
he took the Cross in the Vatican Basilica ; commended him-
self and his cause to the intercession of the Princes of the

Apostles ;
and in a short address, again declared " that it

was absolutely necessary that he should set forth himself, in

Bologna, 757 ; Stadtechroniken, VII., 407 ; Limb. Chronik , 1

1 5 (where,
instead of 1466, read 1464). From the city of Ghent 300 Crusaders
presented themselves, Fredericq, 44. See Kervyn de Lettenhove,
Hist, de Flandre, V., 80. More than 2000 men came from Liibeck ;

see Lubeckische Chroniken, *"Vi concurse tanta gente

2, 273-5.
tramontana che fo cosa incredible," says Broglio in his *Chronicle,
f. 277b, Cod. D. III., 48. Gambalunga Library, Rimini.
* *Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, June 6. (State
Archives, Milan.) See Script, rer. Siles IX., 74, 87. Nicolaus de
,

Palude, dat. Pisauri, 1464, Julii 3, loc. cif., speaks of the excesses of
the rabble who had followed the Crusaders.
t Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, June 13. State
Archives, Milan.

I *Letter of Stephanus de Robiis, cancell. Papien., dated Rome, 1464,

June 15. (State Archives, Milan.) The condition of the Pope was so
serious that the next election was already spoken of in secret.
*Despatch of O. de Carretto, dat. Rome, 1464, June 14. Ambrosian
Library.

VOL. III. 2 A
354 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

spite of his age and failing strength." Otherwise, he said,

" nothing would be done." At Ancona he confidently ex-
pected to find not only the Doge but Sforza's two sons,
with a splendid band of horsemen and foot soldiers, to-
gether with supplies from Siena, from Borso of Modena, and
the Marquess of Mantua, from Bologna, Lucca, Ragusa,
and Rhodes.*
Immediately after this ceremony Pius II. left the City.f
" Farewell, Rome !

" he exclaimed with emotion, " never

will you see me again alive." The journey to Otricoli

was made by water, as being easier to the Pope, who still

* VoiGT, III., 715. The Pope's discourse, omitted in Mansi, is given

in the Anecd. Litt, III., 287-96, where a medal struck at the time is

also mentioned : Pius II. is seated at the prow of a ship, holding in

one hand the banner of the Cross, and with the other giving his

blessing, with the motto :

" Exurgat deus et dissipentur inimici ejus."

t The first half of Pius I I.'s journey, and his last days at Ancona,
are described by Ammanati, as an eye witness, in a long letter (Epist.
card. Pap., f. 22-28, in the Frankf. ed., ep. 41), to Card. Fr. Piccolo-
mini (interfui singuhs et usque ad supremum spiritum ab ore suo
pependi). This interesting account accords almost literally with that
in Ammanati's Commentaries, loc. cit.^ f. 337b-343, Frankf. ed., 35-46.
In both, the i8th of June is given as the day of the Pope's departure
from Rome. This day is also mentioned by (i) TucciA, 269; (2)

*Acta Consist., Secret Archives of the Vatican ; (3) *Ghirardacci, St.

di Bologna, Cod. 768, University Library, Bologna ; (4) ^Despatch of

J. de Aretio, dated Florence, 24th June 1464 (Gonzaga Archives)
(5) Letter of the Archbishop of Crete, in Script, rer. Siles., IX., 91 ;

(6) Diario Nepesino, 139. The date given by the inaccurate INFES-
SURA, 1 139 (19th June), is erroneously adopted by Palacky, IV., 2,

213 ; Weiss, III., 1514, 2nd ed. ; Gregorovius, VII., 201, 3rd ed., and
Hefele-Hergenrother, VIII., 149. Bachmann, I., 502, makes
Pius II. leave Rome on the 17th June, and then cites VoiGT, III.,

715, where the correct date appears. The ^Despatches from the State
Archives, Milan, and the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua, which we shall

quote, are valuable authorities regarding the Pope's journey. See also
Campanus, 989 seq.
 THE CRUSADERS AT ANCONA. 355

suffered from gout and fever. He also slept on board

the vessel, as every movement caused him pain, and men-
tal distress was added to his bodily torments. Cardinal
Forteguerri, who was supposed to be already on his way
to Ancona, appeared on the second day after the Pope's
departure from Rome, and reported that the Galleys at
Pisa were not yet completely equipped. At the same time
it became known that many of the Crusaders, who had
started without resources, and with no idea of the diffi-

culties to be encountered, were returning to their homes.

To save the Pope as much as possible from such dis-
heartening sights, the curtains of his litter were let down
whenever a band of these fugitives passed by.
About 5000 Crusaders were on their way to Rome.
Cardinal Cusa was sent to meet them, and the difficult
task of keeping the impatient crowds at Ancona in order,
and superintending their embarkation, was entrusted to
Carvajal. Pius II. implored, rather than commanded, him
to undertake it. " I alone," says Ammanati, " was present

at the interview. Carvajal responded, as usual, bravely and

heartily, '
Holy Father, if I am the man whom you consider
most fit for such great things, I will at once obey your
orders, and follow your example. Are not you risking your
life for me and for your flock ? You have written to me
to come — here I am ;
you command me to go I go. —
How can I refuse this little end of my life to Christ'

Accordingly he started immediately for Ancona.*

The weakness of the Pope, and the intense heat, made
it necessary to travel very slowly.-j- At Terni, Cardinals

* Besides this *Report of Ammanati's, see the *Letter from O. de

Carretto, dated Spoleto, 1464, June 26. State Archives, Milan.
t " *Non camina piu che sey o sette migha el giorno," writes
Paganinus, on the 2nd July, 1464, from Foligno. State Archives,
Milan, Cart. Gen.
356 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

d'Estouteville, Borgia, and EroH joined the Pope's train.

At this time a pestilence was raging throughout the

neighbouring country, and at Spoleto Cardinal Ammanati
fell sick.* In the fortress of that city there was a man
from the East who professed to be the exiled brother of

the Sultan, and many hopes were built on the help he

was expected to give in the attack upon the Turks. In

Venice, also, the identity of this precursor of the celebrated

Dschem was believed, and he was allowed to join the
Pope's company from Spoletcf On the 3rd of July Assisi
was reached, and on the 7th, Fabriano.j Here Count

* In consequence of this sickness the Cardinal oply reached Anrona

on the 25th July ; see *Letter from S. Nardini, Archbishop of Milan,

to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, July 25. (State Archives, Milan.)

Also Pauli, 69. Regarding the Plague, see the *Letters of J. de Aretio,
dated Rome, 1464, July 4 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua), and *0. de
Carretto, dated Bologna, 1464, July 4. State Archives, Milan.

t **Letter from Paganinus to O. de Carretto and C. Simoneta, dated

Fabriano, 1464, July 10. (State Archives, Milan.) This brother of the

Sultan's is said to have been brought first to Venice and then to

Calixtus III.; see Knebel, II., 33. Then \\\& fratello del Turco
appears in an account of the 2nd May, 1459, in MiJNTZ, I., 298 ;

*" 1463 (st. fl.), die x. Febr. Ser.

see also Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 228b :

Ludovico Fuscareno doctor! nostro ad Summum Pontificem. . . .

Sicut videbitis in altera ex copiis litterarum prefati oratoris nostri

mentio agitur de fratre Turci, qui dicitur esse in manibus summi

pontificis. Propterea sumus contenti et volumus quod postquam
summus pontifex intellexerit rem istam, detis honestam operam intel-

ligendi mentem Beat. Sue circa hoc et que sit eius opinio faciendi de
fratre dicti Turci et si verum est quod sit factus christianus, nos
quamprimum letteris vestris certiores facietis. Nostis enim quod

etiam aliter quam armis quandoque victoria parta est." State Archives,

Venice.
See the ^Despatches of Paganinus, dated Assisi, 1464, July 3
\ ;

Chron. Eugub., 1007 Acquacotta, Mem. di Matelica, 148 (Ancona,

;

1838) ; and Pellini, 677. Also the*Letter of G. Lolli, dated Fabriano,

1464, July 8. State Archives, Siena.

 PIUS II. REACHES LORETO. 357

Federigo of Urbino met the Pope, and made a fresh

attempt to dissuade him from proceeding any further
but Pius II., who was now somewhat better from the
change of air, would not Hsten to him for a moment.*
At Loreto the Pope offered to the Blessed Virgin a
golden chalice, bearing the following inscription :
" Holy
Mother of God, we know that Thy power is without
and Thy wonders fill the world but, as it is Thy will
limit, ;

to shew it forth, more especially in certain places, and

Thou dost daily sanctify this acceptable spot of Loreto with
Thy favours, I, a wretched sinner, turning to Thee with my
whole heart, beseech Thee to cure me of this consuming fever
and cough, and to restore strength to my failing limbs, in
the desire and hope that this may be for the advantage of
Christendom. Meanwhile accept this gift as a token of my
homage. Pope Pius II., in the year of Salvation, 1464." -f
By the time the Pope reached Ancona, on the 19th
July, he was seriously ill. Many of the inhabitants mis-
trusted him, and dreaded his arrival, on account of the
frequent differences which had arisen between him and
the city.:J:

The Pope took up his abode in the Episcopal Palace,

* See the *Letter of Paganinus of the loth July, 1464, which has
already been cited. State Archives, Milan.

t TURSELLINUS, 117-18; Keyssler-Schutze, Reisen, 891 (Han-

over, 1751); ClACONlUS, II., loio ;
VOIGT, III., 717. Pius II.'s journey
to Loreto is mentioned by S. Nardini in a *Letter to Fr. Sforza of
the 14th July, 1464. State Archives, Milan.

X The Pope arrived outside Ancona on the 1 8th, but did not make
his entry until the following day : see Ciavarini, I., 184 ;
Broglio,
in the *Chronicle cited, supra, p. 353, MS. in the Gambalunga Library,

Rimini, says, f. 277, Pius II. entered Ancona on the 19th July ; so
does Jacobus de Aretio in a *Letter, dated Ancona, 1464, July 21.
(Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) VoiGT, III., 718, is to be corrected by
their statements. In regard to the alarm of the citizens, see *Letter
358 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

near the beautiful Cathedral Church of S. Ciriaco, which

was built on the site of the Temple of Venus. The
height on which this ancient Basilica stands commands
a charming view of the old city, the picturesque line of
coast, and the sea beyond. " The refreshing breezes
which blow there, and the brilliant sunshine, seem like
air and light from Hellas and the East."*
The first act of Pius II. was to order public prayers, and
to send Cardinals Carvajal and d'Estouteville to quiet the
Crusaders, most of whom were Spaniards or French, and
spent their time in quarrelling with each other. The
majority of them belonged to the poorest class, or were
mere vagrants. They had set out without leaders, arms,
or money, expecting to have everything provided for

them by some miracle. They laid all the blame of their

miseries on the Pope, but the summons of Pius II. had

only been addressed to soldiers " well-armed, and fully

provisioned for at least half a year."f The first thing to

of S. Nardini, Archbishop of Milan, to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona,

1464, July 22. (Ambrosian Library.) Peruzzi, Ancona, 362, wrongly
assigns the 13th and 14th July as the dates of the arrival and entry of
Pius II. See ibid.^ 364 seq., for the justification of the Pope from the
charge that he wished to take vengeance on Ancona. The manner in

which the citizens manifested their dissatisfaction is described in the

Chronic. Eugub., 1007. As to their former disputes with Pius II., there
is an interesting *Brief addressed to the City (Dat. Romae, iii. Nov.
A° 3°), preserved in the MS. of the Laurentian Library, mentioned,
supra, p. 71. See also Ciavarini, St. d'Anc, 116 and Croniche, I.,
;

182-5. I saw in Lib. Croc, parvus, 9, of the Ancona Archives, the *Brief
of 23rd March, 1461, which is here quoted.
* Gregorovius, VII., 202. Some remains of the Bishop's Palace
still exist. In January, 1883, it was being rebuilt. A plaster bust
of Pius II. was the only memorial of him to be seen, and the Keeper
of the Episcopal Archives informed me that they contained no Acts
of the Pope.
t SiMONETA, 764 ; Peruzzi, Ancona, 362 ; Voigt, III., 713.
 ATTEMPTS TO DETAIN PIUS II. 359

be done was to separate those who were without means

from those who were sufificiently equipped. This was the
task of the two Cardinals, but they were empowered to
grant the Crusade Indulgence to those who had to be
dismissed, as though they had been accepted.*
Greater efforts even than those made in Rome were now
used to detain Pius II. An Envoy, writing on the 22nd
July, declared that the Cardinals, the whole Court, and
those who immediately surrounded the Pope, were all

opposed to his journey. The Cardinals appealed to the

Election Capitulation which forbade the Court to be
moved without their consent.! The physicians told Pius
II. that if he embarked he would not live more than
two days.;]: The Diplomatists pointed out the dangers
which threatened the Churches of P'rance and Bohemia ;

but the Pope informed them that he was not afraid of

Louis XI., nor yet of the King of Bohemia, who had
lately been summoned to give an account of himself; he
was resolved to go.§
If the whole Pontificate of Pius II. was more or less a

series of disillusions, their climax was reached in these last

days of his life. " To the bodily torments of gout, stone,

and fever was added the mental anguish of foreseeing that
the humiliations of Christendom, and the dangers which

* **Letter of J. de Aretio, dated Ancona, 1464, July 21. Gonzaga

Archi\-es, Mantua.
t *Report of S. Nardini, Archbishop of Milan, to Fr. Sforza, dated

Ancona, 1464, July 28, State Archives, Milan (wrongly placed in Pot.

Est., Roma, 1461).

I **Despatch of J. de Aretio to the Marchioness Barbara, at

Mantua, written 25th July, 1464 (Gonzaga Archives) ; and **Letter
from Paganinus to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. i. State
Archives, Milan.
§ *Letter of S. Nardini, dated Ancona, 1464, July 22, Ambrosian
Library.
36o HISTORY OF THE POPES.

threatened it, would continue and increase." * The prepara-

tions for the expedition had proved so insufficient that it was
not possible to think of starting at once,-|- The only power
that was ready was Venice, and that was not trustworthy.
The Milanese troops were promised, but they did not come.
What Florence sent, after lengthened negotiations, was use-
less.J Few among the Cardinals fulfilled their promises.
The death of the Pope seemed so near now that all

thoughts were occupied with the approaching Conclave.^

The delusion under which Pius II. laboured, as to the
possibility of the Crusade, can only be accounted for by his

illness, which must have dimmed his naturally clear percep-

tions.

At Ancona the state of things became more and more

serious. There was not sufficient house-room or water ;
and,
with the great heat of the beginning of August, a pestilence

* K. A. Menzel, VIII., 34.

t The common statement (which Voigt, III., 712, adopts from
Chastellain), that only two Galleys furnished by the Pope were ready
at Ancona, is incorrect. The Chronicle of L. Bernabei in ClAVARlNl,
I., 184, mentions " quattro galle con molte fuste," which went to
meet the Doge. *Carlo de Rodiano informs Marchioness Barbara,
on the 19th August, 1464, that "sei nave de lo papa" are in the
harbour at Ancona. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
I See *Letter of S. Nardini, dated Ancona, 1464, July 28 ; and
a *Despatch from Nicodemus de Pontremoli, dated Florence, 1464,
July 9. (State Archives, Milan.) The death of Cosmo de' Medici,

which occurred on the ist August, furnished a welcome pretext for

withholding all assistance, although the tithes had been collected ;

see Reumont, Hist. Schriften, 80 and 134. Pius II. sent his con-
dolences to Piero de' Medici on the 8th August ; see in Appendix,
N. 63, the text of this "last letter from the dying Pope," from a
MS. in the Laurentian Library, Florence.
§ Communications on the subject were made in cipher by S.
Nardini, Archbishop of Milan, in a *Letter to Fr. Sforza, dated
Ancona, 1464 ult. Julii. State Archives, Milan, Cart. Gen.
 THREATENED ATTACK BY TURKS ON RAGUSA. 36

broke out, which not only carried off many of the Crusaders,
but claimed many victims also from the Cardinals' house-
holds.*
Extreme was the dismay, when the news came from
Ragusa that a large Turkish force was advancing towards
the city, threatening it with complete destruction unless
tribute were paid, and the vessels which had been pro-
mised to the Pope withdrawn. Pius II. at once embarked
the 400 Archers, who composed his body-guard, in ships
well-laden with corn. He then took counsel with Carvajal
and Ammanati as to what should be done if Ragusa
were besieged. Carvajal, ever ready to sacrifice himself in
the service of God, offered to start that very night with
the Galleys then lying in the harbour. "And what should
hinder me from sailing with you?" said Pius II. "I
am resolved to go, if the Turks advance and invest the
place." The suffering Pope still believed in the moral
effect his presence would have in striking terror amongst the
Turks, and in attracting multitudes of Christians. Carvajal
agreed with him.f " But poor creature that I am, " says
Ammanati, " I spoke strongly against this plan, for, weakened
* The idea of fleeing from the Plague was given up, for the whole
of the March of Ancona was infected. Borgia was the only one
who left, but he too fell ill. This was attributed to his irregular
life ; see our account. Vol. II., Regarding the Plague, see
p. 455.

the **Reports of J. de Aretio, dated Ancona, 1464, July 25, Aug. 7 ;

and a *Letter from Joh. Jac. de Crema, fisico to Marquess Lodovico,

dated Montexii ap. Florent., 1464, July 28. (Gonzaga Archives.) In
1464 the Plague raged not only in almost every part of Italy (NoTAR
GlACOMO, 109 ;
MasSARI, 44), but also in most of the other countries
of Europe. See Bachmann, I., 263; Geiger, I., 217; Stricker,
Gesch. der Heilkunde, p. 7 (Frankfort, 1847). Woltmann, II.,

181, mentions a painting by B. Gozzoli, having reference to this

Plague. Regarding the distress in Ancona, see the same *Letter of

J. de Aretio of 21st July, 1464. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
+ VoiGT, III., 719.
362 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

as I was with fever, I feared that I should die on the way."

Carvajal and the Pope, however, adhered to their purpose,
until, four days later, they heard of the departure of the
enemy.
II. almost succumbed beneath the burden laid
"Pius
upon him by his zeal for the accomplishment of the holy
work which he had undertaken. Worn out as he was with
bodily suffering, the continued mental strain produced a
distressing state of feverish excitement." * His agitation
was increased by the unaccountable delay of Cardinal
Forteguerri and the Venetians, whose ships he had so
confidently expected. The Cardinal had at first been
hindered by contrary winds ; and on the I'st August tidings
came that the Plague had broken out in his ships, and in
consequence he could not arrive till at least twelve days
laterf but the conduct of Venice was of
;
itself enough to
wreck the Crusade.J
From the first, the views of the Republic had differed
widely from those of the Pope. Pius II, had desired that
common cause should have been made against the Infidels
in a holy war ; but to the Venetians, the defence of Chris-
tianity was a mere pretext, their real aim being the conquest
of the Peloponnesus, a matter of extreme importance to
their commercial interests.^ When they concluded their

* ZiNKEISEN, II., 288.

t See *Despatch of J. de Aretio, dated Rome, 1464, July 4. (Gon-
zaga Archives.) *Letter of S. Nardini, dated Ancona, 1464, July 28, and
of Paganinus, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. i. State Archives, Milan.
Fredericq, 44, has already justly observed " Mais la peste,
X :

la famine et le mauvais vouloir des Venetians firent avorter cette

expedition." In the following pages I give what seems ample proof
of the dishonesty of Venice. The chief authorities on which I rest

my statements are documents in the Venetian State Archives, which

hitherto had remained unknown.
v^ See supra, P- 3i5- A ^Despatch from O. de Carretto, dated
 BAD FAITH OF VENICE. 363

alliance with the Pope, they may have flattered themselves

that he might be led to connive at their purpose. As soon
as it became evident that, looking at matters from a higher
point of view, he was bent on uniting all Christendom in

a common enterprise, their relations with Rome again

became strained. Efforts on their part were not wanting
to induce the Head of the Church to give up his inde-
pendent attitude.* With a shew of zeal for the Faith the
Venetian Envoy repeatedly represented the needs of
Hungary to thePope, and urged him to devote all his

forces to the war on the mainland f Venice, herself, wishing ;

to keep in her own hands the sole conduct of the naval

operations.:!: In the middle of January, 1464, the Venetian

Rome, 1464, Febr. 3 (Ambrosian Library), shews the Roman Barons

to have been of opinion that Venice only desired to reconquer the
Morea, not to undertake any real Crusade.
* Fr. Sforza feared that this would actually be the case, and his

Envoys in Rome expressed the apprehension to the Pope, who

repeatedly declared that he neither had become a Venetian, nor
ever would. *Letter of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, Jan. 25.
Ambrosian Library.
t *I463, Decemb. viii. Commissio viro nobili Ludovico Fuscareno
. . . . oratori nostro ad S. Pontif. Sen. Seer. XXL, f. 211 ; see ibid.,

f. 2 1
7-2 1 7b, Decemb. xxviii. Commissio L. Fuscareno, &c. State
Archives, Venice.
\ For this reason the Venetian Envoy made objections to the

proposal that the tleet should sail under the banner of the Church,
see supra, p. 328. On the 19th June, 1464, the Venetian Envoy to

the Roman Court was instructed, if the Pope's departure should not
take place, to represent to him the great outlay Venice had expended,
and to beg that he would permit, "quod galee saltem rev. dom.

cardinalium et aliorum dominorum et communitatum armari iam

designate et promisse et pro quibus denarii iam sunt hue conducti
cum omni festinatione armentur et simul cum nostris vadanf
et parati

ad invenienduvi capitaneiwi nostrum generalem maris." Sen. Seer.

XX., f. 19b. (State Archives, Venice.) *J. de Aretio, writing from
Ancona on the 21st July, 1464, says that the Venetians caused the
364 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Envoy urged that the number of Galleys intended to

accompany the Pope should be reduced, and the money
to be spent on them sent instead to Hungary. Pius II.
replied that it would be more to the purpose if Venice
were to abstain from arming a few of her own Galleys,
and devote the money to Hungary; the number of those
destined for the Pope was already less than befitted his
dignity. This answer so incensed the representative of
the Republic of St. Mark that he declared he had much
rather the Pope should stay at home altogether.*
Venice continued to make every effort to carry out her
purpose. Her Envoys were repeatedly charged to work
in this direction, and to quiet the Pope by assuring him

that the Republic would have more than forty triremes

afloat, which he might look upon as his own, and which

would always be completely at his disposaLf

The real worth of these promises was soon evident. In
April, when the Bishop of Torcello, speaking in the Pope's

crews of the vessels which the Cardinals, the Bolognese, and others
had fitted out at their own expense at Venice, to swear obedience
to the Republic. Bologna was not satisfied with this. It was hoped
that the Pope would interfere. Gonzaga Archives.
* ^Letter of Otto de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, Jan. 18. (State
Archives, Milan.) On the 17th Januar)', he had written the following
words :
*" Questo ambasciatore (of Venice) pare si trovi non ben
satisfacto et ha avuto a dire che piu li seria caro che la S'^ di N. S'^'' non
andasse lei in persona et questa spesa che fa Sua S'^ in questo suo
aparato la facesse in gente d'arme, &c."
t "*Vestra itaque prudentia et modestia consueta curabitis rem
istam, si ita esse possit, ad aliquem bonum effectum producere com-
memorando etiam ad vestra proposita pro quanto, ad diminutionem
expense classis Sue Sanctitatis spectare potest, quod nos habebimus
in mari ultra triremes XL'-^ quas B. Sua proprias suas reputare
poterit quoniam semper erunt et ad beneplacitum et ad obedientiam
suam. Sen. Seer. XXI., f. 225. Oratori nostro ad S. Pontif., 1463
(st. fl.), Jan. 24." State Archives, Venice.
 NON-ARRIVAL OF TRANSPORTS FROM VENICE. 365

name, requested Venice to furnish means of transport for a

portion of the Crusading army, the Signoria declared that

their ships were for the moment employed in the convoy
of troops to Greece, and that it would be better for the

Crusaders to go by way of Hungary.* In the summer,

when they began to arrive in considerable numbers in Italy,

those who went to Venice did not find a single ship ready
for them.-j- In January, forty triremes were to be placed at
the sole disposal of the Pope; on the 21st of June, two
ships for the transport of the soldiers, then in Ancona, were
all that was promised. J But how was even this miserable
promise kept ?

Three weeks more went by ; the Pope was at the gates

of Ancona, but no Venetian ship had appeared. The
Envoy who accompanied Pius II. was instructed to report
upon the number of Crusaders then at Ancona, and the
Pope was assured for his comfort that two large transports
were in readiness at Venice. § Another week elapsed before
they were really sent. When they at length reached An-
cona, on the nth August, they found but a small number
of Crusaders waiting to embark. For most of them, wearied
with waiting, had left the city at the end of July.|| Accord-
ing to Ammanati, this was the Pope's death-blow.

* **I464, die quinto Aprilis episcopo Torcellano. Sen. Seer. XX.,

f. 9b. State Archives, Venice.
t Detmar's Chronik, II., 274 seq. ;
VOIGT, III., 714.
+ **Oratori nostra ad S. Pontificem, 1464, die xxi. Junii. Sen.
Seer. XXII., f. 20b. In a ^Letter to S. Malatesta, dated 1464, June 25,
the Venetians speak of three large ships which would go to Ancona
"quam primum," ibid.^ f. 2ib. State Archives, Venice.

§ **Ludovico Fuscareno doctori, oratori nostro ad S. Pontificem,

1464, die xvi. Julii. Sen. Seer. XXII., f. 25. State Archives, Venice.
" *Sono venute due navi da Venetia per passar gente quando sia
II

bisogno."' Paganinus to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 11.

(State Archives, Milan.) The unfavourable opinion entertained in

366 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

What interest in the holy cause could be expected from

a government which, in the midst of the preparations for
the campaign against the Turks, renewed their war on
Trieste? In July, 1464, a detachment of Venetian troops
invaded the territory belonging to that city, destroyed the
salt works in the Valley of Zaule, and then retired.*

The delay of the Doge's departure was equally dis-

graceful. His reluctance to take part in the war was an

open secret.f In Venice, however, where the interest of
the State was predominant, his personal feelings would
have signified little had there been a real desire for the
Crusade. The representations made by the Venetian
Envoy, end of April, to the Pope, would lead us to
at the
believe that such existed. Pius II. was urged to come to
Ancona with all possible speed. | But at this very time, as
a matter of fact, the only preparations that were being
seriously pressed on were those for the war in Greece.
The arming of the fleet, which was to sail with the Pope,
in June one of the Envoys was
proceeded so slowly that
of opinion that would never be completed.^ At the
it

end of January the number of ships which were to

Ancona of the Venetians is evident from **S. Nardini's Despatch of

nth Aug., 1464. (Ambrosian Library.) In his *Letter, dated Ancona,

1464, Aug. 10, J. de Aretio says that the greater number of the
Crusaders had already departed. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.)
According to S. Nardini's *Letter of the 28th July, 1464, which we
have cited above, only about 200 remained behind.
* LOWENTHAL, Gesch. von Triest, 70 (1857) Bachmann, ;
I., 531.

t *Despatch of O. de Carretto, dated Rome, 1464, May 26. State

Archives, Milan.
See the *Report of O. de Carretto, ex Petriolo, 25th April, 1464.
X
State Archives, Milan.
§ *G. de Collis to Fr. Sforza, dated Venice, 1464, June 17. (State

Archives, Milan.) Regarding the preparations for the reconquest of

the Peloponnesus, see *Senato Mar., Vol. VII. State Archives, Venice.
 GENERAL DISSATISFACTION AT ANCONA. 367

accompany the Doge was fixed at ten.* By the 12th

July five triremes only were ready.f When once the Pope
had reached Ancona, further delay would have given open
scandal. Accordingly, it was at last determined, on the
26th July, that the Doge should put to sea on Sunday
29th I but
;
Cristoforo Moro still lingered, and a fresh
summons on the 2nd August was required to make him
leave Venice ; even then he did not proceed straight to
Ancona, but went first to Istria to complete the equipment
of his vessels.
The dissatisfaction caused at Ancona by all this delay
was universal. Well-informed persons were of opinion
that the Doge would not come;|| and even after he had
left Venice, the Duke of Milan was convinced that Cristo-

foro Moro would sail home again.1[

Pius II. was in a state of most distressing uncertainty,
for, from the time of his arrival at Ancona, no communica-
tion regarding the Doge's movements had reached him
from Venice.** Without the Venetian fleet it was evidently
impossible to commence operations ; had it "arrived in due

* **Decision of the 30th January, 1463 (st. fl.) S. Mar. State

Archives, Venice.
t **Letter for Ludo\ico Fuscareno doctori, oratori nostro ad S.
Pontif. dated 1464, Jul. 12, Sen. Seer. XXII., f. 24b, idid.

t */i>id., f. 26-27b.
§ Malipiero, 29 ; CiCOGNA, VI., 576. On the 2nd Aug., 1464,
the Doge informed the Envoy, in Hungary: *"quam primum dis-
cedamus profecturi ad urbem Anconae." Sen. Seer. XXII., 28b. State
Archives, Venice.

II
*Letter of S. Nardini, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 11. Ambrosian
Library.
IF *Fr. Sforza to Malleta, dated Milan, 1464, Aug. 10, Cod. Ital. 161 1.

National Library, Paris.

** **Letter of J. de Aretio of the 25th July, 1464 (Gonzaga Archives),
and *Uespatch from S. Nardini to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464,
Aug. 4. State Archives, Milan.
368 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

time, an attempt might have been made to secure the

Dalmatian Coast and Ragusa, which was threatened by
the Turks. Such had been the intention of the Pope and
Carvajal. But day after day passed, and Pius II. grew
daily worse." *
On the nth August a slight improvement in the Pope's
condition was apparent, though the fever still continued.f
His vital energies seemed to rally for a time, when, at last,

on the 1 2th August, the approach of the Venetian ships

was announced. He desired that his Galleys with five of
the Cardinals should go to meet them. Then, with great
difficulty, he had himself carried to a window of his bed-
chamber, which looked upon the harbour and the sea.
" A flood of despondency overwhelmed his spirit " as he
watched the ships coming in, and, with a deep sigh, he
murmured, until this day the fleet was wanting for my
"

expedition, and now I must be wanting to the fleet " I !

It was not long before death set the Pope free from his

sufferings of mind and body. On the morning of the 13th

August he received the Holy Viaticum, in the presence of
* Reumont, III., I, 151. The Ambassadors repeatedly declare
that the Pope was unable to come to any further decision regarding

the Crusade until the arrival of the Doge. See ^Letters of J. de Aretio,
dated Ancona, 1464, July 21, July 25, Aug. 7. In the last of these are
the following words * " Del andar contra
: el Turco questo anno lasso el

iudicio a V. Ex. Da la parte de N. S. buono animo ce, se le forze del

corpo ci fusseno, ma li medici gli danno per conseglio che rebus sic

stantibus non entri in galea. Stimese che forse se fara per questo
anno uno legato. Tutto depende da quello se concludera [a gap in the

original] lo ser. duce sira qui. Mons. Niceno molti giorni fa arrivo

qui . . . his Galley is molto bene in ordine." Gonzaga Archives.

t Paganinus to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 11. State

Archives, Milan.

I The Pope was at this time too weak to attend to any business.
*Letter of Mafifeo Valaresso, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 12. Barberini
Library, XXIX., 153, f. 582.
 LAST WORDS OF PIUS II. TO CARDINALS. 369

his household, and addressed them in words befitting the

Vicar of Christ.* On the following day the Cardinals
gathered round his death-bed.He gathered up his failing
powers once more to impress upon their minds the holy
work to which he had devoted his life. " My well-beloved
Brethren," he said in his gentle and often broken voice,
" my hour is drawing near : God calls me. I die in the
Catholic Faith in which I have lived. Up to this day I

have taken care of the sheep committed to me, and have

shrunk from no danger or toil. You must now complete
what I have begun but am not able to finish. Labour
therefore in God's work, and do not cease to care for the
cause of the Christian Faith, for this is your vocation in
the Church. Be mindful of your duty, be mindful of your
Redeemer, who sees all, and rewards every one according
to his deserts. Guard the States of the Church also, that
they may suffer no harm. Beloved Brethren, as Cardinal
and as Pope I have committed many faults in my dealings
with you. I have offended God, I have wounded Christian
charity. For those offences may the Almighty have mercy
on me ; for that in which I have failed towards you, forgive

me, beloved brethren, now, in the presence of death. I

commend to you my kindred, and those who have served

me, if they prove worthy. Farewell, Brethren ! May the
peace of God and heavenly grace be with you." The
.
Cardinals listened in tears. For a long time not one could
speak. At length Bessarion, in the name of all, made a
short reply ; they then knelt round the bed to kiss his
hand.
The next day being the Feast of the Assumption, Pius
II. wished again to receive the Blessed Sacrament, and his
friend, Cardinal Ammanati, was to bring It to him ; but the
* See the *Letter of S. Nardini of the 13th Aug., 1464. State
Archives, Milan.

VOL. III. 2 B
 370 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pope was not destined to celebrate the Feast on earth.

After he had been anointed, he again expressed his desire
that the Crusade should be persevered with, and then fell
asleep peacefully about the third hour of the night. His
last words were addressed to Ammanati. They were a
request to be remembered in his prayers.* " Such was
the end of ^neas Sylvius, his last hours bearing witness to
the depth and earnestness of his zeal for the Crusade."-]-
The body was laid out in the Cathedral on the Feast
of the Assumption (August 15, 1464), and afterwards, in
accordance with the desire of the deceased Pope, conveyed
to Rome, where it was buried in the Chapel of St. Andrew,
which he had built^
Pius II. had been the soul of the Crusade, and it came
to an end with him ; his death was " a heavy blow not only
to Western Christendom, but also to the Christians of the

* See Ammanati, Ep., f. 26b-28, 42b, and 34i-342b ; Campanus,

990. Regarding the Pope's death, see Appendix, N. 64, *G. LoUi's
Despatch of the 15th Aug., 1464. State Archives, Siena.

t Heinemann, 27. In another passage (3) this scholar observes in

relation to Pius II.: "His warnings, counsels, and predictions, his

ardent, although fruitless, zeal for the complete removal of the danger
by which Europe was, for the first time, threatened, are still worthy
of consideration in our own days. His far-sightedness discerned the
evil which has come upon subsequent generations from the establish-

ment of the Turks on the Bosphorus, and had his exhortations then
been heeded, the crisis which now threatens us would have been
averted."

t Regarding the tomb of Pius II., see Cancellieri, De Secret., 712

seg. On the occasion of the restoration of St. Peter's, under Paul V.,
Pius II.'s monument was removed to the Church of S. Andrea della

Valle, where it " occupies the whole space between two of the pillars."

Gregorovius, Grabmaler, 96. The long epitaph of 1623 is in

ClACONlUS, II., 1027 (where is also a very imperfect representation

of the monument), and Bonanni, I., 69-70 ; for the old one, see
De Rossi, Inscript., II., 421.
 DEATH OF PIUS II. 37

East, who were already beginning to feel the pressure of

the Turkish yoke."*
On hearing of the Pope's death, the Doge landed.
Francesco Gonzaga, who had recently arrived in his
Galley, met him with three other Cardinals, and accom-
panied him to S. Ciriaco. Here Cristoforo Moro at once
had a conference with some of the members of the Sacred
College, Cardinals Barbo and Borgia being prevented by
illness from taking part
in it.-f At the same time came
the tidings of the death of the celebrated Cardinal Cusa,
which had taken place at Todi on the nth August.
From one of the accounts of the conference between
the Cardinals and the Doge "who had undertaken the
expedition much against his will,"§ we learn that the
latter made demands which it was impossible to concede.||
On the i6th August the Archbishop of Milan expressed
his opinion that the Venetians evidently repented of their
voyage to Ancona and the whole expedition against the
Turks.^

* Dijx, II., 238.

t See **Report of Rafael Caymus to Simoneta, dated Ancona, 1464,
Aug. 15 (State Archives, Milan), and the letters of Giacomo d'Arezzo
and Cardinal Gonzaga, dated Ancona, Aug.
16. (Gonzaga
1464,
Archives, Mantua.) See also Malipiero, 30.
t In the ^Letter from the Archbishop of Milan, cited l^elow, note
1,
is the following passage regarding the
death of Cusa " del che e gran :

danno per la virtu et religione regnava in Sua Signoria."

See Sc'i-ipt.
rer. Siles., IX., 91, 94, and suj^nz, p. 21 1, note't.
§ This also the opinion of VoiGT, III., 722.
is

" El prefato illustre duxe audito

il poi in concistorio el collegio deli
reV"* cardinali ha dimandato cose molto difficili et ardue et impossibili
a quel collegio." *Letter to C. Simoneta of the 24th August,
1464, in
the State Archives, Milan. The name of the writer, as well as that of
the place where it was written, has been destroyed
by damp.
^ *Report to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 16. State
Archives, Milan.
372 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

After the Doge had returned to his ship, the Cardinals,

who were longing to get back to Rome, determined to give

over the Galleys which were lying ready in the harbour
to the Republic, on condition, however, that they should
be restored if the new Pope were not to approve of
the arrangement, or should himself wish to undertake
a Crusade. It was, moreover, resolved that the 40,000
ducats which remained of the money collected for the

Turkish war should be entrusted to the Venetians for

transmission King of Hungary. These decisions

to the
were imparted to the Doge on the following day.* On the
17th, the Pope's body was removed to jR.ome his viscera ;

were buried in the Choir of S. Ciriaco.f Some of the

Cardinals left Ancona the same day, the rest soon followed,
for all were anxious to be in good time for the new

election.^
* Ammanati, Comment. 362. See Malipiero, 31, and Chronic.
Eugub., 1008. Here the correct number of 40,000 ducats is given,
while Ammanati mentions 8000 more. The exact sum is copied at p.

336, supra, from the account book in the State Archives, Rome.
t In the middle of the Choir the spot is marked by a marble slab,

bearing the arms of Pius II., and the following Inscription (given in-

correctly in Leoni, 232, and Ciavarini, I., 185).

MCCCCLXIIII. XIX. Kls. Sept

Pii II.

Pont. Max. prae-

cordia tumu-
lantur.

Corpus Romam
translatum. Anco.
moritur dum
in Turcos bella parat.

J Report of Nicodemus de Pontremoli to Fr. Sforza, on the 23rd

Aug., 1464. (State Archives, Milan.) Of the conference of the i6th
August we have, unfortunately, only general notices in the ^Letters
of J. P. Arrivabene and Card. Gonzaga of the i6th Aug., 1464.
Gonzaga Archives.
 CALIXTUS III. AND PIUS II. AS CRUSADERS. 373

The Doge left Ancona in the night of the iSth August,

and went, in the first instance, to Istria with his squadron.*
And now came the fulfilment of Pandolfo Contarini's
predictions to the Duke of Milan when the Venetian fleet
first set sail for Ancona.f Cristoforo Moro returned to
Venice, and orders were issued at once that the squadron
should be dismantled !
|

A glance at the energy with which Pius II., like his

predecessor, Calixtus III., sought to resist the power of
the Turks, suffices to shew the injustice of the reproach
of recent days, that the Popes were responsible for the
incubus which even now presses upon Europe in the form
of the Eastern question. " The Papacy never forgot, in
the face of difficulties of all sorts, its duty of Christianising
the East,§ and was equally persevering in its advocacy of
the Crusades as the only way in which the increasing
danger of Turkish invasion could be met. The Popes
did more in proportion to their material resources than
any European power, for the defence of Christendom
against this terrible foe. Pius II,, on his death-bed while
the Crusaders' Ancona, was the champion
fleet sailed into
and exponent of a great idea, whatever opinion may be

* Giacomo d'Arezzo to the Marquess of Mantua, dated Ancona,

1464, Aug. 18: *" Loser™" duce de Venetia se partira questa nocte."
(Gonzaga Archives.) On the 21st August, C. Aloro, from Parenzo,
announces his speedy return to Venice. *Original Letter in State

Archives, Venice, Atti. Dipl.

t P. Contarini, in a *Letter to Fr. Sforza, dated Venice, 1464, Aug.,
29, refers to these predictions. .State Archives, Milan.
+ See P. Contarini's letter, cited in previous note. The tortuous
style of the Doge's ^Letter to Fr. Sforza, dated 25th Aug., 1464, is

characteristic. He announces his return to Venice, and represents

the death of the Pope to have been quite unexpected ! *Original
in the State Archives, Milan.

§ See our ist Vol., p. 60 seq.

374 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

formed as to the suitability of the means by which it was

to have been realised."*
Pius II. is one of those Pontiffs whose life and
character has called forth the most conflicting apprecia-
tions. This is not surprising, if we consider his great
talents and varied attainments, so far surpassing those of
the majority of his contemporaries, and the many changes
which marked the course of his eventful life. It is

impossible to defend much of his conduct in his earlier

days, or his nepotism when raised to the Papal Throne.
On the other hand, it cannot be denied that, as Head of
the Church, Pius II. did much to restore the dignity and
authority of the Holy See and that, in cultivation and learn-
;

ing, this gifted and genial Pope has had hardly an equal

among Princes.-j- The greatest authority on the Renaissance

period places him next in order of merit to Nicholas V.,
admittedly the best of the 1 5 th century Popes. J And, besides
this, we cannot withhold our admiration and esteem from the

untiring zeal with which, although feeble with age and tor-
tured by bodily suffering, he laboured in what he must have
felt to be the almost hopeless cause of the Crusade, striv-
ing with might and main to organise the forces of the West
to resist the imminent destruction with which they were
threatened by the Turkish power. This alone will secure

for him an honoured remembrance throughout all ages.

* See Reumont, Allg. Zeitung, 3676 (1879), as against Bollinger's

intemperate charges. See also Vigna, II., i, loi seq., 167.

t Geiger, 140. MUNTZ, I., 220, similarly expresses himself:

"L'Eglise a rarement ete gouvemee par un Pape aussi lettre, aussi

spirituel, aussi aimable que Pie II." PalaCKY, IV., I, 373, speaks of
^neas Sylvius as one of the greatest intellects of his age. See also
MiJNTZ, Renaissance, 1 7 ;
Helwing, 2 and 24 ; and SiSMONDl, X.,

Gregorovius, VII., 204, 3rd ed., describes Pius II. as a great

354.
ornament of the Papacy.
X BuRCKHARDT Cultur, I.. 90,3rd ed.
 APPENDIX

UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS

EXTRACTS FROM ARCHIVES.

 APPENDIX.

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.
The documents here brought together are only intended
to corroborate and complete the text. It did not form
part of the plan of my work to furnish an actual collection
of Archives. I have given as accurately as I could the
place where each is to be found. From considerations of
space, my explanatory observations have been made as
few and as brief as possible. As a rule I have retained
the spelling, punctuation, &c., of the text ; such alterations
as I have made in regard to capital letters and punctua-
tion do not require justification. All emendations of
any importance are mentioned, but slight mistakes and
obvious misprints are corrected without remark. Addi-
tions are marked by brackets, and incomprehensible or
doubtful passages by a note of interrogation, or the word
sic. Those which I have omitted as beside my purpose,
either in my first copy, or later, when preparing for the
press, are thus indicated (...).

I. Otto de Carretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke

OF Milan.*
1458, Aug. 14, Rome.
Illustrissime princeps et excellentissime domine, &c.
Poyche raltissimo Die ha volute ad se recevere quelle dignissime
cardinale de Fermef et cosi repentinamente ce ha rotto el disegne
* See supra, p. 7. t Domenico Capran'ca.
378 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

nostro, il quale se in hominem e fede alcuna non poteva mancare

come qualche volta faro intendere chiaro a chi vegna qui per
Vostra Excellentia, rivocando in tanto dolore a me il consiglio
de la rasone spero con I'aiuto de Dio drizare la cosa ad asay bon
porto et non son senza speranza del rev. cardinale de Colonna,
ma piu fatibile pare de quello de Siena* et a questo se accorda
meglio li animi de tutte le parti et cosi de questi ambasciatori
de la Maesta del re.f Onde mi sforzero de operare con tal

discretione che venendo in lui o altri, per che intendero pendere

la fortuna, se tegnira da nuy servito in modo che Vostra Excel-
lentia restera da mia opera e diligentia satisfacto secondo il caso,
non altro per questa. Rome die xiv. Augusti, 1458.
Eiusdem Vestrae Excellentiae fidelissimus servitor,
Otho.de Carrettq.

[Original in the State Archives, Milan.]

2. Otto de Carrettq to Francesco Sforza, Duke

OF Milan. J
1458, Aug. 20, Rome.
Come per altre scrissi a v. Ex""" lo collegio de car'' gia havea
concesso ch'a la guardia del conclavi fussero accettati li ambasiatori
de la M"* del re Ferrando come ambasiatori regali et tal opera

havemo fatta con li amici ; hora la S' ' de N. S. insieme con li

rev'"' car" hanno deliberato in ogni atto siano accettati come

ambasiatori regali et car'' et altri li possiano scrivere re. Item
la prefata S'' de N. S. molto largamente et gratiosamente li ha
confortati che facino la sua proposta in consistorio a la Sua
S''' et a li car'' et che lasseno conducere la cosa a sua Bea"^
perche la conducera a bon porto, del che sono rimasti molto
contenti et intendono il favore de v. Ex*"'^ in queste sue cose
haverli giovato asay et resteno, ut opinor, de mia opera ben
satisfatti, &:c.

[Original in the State Archives, Milan.]

* .^neas Sylvius Piccolomini. t Ferrante of Naples.

*t See sitp-a, pp. 8, 20.
 APPENDIX. 379

3. Antonio da Pistoja to Francesco Sfokza, Duke

OF Milan.*
1458, Aug. 21, Rome.
Come credo sara avisata la non S. V. gran pericolo fu che
havemo papa franzoso et io sapevo tal practica tra Roanof et
Vignonel che era quasi impossibile ch'el papato non tochasse
a uno di loro duy. Laudato Dio che e remaso in Italia. In
questo principio ha grande stato presso al papa il cardinal di
Bologna§ et Pavia|| sera el secondo perche fu molto favorevole
a la sua electione, et contrario a Mons. de Roano per il che sono

fatti inimici. Ma credo bixognera per forza ch'el papa habia

bona intelligentia con questi dui franzosi, se vorra havere obbe-
dientia da la' lor nalione, che e sempreel principale membro di questa
corte. Et gia li ditti duy car^' franzosi comincianoa fare di strecte
pratiche insieme

[Original in Ambrosian Library, Milan. Cod. Z.-219, Supp.]

4. Pope Pius H. to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan. IT

145S, Dec. 10, Rome.

Pius PP. IL Dilecte fili salutem et apostolicam benedic.
Ex litteris, quas tua nobilitas ad nos et suos hie presentes oratores
nuperrime scripsit, intelleximus promptitudinem tuam ad omnia
peragenda que nobis grata esse intelligis et statui nostro conducere
arbitraris.

Cognovimus enim quid mandatario comitis Jacobi Piccinini

responderis, quid Tome de Bononia ad ilium misso exponenda
tui parte commiseris : quid denique pro redintegratione nobilium
Senensium ad regimen civitatis pollicearis et sentias. Que omnia
adeo nobis iocunda sunt et accepta ut te in diem magis ex toto :

corde nostro amemus in nostrisque et ecclesie necessitatibus

unicum ac verum refugium in tua nobilitate positum arbitremur.
Agimus igitur pro his omnibus bonitati et caritati tue debitas
gratias teque dignum putamus quem apostolica sedes in suum
peculiarem filium habeat et eum benevolentiae officio prosequatur,
non dubitantes huiusmodi zelum quem preter ceteros in rebus

* See S2/J>ra, pp. 12, 17, 32, 293. f d'Estouteville.

J Alain, § F. Calandrini. II
J. Castiglione.
^ See sii/m, p. 2S, and Raynaldus, ad an. 145S, N. 5.
380 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

ecclesie ostendis ad meritum divine retributionis et prosperum

tuum [statum]* cessurum. Quia vero satis adhuc dubitamus

quorsum sit evasura in restituenda civitate Assisij comitis antedicti
voluntas, et securiori parti semper est consulendum, optaremus
vehementer ut gentes illae, quas tua nobilitas missuram se scribit
mittere, sine ulla dilatione quantocius maturares, adeo ut, cum nos
concedente altissimo intendamus circa festum purificationis beate
Virginis Perusij personaliter interesse, ante earn diem, si fieri

posset, terras ecclesie essent ingresse, credentes celerem earum

adventum ad omnia feliciter dirigenda plurimum posse conferre,
quod ut tua generositas faciat, studiose requirimus in singulare
pignus tui in nos animi hoc habituri. Cum autem subducta
nostrarum gentium ratione videamur equites mille et totidem
pedites ad hoc ipsum posse afferre, tibique vires comitis antedicti
et loca in quibus illi est obsistendum notissima esse non dubitemus,
pro [tua]* sapientia iudicare facile potes quem numerum copiarum
mitti sit opus. Nos tamen quantum opinione nostra consequi
possumus putaremus duo milia equitum et pedites mille vel saltem
quingentos ex provisionariis tuis presenti necessitati sufficere, quod
tamen juditio tuo, qui sapientissime omnia perspicis, totum
relinquimus. Unum requirimus, ut quam primum •
venire illas

mandaveris, nos ilico facias certiores, ut in tempore ductoribus

earum significare possimus, in quam partem terrarum nostrarum
divertere illas velimus. Quod si forte comes predictus tuis ad-
monitionibus cedens Assisium nobis antea redderet (quod tamen
incertum est nobis) nobilitati tue scribemus quam partem illarum
gentium si necessitas fuerit relinqui nobis optemus, in omnibusque
ita nos habere curabimus ut obsequia tua cognita et grata fuisse
intelligas. Quia vero carissimus in Christo fihus noster Ferdi-
nandus nuper ad comitem antedictum Antonium
Sicilie rex illustris

de Pisauro transmisit, et is hac iter faciens instructiones, quas ad

ilium regio nomine deferebat, nobis ostendit, ne quid tua nobilitas
eorum quae aguntur ignoret, cuncta tuis oratoribus predictis
narravimus. Ex quorum litteris ilia et que in presentiarum ex-
poscimus plenius intelligere poteris. Solum eandem tuam gene-
rositatem hortamur in domino, ut cum primus in Italia princeps

sis, qui ingruente necessitate ad conservationem comunis pacis et

* Word left out in text.

 APPENDIX. 381

protectionem apostolice sedis contra illarum turbatores semper

exurgas, tuam in hoc gloriosam consuetudinem studeas retinere et

in cumulum tue in nos fidelis voluntatis causam nobilium predic-

torum nostra opera inceptam, suffragio tuo et celeri missione eius
quern dicis iuvare contendas, ut omni ex parte tibi debere et agere
gratias habeamus.
Datum Rome apud sanctum Petrum sub annulo piscatoris die
X.Decembris millesimo quadringentesimo octavo pontificatus nostri
anno primo.
Ja. Lucensis.
[/'.6'.] — Super his etiam dilectus fiUus
Galeottus de Agnes, familiaris noster per
suas litteras tuae noblHtati desyderium

nostrum et presentem necessitatem pluri-

bus explicabit.
[Atergo]
Dilecto fiho nobili viro
Francisco Sforzie duci
Mediolani.

[Original in Ambrosian Library, Milan. Cod. Z.-219, Supp.J

5. Pope Pius IF. to Emperor Frederick III.*

1459, Jan. 26, Spoleto.
He commends him Holy
for being constantly faithful to the

See, and thanks him for information regarding preparations

against the Emperor and the Pope.f
Orator noster quem apud celsitudinem tuam habemus misit
ad nos copiam responsi super adventu tuo ad dietam accepti quod
profecto neque expectationi nostre neque necessitati satis res-
pondet. .He himself is coming to Mantua. Nemo profecto
, .

erit qui te cessante non sibi honestum putet cessare. Pro honore
igitur Germanic nacionis et gloria nominis tui, pro salute etiam
cristiane religionis cui gradus tuus imprimis est debitor velit

serenitas tua super hoc actentius cogitare et omnino ad convenien-

dum mentem disponere.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 6b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See sitpra, pp. 49 and 64.

t See Gehhardt. Gravamina, p. 29.
382 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

6. Pope Pius II. to Emperor Frederick III.*

1459, Febr. 26, Siena.
Declines to give advice regarding the reception of the Crown
of Hungary Raynaldus, ad an. 1459, N. 14.
; see . . .

Quod autem ob hanc solam causam adventum tuum ad dietam

excusas, hoc nobis valde est grave non solum quia exemplo tuo
multis convenire cura non erit, sed quia plane videmus racioneni
pii consilii nostri impediri vel certe in longum differri. . . .

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 15b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

7. Pope Pius II. to Emperor Frederick Ill.t

1459, Febr. 28, Siena.
Ex urbe primum diem discessus nostri et mox ex arce Spoletana i
progressum itineris et alia quae oportuna sunt visa tue celsitudini
significavimus. Nunc autem eidem eciam nuntiamus nos iuvante
altissimo Senas iam pervenisse et hie non longa mora ad
facta
civitatem Mantuanam recto itinere profecturos sublimitatem tuam
hortantes in domino et per salutem christiani populi in cuius
protectione una nobiscum Deo es debitor ex corde requirimus ut
preces nostras tocies super personaU tuo adventu iteratas exaudire
clementer velis sciens te unum esse in quem respiciunt ceteri et
qui tuo exemplo ad res prospere vel secus gerendas dare in
utramque partem momentum maximum potes. Velis in hoc
diligenter actendere quid a te in tali necessitate requirat Deus,
quid honor tuus expostulet et quid nostra toti orbi nota conditio
flagitet. . . .

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 20. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

8. Pope Pius II. to Bernhardus de Bosco.§

1459, March 18, Siena,

Quia continuantibus discordiis inter chariss. in Christo filium

nostrum F[erdinandum] Sicilie regem ill. et dil. fil. nob. virum
principem Tarentinum verisimiliter posset tota Ytalia ex diuturna
quiete sua maximis olim laboribus parta in antiquas calamitates
recidere, sends to the Archbishop of Ravenna in order to bring
about a peace between them.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 23. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See stipra, p. 64. t See supra, p. 53. X 'ieepreviotispage. § See sitpra, p. 74.
 APPENDIX. 383

9. Pope Pius II. to Emperor Frederick III.*

1459, April 30, Florence.
.... Verum cogitamus hos ipsos oratores licet virtute et fide

meliores esse non possint nosque propterea eis ex corde sumus

affecti tamen in conventu tot principum non satis representaturos
esse gradum celsitudinis tue qui ut magnus est ita et maiora ceteris
postulat. Credidimus honori tuo plurimum convenire saltern
inter hos ipsos principem aliquem de pocioribus dominorum
tuorum ascribere in cuius persona tu honoreris et qui praestancia
sua non solum auctoritatem diete adjicere sed omnia tua possit
maiora efficere. Propterea eandem celsitudinem hortamur in
domino utf pro estimacione nominis sui velit hoc ipsum actendere
•et iudicium nostrum amplecti. He gave him this advice, because
he is solicitous for his honour, which he will defend tamen :

veremur ne si digniores non miseris omnis nostra excusatio parum

vera apareat, nunc presertim cum acceptata electione regni Ungarie
defensio eius contra impetus Turchorum tibi sit debita et igno-
miniosum possit censeri non ostendere hoc regni inicio mentem
ad illius protectionem incensam. Hec ut fideli animo scribimus,
ita velit serenitas tua in bonam partem accipere et nos exaudire,
oratores etiam predicti ad te redeuntes de his et ceteris tue eels.
plenius referent. Dat. Florentiae ex itinere xxx. Aprilis A^ 1°.

[Lib. brev. f. 31. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

10. Pope Pius II. to King John II. of Aragon.|

1459, ]\Iay 12, Bologna,
Pervenimus iam duce altissimo &c. . . . Sere, tuam hor-
tamur in domino et per viscera misericordie domini nostri requiri-
mus ut memor causam fidei agi qua nulla est major et in cuius
defensione catholicus quisque est debitor, velis ceteris impedi-
mentis posthabitis que nos in rebus nostris pro Deo contempsimus
ad ipsam dietam accedere et pias exhortationes s. sedis hoc
necessario tempore audire. Dat. Bononiae xii. Mail A* 1°. Regi
Anglie simile.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 3^. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See supra, p. 66. This Brief is essentially different from that in the
Comment., which Vojgt, III., 50, rightly considers to be forged.
t Hs. : et. + See supra, p. 58.
384 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

II. Pope Pius II. to John III., Bishop of Eichtstatt.*

1459, May 31, Mantua.

Ad diem vicesimum septimum mail duce Deo Mantuam

venimus cum antea per litteras nostras in kalendis iunii pro-

misissemus nos Expectamus principes hue con-

illuc affuturos.

venturos vel si id non poterunt oratores eorum quorum neminem

convenisse hucusque satis miramur. Hortamur frat. tuam, &c.

[Lib. brev. 9, f.
35 ; see f. 37, a similar summons to the Arch-

bishop of Salzburg. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

12. Pope Pius II. to Duke Louis of Savoy.I

1459, June 2nd, Mantua.
Inasmuch as the Duke, so he hears, will not come in person to
Mantua, it is all the more fitting that he should send Ambassadors.
Hortamur nobilitatem tuam in domino ut aut per te ipsum quod
inprimis optamus aut per oratores quos scribis viros praestantes et
tante solemnitati ydoneos velis celeriter convenire.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 39. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

13. Pope Pius II. to Frankfort on Maine. |

1459, June 2nd, Mantua.

Pius PP. II. Dilecti filii salutem et apostolicam benedict.

Credimus devotioni vestre notum iam esse, quemadmodum de
mense octobris iam proxime elapsi intendentes quantum in nobis
esset saluti fidelium contra perfidos Turchos paterne consulere
indiximus in kal. iunii in civitate Mantue solemnem dietam prin-
cipum et potentatum christianorum dispositi concedente Deo per-
sonaliter ibidem interesse, ad quam iam duce altissimo quinto ante

hunc terminum die personaliter affuimus iter ingressi non sine

magnis persone et rerum nostrarum incommodis. Siquidem etas
nostra iam ingravescens quietem desiderat et patrimonium ecclesie
pontificis presentia destitutum manifestis periculis quotidie
subiacet ; omnia hec tamen pro Deo magnifacienda non duximus
scientes fidelium populorum salutem et causam sacrosancte fidei
catholice anteferendam esse cunctis laboribus atque periculis. Cum
itaque comunitatem vestram magnifecerimus semper illamque con-

* Se; sjtprOf pp. 59 and 67. t See siipra, p. 87. + See siipj-a, p. 61,
 APPENDIX. 385

silio et ope sua plurimum adiumenti afferre posse sciamus ad hoc

nostrum propositum, hortamur devotionem vestram in domino et
instanter requirimus ut sicut devoti apostolice sedis filii et bonorura
operum zelatores velitis hue una cum ceteris oratores vestros
transmittere mandatum tale afferentes, ut ipsam comunitatem
super concludendis non sit necesse ex ipsa dieta quotidie consuli.
Facietis hoc Deo rem acceptabilem, nobis gratam et toti
in

christiano populo salutarem, honori quoque vestro hac in parte

laudabiliter consuletis, siquidem de fide catholica agitur pro qua et

gloriosum est mori et labores suscipere christiano cuique debitum.

Ipsos igitur vestros oratores unacum ceteris hie expectamus. Dat.
Mantue subanulo piscatoris die ii. Junii, 1459, pontif. noslrianno
primo.
Ja. Lucen. I

[A tergo :]

Dilectis filiis et comunitati civitatis Francfordien.

[Original in the City Archives at Frankfort-on-Maine.
Reichsangelegenheiten betreffendes, N. 5107,]

14. Pope Pius II. to King Charles VII. of France.*

1459, June 8, Mantua.
. . Quare hortamur et rogamus tuam eels, ex corde ut post-
.

habitis omnibus difificultatibus velis quam celerius fieri potest ad

nos iam Mantue prestolantes oratores suos mittere et quidem ut
paulo antea scripseramus ita dignos tua sere"" et munitos man-
datis necessariis ut quoad ea, que tractanda erunt, mittere ad te
denuo consulendum non expediat.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 40. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

15. Pope Pius II. to Cardinal Nicholas of Cusa,

Legate at Rome.!
1459, June 9, Mantua.
He begs him to remain in Rome and keep at his post, and praises
him for having so well maintained peace. Te enim istic presente
quieto animo vivimus et nostra omnia in tuto posita credimus.
Should he find the heat oppressive, he may go to Tivoli. The
Pope will not forget to take care of his business ; duci Sigismundo
efficacissime scripsimus. . . .

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 43. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See supra, p. 68. t See supra, p. 106.

VOL. III. 2 C
386 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

i6. Pope Pius II. to Procopius of Rabenstein.*

1459, June 12, Mantua.
. . . hortamur tuam devot. in domino et studiose requirimus ut
exhortari in Christo fil. nostrum Bohemorum regem ill.
cariss.

quotidianis commemorationibus tuis non desinas ad celeriter

mittendos oratores suos ad hanc Mantuanam dietam mandate
pleno suffultos non solum ad ea quae sanctam pro fide expedi-
tionem concernunt, sed ad ea eciam componenda atque tractanda
per que regnum illud matrem suam Romanam ecclesiam omni
ex parte cognoscat.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 46. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

17. Pope Pius II. to Bologna.I

1459) July 28, Mantua.
Dilecti fili, &c. Quom istic Bononie essemus, officii et propositi
nostri memores hortati sumus vos, ut oratores vestros ad dietam
pro rebus christiane fidei agitandis institutam mittere curaretis.
Et quidem non mediocriter admirati sumus id a vobis ad hanc
usque diem dilatum extitisse. Cum presertim idipsum ea nos
potissimum gratia exoptare intellexeritis, ut reliquis Italie civitatibus

diligentia vestra exemplo essetis et ob id ad mittendum promp-

tiores celerioresque redderentur. lam vero nonnuUorum Ger-
manic principum Hungarie et Aragonum oratores
ac regis
advenerunt. Alii quoque ducis Burgundie diversorumque domin-

orum propediem affuturi sunt. Quocirca iterum atque iterum

vos hortamur in domino et districte requirimus, ut pro tam pio
tamque salutifero catholice fidei opere perficiendo debitum vestrum
diutius remorari nolitis. Sed illud quantocius fieri potest diligenter
implere studeatis, quod sumopere desideramus et a vobis instanter
deposcimus. Dat. Mantuae sub anulo pise, die xxviii. Julii,.

1459 pontif. nostri anno primo.

[Original in the State Archives, Bologna.]

18. Pope Pius II. to Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan.

1459, July 29, Mantua.
The Pope insists on the importance of the Duke's presence.
Nam cum auctoritas tua magna sit et consilium etiam sapiens,

* See supra, p. 219. t See supra, p. 58. + See supra, p. 73.

 APPENDIX. 387

speramus te praesente ac considente omnia ex nostro desiderio

efficacius successura.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 58b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

19. Pope Pius II. to Diether of Isenburg.*

I459i J"ly 31, Mantua.
Comiti de Ysemburg. Dilecte fih, &c. Intelleximus te proxime
ad Moguntinam ecclesiam electum fuisse et oratores iam destinasse
qui ad procurandam ilHus confirmacionem accedant. Significamus
tibinecessarium esse ut tu personaliter venias et presens ab apos-
tolicasede hoc impetres. Nos enim aliter daturi illam non
sumus. Si qui sunt qui contrarium consulunt in errore versantur
... Si veneris invenies
nos ad omnia promptos quae honorem
et utilitatemtuam concernant. Si minus necesse erit intelligas
veritatem mendacio preferendam fuisse ....

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 60. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

20. Pope Pius II. to Duke Louis of Savoy.!

1459, August 6, Mantua.
Expectavimus usque in praesentem diem oratores tue nobihtatis
quos te missurum iam dudum promiseras. Here follows an
urgent request that they should at last be sent.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 60b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

21. Pope Pius II. to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg. J

1459, August 13, Mantua.
The Pope counts up the many summonses to Mantua already
addressed to him and the other Princes all, however, in vain. —
He expects him by the Feast of St. Martin hac sola de causa hie
moraturi. Et propterea etiam atque etiam per viscera misericordie
Dei nostri nobilitatem tuam per has ultimas nostras requirimus
etmonemus tibique quia ita salus fidelis populi postulat expresse
mandamus ut intra hunc terminum personaliter velis adesse. Cum
enim usque ad eam diem propter Germanos solos expectaturi hie
sumus, cederet non solum tibi sed toti nacioni ad confusionem
non parvam in tempore non aeeessisse.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 62b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See supra p. 166. + See supra,

f See supra, p. %]. p. 97.
388 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

22. Pope Pius II. to Diether of Isenburg.*

1459, August 13, Mantua,
Diethero de Isemburg, canonico Moguntino. Requisivimus,
&c. He has already, by Briefs, required him personally to attend
the Congress at Mantua. This summons is hereby repeated.
Dat. Mantuae xiii. Augusti A° 1°.

[Cop. Plut. LXXXX. Supp. Cod. 138, N. 17 of the Laurentian

Library at Florence.]

23. Pope Pius II. to the Cathedral Chapter of

Mayence.I
1459, August 13, Mantua.
Capitulo ecclesiae Moguntinae,
Dilecti filii salutem. Cum dietam banc Mantuanam pro de-
fensione christianae fidei indixerimus, requisivimus bo. me. Theo-
dericum archiepiscopum Moguntinum tunc in humanis agentem
ut cum aliis Christi fidelibus principibus conveniret. Evenit ut
interim sicut Deo placuit, ipse hac vita functus est. Ob quam
rem vos provide agentes ad successoris electionem processistis
atque dilectum filium Dietherum de Ysemburg elegistis qui ad nos
pro electionis confirmatione misit. Nos considerantes quantum
utilitatis allatura sit christianae religioni haec dieta, si principes
et prelati conveniant, deliberavimus eum requirere ut ad nos
venirettam pro confirmatione quam pro facto fidei. Et ita Uteris
Hortamur igitur et requirimus devotionem
nostris sibi scripsimus.
vestram ut ei persuadeatis ut ad nos quantocius veniat. Quod
si effeceritis ultra universale bonum fidei et sibi et ecclesiae
vestrae rem utilem facietis. Dat. Mantuae sub anulo piscatoris
xiii. Augusti, pontif. nostri anno primo.

[Cap Cod. LXXXX.-138, N. 16 of the Laurentian Library,

Florence.]

24^ Pope Pius II. to Florence.!

1459, August 19, Mantua.
Non cessavimus usque in praesentem diem quotidianis precibus
* See supra p, 166.
t See snpra, p. 166, and Pii H. Comment. 65.
X See supra, p. 69.
 APPENDIX. 389

ad mittendos oratores vos adhortari* — but all has been in vain.

As the business of the Congress commences at the beginning of
next month, requirimus in conspectu Dei et hominum rem pub-
licam vestram ut eo tempore suos oratores cum pleno mandato
curet hie esse.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 68. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

25. Pope Pius II. to Francesco Sforza, Duke of

Milan.!
1459, August 25, Mantua.
Quia dil. fil. nob. vir dux Clivensis omnibus horis super dis-
cessu suo apud nos instat necessarias causas ostendens quibus ad
redeundum impellitur, quia eciam nos ab eo cum difficultate
impetravimus ut ad longius usque ad diem sextam Septembris
expectare hie vellet ideo nobilitatem tuam quanto maiore studio
:

possumus hortamur atque requirimus ut pro summa consolacione

nostra et felici principio rerum pro agendarum ad minus
fide
circa secundam vel terciam diem mensis eiusdem ceteris post-
habitis cures hie esse . . .

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 70b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

26. Pius II. to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg.

1459, September 9, Mantua.
. .Ceterum vehementer admiramur quod tua nobilitas nihil
.

nobis rescribit de suo adventu ad dietam. Here follows an

urgent request that he would appear in person at Mantua the Con- ;

gress there exceeds all others in importance. Dat. Mantuae ix.

Sept. A° 2°.

[Florence, Laurentian Library. Plut. LXXXX. Supp.

Cod. 138, N. 28.]

27. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to his Consort,

Bianca Maria.§
1459, September 26, Mantua.
domina consors nostra precordialissima.
lUustrissima et ex.
Hersera recevessemo una littera de la Sig'' Vostra di sua mano '

* See particulars from the State Archives, Florence, supra, p. 69,

t See supra, p. 72. + See supra, p. 97. § See supra, pp. 75 and 78.
390 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

a la quale al presenta non possemo fare resposta, ma domane

gli responderimo al tucto et maxime la chiarerimo quando sera el

partire nostro de qui et la casone perche non possemo respon-

dervi de nostra mano questo di si e che come scripsimo heri a
la Sig"" Vostra questa matina la S''^ de Nostro Sig''' tra le XII
et XIII hore una messa del spirito sancto in canto
fece dire
nel domo dove et lo ill. Sig'''' lo Marchese et nuy depoy la S'''
:

de N. Sig'^ fussemo li primi et fornita la messa posto a sedere

N. Sig'" in pontificale et cossi tucti li sig" et ambax" de
christiani che se troveno qui in li lochi loro con li rev"" Sig"
cardinali in publico in essa chiesia dove era un grandissimo
numero de gente d'ogni natione el prefato N. Sig™ pronuntio :

una longa et ornatissima oratione quale duro per spacio de due

hore in la quale tra molte altre cose el confosto ogniuno a lim-
presa contra Turcho et el finita la sua oratione ne recit6 un altra
el cardinale Niceno quale la tenne una hora : per la quale confir-
mando quello che havia dicto N. Sig'^'' persuadete per parte de
tucti li . . . cardinali a tucti quelli quali erano presenti a la

dicta impresa ; dapoy resposero tucti li . . . ambaxatori regali

per parte de li loro sig" et cossi tucti li altri ambaxatori et etiando
nuy respondessemo in persona che eramo apparechiati a seguire
la volunta de la S'' Sua et tandem fu concluso che limpresa
omnino se debia prendere contra dicto Turcho ; de qui inanci
mo privatamente et non piu in publico se tractara del modo se
havera a servare in pigliare dicta impresa. Li . . . ambaxatori
del duca de Borgogna hanno offerto per parte del suo sig'" in-

comenzando dal principio dela guerra fin al fine de voler tenere

a sue spese IIII"' fanti et II'" cavalli. Et de quello che piu
ultra se fara la Sig"'' Vostra continuamente ne sera advisata.
Altro non diamo se non che ne recomandiamo a la Sig"'' V. la
quale advisamo come per gratia de Dio stiamo bene. Dat.
Mantuae xxvi. Septembris, 1459. . .

Franciscus Sfortia vicecomes dux Mediolani

Papie Anglerieque comes et Cremone dominus.

[A tergo : Address]
Johannes.

[Original in State Archives, Milan.]

 APPENDIX. 391

28. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to his Consort,

BiANCA Maria.*
1459, Sept. 29, Mantua.
Illustrissima et ex. domina censors nostra precordialissima.
Non se meravigli la Sig. V, se ne heri ne hogi noy li havimo
scripto di nostra mano perche sonno tante loccupatione che nuy
;

havimo et maxime adesso che semo al fine del nostro stare qui
et per partirne che non ne avanza pur el tempo ad poter manzare.
Nuy con el nome de Dio havimo deliberato partirne de qui o
lunedi o martedi al piu longo et questo non manchera et per la
gratia desso dio stiamo bene de la persona et attendemo tucta
volta ad expedirne qui a le cose che havimo affare et speramo
chel tuctopassaraoptimamente. Mantuae xxviiii.Septembris, 1459,
hora quinta noctis.

Franciscus Sforza vicecomes dux Mediolani

Papie Anglerieque comes ac Cremone dominus.
[A tergo : Address]
Johannes.
[Original in State Archives at Milan.]

29. Pope Pius II. to Albert, Margrave of Brandenburg. t

1459, September 30, Mantua.
He praises him, and rejoices that he has appointed a time when
he may be expected in Mantua. Expresses great hopes for the
progress of the Congress.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 79b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

30. Pope Pius II. to Duke Louis of Savoy. J

[1459, September 30, Maiitua.§]

Nescimus utrum magis miremur an doleamus quod tocies ad
conventum hunc Mantuanum pro fide Dei nostri vocatus usque in
banc diem non veneris nee oratores tuos transmiseris. ... He
must, at last, send Ambassadors provided with full powers.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. Sob. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

* See siip)-a, p. 75. t See supra, p. 97. X See supra, p. 87.

§ The Brief is without date, but is of the same clay as Ihe preceding one.
392 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

31. NicoLAUS Severinus and Lodovicus de Petronibus

TO THE Republic of Siena.*
1459, October i, Mantua.
Yesterday, "a here xx," the whole Italian Nation was assembled.
Proposal of tithes, twentieth and thirtieth parts for the Turkish
war. Volse S. S'^ che ciascuno si soscrivesse propriis manibus
cominciando dallo s'"° principe duca di milano et cosi di mano in
mano tutti quelli ch'erano presenti excepto li ambasciatori della
gmi gna
^j Venctia per li quali e stato lassato lo spacio che benche
habbino elmandate dicano non extendersi a questo, ma che anno
scripto a la S'"' da la quale in 4 giorni aspectano resposta et
tengano certissimo che di niente discreparanno dagl' altri. Per li

Fiorentini promisse el s. pontifice et etiandio lo s'"° duca di

Milano, li quah finalmente dicano in brevi di aspectano resposta
crediamo che sia per imitare i Vinitiani. Era, m" S. N., tutta la
corta da hieri in la opinione et proposito di partire subito et cosi
sicredeva. But in the last Assembly the Pope declared that he
must still wait for a very powerful Prince from Germany, f who
would come at Martinmas. This Prince will furnish numerous
troops for the expedition. When some one respectfully said to
the Pope that people had expected him to set forth sooner, Pius II,
answered : che per bene et salute de la christianita bisognava
differire questo tempo secondo la sua declaratione The
Duke of Milan will start in a few days.

[Original in State Archives, Siena.]

32. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to his Consort,

BiANCA Maria. J
1459, Oct. i,§ Mantua,
• •..,•
Siamo stati da le xxii, hore fin a le due hore di
nocte con la S'"^ de N, S'*" con la quale havimo tractato cose
private et particulare et havimo tolto licentia al fine di essa
Sua S" con intentione de partirne de qui dimane
[Original in State Archives, Milan.]

* See supra, p. 84.

t This must be Albert Achilles of Brandenburg ; see supra ^ p. 391.
+ See supra, p. 75, § Hora vi. noctis.
 APPENDIX. 393

33. Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, to his Consort,

BiANCA Maria.*
1459, October 2, Mantua.
Come scripsimo hersera a la Sig V. hogi havimo tolto

licentia de la S" de N. S''^ et da tucto el coUegio de li rev. sig.

cardinal! quali a posta facta erano congregati ne la camera de

la prefata S'^ de N. S
[Original in State Archives, Milan,]

34. Pope Pius II. to Johannes Antonius of Spoleto,

Senator of the City of Rome.!
1459, November 27, Mantua.
Dilecte fili salutem. Cum propter fidei christianae succursum
ad hunc Mantuanum conventum dimissa alma urbe nostra veneri-
mus, nihil gratius audire possimus in hac nostra absentia quam
urbem ipsam bene et juste gubernari et sub frenis iustitiae com-
pesci audaciam eorum qui scandala et turbulentias quaerunt.
Unde cum varii ad nos rumores proferantur multa et graviora

scelera in urbe predicta committi ex quibus commotiones et

scandala graviora sequi formidantur nisi diligens provisio adhi-
beatur, volumus et tibi inquantum gratiam nostram caram babes
precipiendo mandamus quatenus in his totis sensibus invigiles
et te fore virum ostendas et contra sceleratos et malefactores

acriter procedas et iustitiae rigore illos coherceas, ita quod urbs

ipsa quam maxime tuis opibus et diligentia eiusmodi sceleratis
et malefactoribus purgetur. Nee comittas ut de negligentia aut
lentitudine notari possis : quia tibi dedecori esset et nobis summe
displiceret. Datum Mantuae sub anulo piscatoris xxvii. Novem-
bris anno 1459, pontif. nostri secundo.

[Copy in Laurentian Library, Florence.]

35. Otto de Carretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke

of Milan, t
1459, Dec. I, Mantua.
Ill""' princeps et ex""' domine d. mi sing"'^ Heri hebbero

* See stipra, p. 75.

+ VOKiT, III., 146, is to be corrected by this Letter ; sec supra, p. 106.

X See supra, p. 90.
394 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

audientia da la S''' de N. S'^ questi ambasiatori francessi cio he

quelli de serenissimo re Renato et Genoesi quali
re de Franza, del
sono una mistura et erano present! il Marchese de Baden
tuti

nomine suo non come ambasiatore de lo imperatore et niuno de li

altri ambasiatori imperali ce fu, ma luy se dice fu richiesto come
parente del re Renato. II S'*" duca Sigismundo, quantunque como
parente de la casa de Franza fusse stato richiesto, heri matina
parti asay a la sproveduta et dicemi il s'" Marchese de Mantua
crede partisse forsi piu tosto che non seria per non essere a questo
atto et cosi he partito etiam senza decisione de la causa qual ha
cum lo rev"'° card*" de san Petro a vincula.* Ce fureno ancora
presenti li ambasiatori de Bretagna et quelli de Savoya et tuti li

card'' ; li ambasiatori Venetiani Borgognoni non ce fureno. et

Parl5 un de li ambasiatori del cristianissimo re de Franza, il quale

he baylivio de una cita de la quale non mi ricordo il nome et in

substantia disse comme antiquamente lo regno de Napoli era de la

casa de Franza, narrando qual fu il primo re investito de quello,

et da qual summo pontifice et poy successive tute le investiture a
quelli de la casa de Franza fatte per li summi pontifici ;
poy venne
a la querella che questo summo pontifice havesse investito et
coronato questo s. re Ferrando per un legato de la sede apostolica
et fatto confortare li regnicoli a la devotione desso re Ferrando
cum tanta iniuria de la casa de Franza. Inseri ancora che adesso se
diceva che Sua S''' non contenta de questo cerchava cum le
arme impedire il conte Jacobo che non potesse andare a li favori
loro in lo regno, il che se vero fusse, seria grande iniquita, per la

qual cosa essi ambasiatori francesi et li altri che erano li in sua

compagnia supplicaveno a Sua Beatitudine se dignasse restaurando
le iniurie a loro fatte rivocare ogni cosa concessa a don Ferrando,
il quale per niuna rasone deve essere re de quello regno, et con-
cedere nova investitura al re Renato, al quale de rason spetta, et
dovesse Sua S''^ mandare un suo legato in lo regno a confortare
quelli regnicoli a la devotione del re Renato et de la casa de
Franza come apartene a boni et veri vassali et subditi che sono de
la ditta casa, et cosi facendo li parera essere restaurati dogni
iniuria et danno loro. Questo me he ditto fu il suo parlar in
affetto, poy se scusa et dimando venia se manco reverentem.ente et

* Nich. of Cusa ; see supra, p. 90.

 APPENDIX. 395

cum manco modestia o prudentia haveva parlato perche lanimo

suo non era de dir cosa che fusse ingrata a Sua S" La B""
sua havendoli cum grande pacientia ascoltati cum grandissima
modestia li rispose cum poche et grave parole, reasumendo quello
che ditto haveveno molto distinctamente dicendo che quan- :

tunque a la magior parte de queste cose li fusse la risposta asay

promta, non dimeno per che la cosa era de natura sua ponderosa
et grave et era costume de Sua S" in rebus arduis uti consilio et
participatione fratrum suorum non voleva prima rispondere che
havesse communicato et partecipato questo cum card'', cum li

quali fin a qui Sua S''^ haveva partecipato simile cose, et maxime in
questa causa in la quale haveva fatto ogni cosa de consilio et con-
sensu omnium ; et questo disse Sua de B'"" per tochare li card''

Roan* et de Vignonf quali cosihanno consentito come li altri.

li

Item disse che ancora ricordava a loro il solito ritto de corte, qual
era in simile cose de importantia dare in scritto la propositione et
dimanda che se fa, a cio che ancora se li dara risposta in scritto
et data che havessero tal dimanda Sua B"" habita participatione
cum cardinalibus li daria tal risposta che se contentariano overo
meritaraente se dovriano contentare ; et cosi se crede che questoro
daranno in scritto Sua S''' in
et scritto li rispondera et forsi

anchora a bocha. Questa matina la S'' de nostro S'"" ha fatto la

signatura pubUca ut moris est, da poy il disnare he stato in dare

audientia a li ambasiatori imperiali et altri Alamani, et sul hora
tarda a quelli de Bretagna il che sera durato fin a grande hora
de notte (what follows is unimportant). Dat. Mantue
primo Decembre, 1459.
Ill-'-- D. V.
Servit. Otho de Carreto.
[Original in the Ambrosian Library, Milan. Cod. Z.-219, Supp.]

56. Pope Pius IL to the Conservators of the City

OF ROME.t
1460, Jan. 30, Poggibonsi.

Accepimus litteras vestras in quibus cum desiderare vos

cernimus reditum nostrum non possumus non laudare devocionem
vestram et filialem caritatem qua nos complecti videmini. Est
* d'Estouteville. t Alain. + See stipra, p. 106.
396 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Nobis ad reditum par desiderium vicissimque vobiscum esse et

nostram sedem revisere summe optamus But, by the advice
of the physicians, he must rest a while in Siena and Petriolo after
his exertions at the assembly at Mantua. They must, accordingly,
have patience for a little.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 98b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

37. Pope Pius II. to Philip, Duke of Burgundy.*

1460, March 7, Siena.

At the request of the Duke he has neglected no effort to

promote the Bishop of Arras, J. Jouffroy, to the purple, but the
necessary consent of the Cardinals was wanting. The Cardinals
would have no Ultramontanes, for which reason the petitions of the
Kings of France and Aragon, and of the Duke of Savoy, also
remain unsatisfied. He gives the Duke hopes for the future.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. I27b-i28. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

38. Pope Pius II. to Charles VII., King of France.!

[1460, March], Siena,
Car. in Christo fili, &c. Miramur non parum oratorem nostrum
quem pro rebus fidei christiane ad tuam eels, misimus sine uUo
responso tot iam menses istic detineri. Est hoc grave publicis
rebus quarum gratia venit. Est nobis molestum qui tuos ad
curiam venientes benigne expedire conamur. Proinde hortamur
ser. tuam in domino
rogamus ut pro honore nostro et suo velit
et

ilium celeriter expedire et ad nos cum bona conclusione remittere.

Convenit hoc nomini tuo qui christianissimus diceris et nobis qui
nihil praeter utilitatem publicam quaerimus erit magnopere gratum.

Dat. Senis.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 130. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

39. Pope Pius II. to Duke Borso of Modena.|:

1460, April I, Siena.

Intelleximus nobilitatem tuam hactenus noluisse permittere ut

littere apostolice super decimis, vigesimis et trigesimis in dicione

* See supra, p. 136. t See supra, p. 133. X See supra, p. 242.

 APPENDIX. 397

tua publicentur et illarum executio fiat, de quo satis miramur, cum

tales dilationes christianis rebus sint valde contrarie, propterea
hortamur ut quid circa hoc facere intendas nobis per presentem
nuncium plene rescribas. Dat. Senis i. Aprilis A° 2°.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 153b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

40. Pope Pius II. to Ferrante, King of Naples.*

1460, April 15, Siena.

Cum usque in presentem diem sine ullo respectu imo cum gravi
onere nostro egerimus quaecunque ad dignitatem et conser-
vacionem status tui pertinere putavimus idque tibi notum esse non
dubitamus, miramur quod in tradenda arce Castilioni quam
fecimus pro nepote nostro a te postulari tanta dilacione utaris.

Pius hopes that the King's Officials alone are to blame for this.

[Lib. brev. 9, f. 179b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

41. Antonio Ricao to Lodovico of Gonzaga.I

1460, Nov. 6, Florence.
A Roma sono stati presi et subeto apicati 8 di quelli
Romani scandalosi, Tiburtio principale nepote de M. Stefano
Porcharj cum 7 compagni per loro summa bestialita et pazia ;

pare che uno loro compagno fusse preso ; esso poi con 6 altri

entrororo in Roma et andorono alia doghana et presono el

economo, che e Senese ; pare che lo menassero via dicendo per

la via andando noi faremo quello a costui che sera facto al
:

x:ompagno nostro, confortando el populo a levarsi et pigliare

I'arme; furono seguitati et presi di fuori, da sera examinati, la
matina apichati. Florentie vi. Novembr. 1460.
Antonius.
[Original in the State Archives, jNIantua.]

42. Pope Pius II.'s Project of Reform..]:

[1460.]
[L] De summo pontifice (f. 1-13). As Christ taught by word

* See supra p. 106. t See sii/>ra, p. 112.

J See supra, pp. 245 and 275. Dr Glasschroederhas mostkindlyfurnished me
with a copy of a portion of this Bull which, unfortunately, was never issued.
It begins with the words " Pius episcopus servus servorum Dei. Ad futuram
:
398 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

and example so must the Pope. Before prescribing anything to

the faithful he must take heed to himself.The most important
and absolutely necessary thing in the Church of God is Faith,
and therefore he, the Pope, will make his profession of Faith.
This Faith of the Church he will keep pure and defend all his
life. This present Professio Fidei is to be solemnly read aloud,
during Mass, in the Cathedral Church of Siena, before the Car-
dinals and Prelates of the Court. Faith and Rehgion are
threatened by the Turks, as also by other Infidels. Although,
through the efi"orts of the enemy of mankind, the Congress of
Mantua has not had the desired result, the Pope is of opinion that
the war against the Infidels must not be abandoned, and still relies

on the assistance of Christian Princes and people. In order that

they may be able to devote themselves entirely to the Holy War,
he will endeavour that peace and unity may feign among them.
It will be his care to keep heresy and schism far from the flock
entrusted to him, and to revive and promote piety and virtue in
Christian peoples. In these manifestations of Christian life, he
himself will lead the way with a good example. He will, to the
utmost of his power, avoid avarice, from which the Roman Pontiffs
are bound especially to flee, and all simony, which is the conse-
quence of avarice. In short, he will labour, according to his
power, to eschew all faults and vices, and to practise all virtues, so
that he may, in all things, become like unto Him, whose place,
unworthy though he be, he holds. Once at least in the week, he
will, for the future, grant public audiences, and take special care
that the poor shall be admitted and assisted. Should he himself
be prevented, he will appoint a representative who will inform him
of all that has passed. When he goes to worship God in public,
people shall be allowed to speak to him on his way, and on his

reimemoriam. Pastor aeternus dominus noster Jesus Christus," &c. In the

Index at the Commencement of the Codex, is the entry " Generalis Romanae :

curiae reformatio facta tempore Pii PP. II." This document, which is drawn
up in strictly legal style, is without a date. The mention of the failure of the
Congress at Mantua, and the decision regarding the reading of the Professio
Fidei in the Cathedral of Siena, points to the sojourn of the Pope in that city in
the spring and summer of 1460 ; Pius II. did not come to Siena in 1461, 1462,
and 1463, and only revisited it in February, 1464. The project of Reform cannot,
however, belong to 1464, for Pius would, in that case, have mentioned his inten-
tion of personally taking part in the Crusade.
 APPENDIX. 39^

return,and to present petitions. He will order his appearance,

his manner of life, and the style of his Court, so as neither to give
offence by excessive splendour, nor make himself contemptible
by meanness. He will only suffer upright men in his Palace, and
will strive to fill all the places in his Court with the men who are
most fitted for them. Jugglers, actors, musicians, and such frivo-

lous persons, will not be tolerated in the Palace. He will not

alienate or pledge Cities, fortresses and Castles, or impose new
taxes and tributes in the States of the Church, without the know-
ledge and consent of the Sacred College. The Commandants
of Castles are to be bound by oath, on the occasion of a vacancy
of the Holy See, to give up the Castles, when required, to the
Cardinals or to the newly-elected Pope, even if pay should still

be due to them. Governors of Cities, and Cardinals who rule

Provinces of the States of the Church as Legatl a latere, are yearly
to render an account to Papal Syndics deputed for the purpose.
If they transgress in any way they are to be brought to account.
The Pope promises to recognise all privileges and rights con-
ferred by his predecessors, unless compelled to abolish them
by the ingratitude of the recipients; also not to make war
against any Christian Princes or people without the consent of
the Sacred College. Inasmuch as the Cardinals are, as it were,,

members of the Pope's body, he will promote none but worthy

men to the purple. They must be born in lawful wedlock, at
least thirty years of age, Doctors of Theology or of Canon Law, of
blameless life, and experienced in business. In the case of the
so-called Crown Cardinals (sons, nephews, and nominees of
Princes), an ordinary education (mediocris litteratura) shall suffice.
Two brothers, a nephew and uncle, or two members of the same
mendicant order, are not at the same time to belong to the
Sacred College, He wished to guard against the formation of
too many parties in it, and, in the nomination of Cardinals, as
far as possible, to consider all nations, and to appoint only those
approved by the majority in the College (fratrum vota non auri-
culariter, ut olim servari consuevit, sed collegialiter accipiemus).
[II.] I)e cardinalibus (f. i3b-i8). The Cardinals are to be
distinguished from the rest of the faithful by the sanctity of their
lives. If, by an evil life, any one of them should bring shame on
his exalted position, he will have to reckon with the anger of the
400 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Pope as well as with the chastening Hand of God. He will not

suffer a bad example to be given by the Cardinals. On the con-
trary, they are to report in Consistory all abuses in Christendom
and at the Court, and to provide remedies. Worldly considera-
tions are never to interfere with the interests of the Catholic and
Roman Church. Cardinals who, through princely favour and for
their own and obtain any temporal advantage, shall be,
benefit, seek
excommunicated, and not absolved until they have re-
ipso facto,
nounced, in favour of the poor, what they had acquired. The
management of all the most important affairs of the Church is to be
committed Those who have been nominated
to the Cardinals.
H. are forbidden, under pain
previously to the Pontificate of Pius
of excommunication, to have more than sixty servants and forty
teams of horses ; those created by Pius H. are limited to twenty
servants and four teams, and must not possess any Benefice whose
revenue exceeds 4000 golden florins. The Cardinals are forbidden
to wear the Cappa rubea. None who belong to the Court may hunt
or keep hounds. Banquets are prohibited ; as far as etiquette
requires, they may be given in honour of Princes or their Am-
bassadors, but, on these occasions, only music of a serious character
is permitted. Other strict injunctions concerning tJie conduct and style
ofliving of the Cardinalsfollow With the exception of Consistories,
.

Cardinals are not to come to the Apostolic Palace unless they are
summoned.
[HI.] De penitenciariis (f. 18-19). The Grand Penitentiary,
who is a Cardinal, can at any time be removed by the Pope. He
must be a Magister Theologiae or Doctor of Canon Law, and,
at least, forty years of age.
With regard to the officials, the conduct of business and
[IV.]
the management of taxes in the Papal Chaficery and Treasury^
the Constitutions of John XXH., Benedict XH., and Martin V., are
prescribed (f. 20-36).
[v.] Directions regarding the Cubicularii and Custodes, the
Hostiarii virgae rubeae, the Servitores Armorum and Cursores, the
(who is to
Clerici et Cantores capellae, the Magister sacri Palatii
be a Dominican), the Procurator and Advocatus fisci (f. 36-42).
[VI.] De moribus curialium (f. 42-46b). Monemus ut in . . .

posterum omnem a se malorum suorum lubricitatem repellant,

scurras, histriones, ioculatores, lusores atque omne genus infatnium
 APPENDIX. 401

personarum a domibus suis eiiciant atque ita se familiamque suam

reforment ut habitationes eorum religiosorum receptaculavideantur.
Si quis curialium concubinam seu focariam aut aliam quamcunque

feminam de fornicatione suspectam tenere inventus fuerit, si semel

admonitus per auditorem camere aut aliquem ex officialibus hones-
tatis, quorum infra mentio fiet, illam non dimiserit, omnibus eccle-

siasticis beneficiis atque ofificiis ipso facto privatus existat illaque

libera tamquam vacantia impetrentur. Si quis de incontinentia
suspectus circa quodcunque vitium carnis admonitus ut supra,
non se correxerit, omnibus beneficiis et officiis ecc^'' privetur et
ulterius iis poenis subiiciatur quae contra tales statutae reperiuntur.
Si quis cum scorto repertus in colloquio fuerit in sua vel aliena
domo, in aureis viginti condemnetur quorum decima accusatori
cedant et quarta soldano. Curiales qui firmata curia in certo loco
per tabernas vinarias discurrunt et in illis comedunt aut bibunt,
nisi pauperes fuerint domum aut propriam habitationem non
habentes, auditoris camere arbitrio puniantur. Quicunque aut
Deum aut sanctos blasphemasse compertus fuerit, beneficiis atque
ofificiis quibuscunque privetur, ecclesiasticis et aliis juris poenis
subiiciatur ; laici pro delictis suis officia quae obtinent in Romana
curia perdant. Quicunque curialis episcopo minor pro pecunia in
taxillis ludere praesumpserit, in aureis viginti apostolicae camerae
condemnetur, episcopus autem aut eo maior in aureis centum
quarta parte accusatori servata et eius nomine occultato. Qui
ferro ligno lapide aliquem percusserit, nisi defensionis causa id
fecerit, pro qualitate puniatur excessus et exul fiat a curia. Si quis

curialium cuiusvis status etiam si S. R. E. cardinalis fuerit, nuncios

aut litteras miserit cuipiam in derogationem aut denigrationem
Romanae curiae aut Romani pontificis vel sacri collegii cardina-
liura, ipso facto excommunicationem incurrat et tanquam proditor
et maiestatis reus puniatur nee absolvi possit nisi a Romano prae-
sule et tunc expressa causa cur [in] excommunicationem inciderit.
Praelati etiam si cardinales fuerint duobus annulis sint contenti
quorum alter dignitatis insigne, alter signandis litteris idoneus ;

qui plures extra missarum solemnia gestaverit, excommunicationi

subiaceat et tanquam vanus et iactabundus infamiae notam in-

currat. . . . Here follow directions for the reform of the dress

of members of the Court. The obligation of residence is
inculcated on Bishops, the number of their servants limited, and
VOL. III. 2 D
402 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

the outward appearance of the same regulated. Precautions to

ensure the election of worthy Bishops, — severe enactments against
simony, — the Court officials are forbidden, under pain of excom-
munication and restitution, to take more than their appointed fees.
[VII.] De mercatoribus [sc. curiae], (f. 47). Regulations for
the prevention of simoniacal elections.
[VIII.] De plurahtate beneficiorum (f. 47b-3i). Only a
Cardinal may have another Church besides that of his title,

nisi duae pontificales ecclesiae prius unitae invicem fuerint. No

Abbot is to have two Convents subject to him. The Bishops
in Greece, Dalmatia, Croatia, Italy, Sicily, Corsica, Sardinia,
Majorca, Minorca, and Spain, whose incomes amount to at least
500 golden florins, are not to take any other benefice. Any
deed conferring a benefice on such is invalid. Pari poena
subiiciantur ultramontani episcopi quorum ecclesiae mille aureos
residentibus reddunt nisi regum filii fuerint aut nepotes sive quarto
gradu regio sanguine nati. A Convent, in which are eight or
more inmates, is not to be given in Commendam. No Cardinal
is to hold more than two or three Convents in Commendam ;

detailed regulations for the limitation of Commendams and

Reservations, and for the carrying out of the Wills of Officials
of the Papal Court, follow.
[IX.] De buUis apostolicis aegrotante papa factis (f. 5i-5ib).
Arrangements to ensure that in such circumstances there should
be no fraud.*
[X.] De oratoribus regum (f. 51b). Oratores regum et prin-
cipum populorumque quorumcunque ecclesiasticorum ultra sex
menses in Romana curia locum legatorum minime teneant, sed
finite tempore aut domum redeant aut tanquam privati inter alios

sui ordinis sedeant. While employed on active service, Legates

are to hold no other office.
[XI.] De assistentibus (f. 5ib-52). Rules regarding those
immediately about the Pope ; they are to be Bishops, and not
above eight in number.
[XII.] De triumviris sive officialibus honestatis (f. 52-3), who
are to see that the preceding ordinances are not contravened

* As had been the case during the last illness of Calixtus HI. ; see our
Vol. IT., p. 444.
 APPENDIX. 403

by the members of the Roman Court. Transgressions on the

part of Cardinals and Bishops are judged by the Pope.

[Copy in Cod. XXVII. -6, f. 1-53. Barberini Library, Rome.]

43. Bartolomeo Bonatto to Marchioness Barp.ara of

Mantua.*
1 46 1, March 9, Rome.

Sabato prox. passato che fu a VII. de questo entro qui el

dispota de Morea qual certo e un bel homo et ha uno bello

la

et grave aspecto et bon modi et molto signorili po havere da ;

cinquanta sei anni. Havea in dosso una turcha de zambeloto f

negro cum uno capello biancho peloso fodrato de cetanino +
velutato negro cum una cerata intorno ;
per quelle intendo havea
LXX. cavalli et altretanti a piede, tucti cavalli prestati salvo che
tre sono suoi. The Pope
him in Consistory, in the received
Camera del Papagolo, and shewed him great honour. He costs
the Pope 300 ducats § a month, and has an apartment at SS.
Quattro Coronati.
[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

44. Bartolomeo Bonatto to Lodovico de Gonzaga. ||

1 46 1, March 16, Rome.

. , . . Qui in tuctala corte se rasona cosi caldamente deconcilio
come se fra octo di havesse a livare et da molti et prelati et altri

sono sta domandato io li respondo

se e vero chel si faza a Mantua,
che non ne so cosa alcuna, ma quando fusse la sorte so ben ge
seria acceptato Al palazo sento pur ne sta rasonato perche
. . . .

monsig- NicenolT ha scripto che tuta Alemagna el crida et seriase

content! se facesse in Italia et che in Franza non consentirano
mai . . .

[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

45. Pope Pius II. to Aquila.**

1461, June 10, Rome.
A letter of sharp rebuke, with Scriptural allusions : Erexistis

* See supra, pp. 249-50. f See Heyd-Raynauu, II., 704. + Ibid., 702.
§ See Pli II. Comment. 130. II
See supra, pp. 194 and 197.
** See supra, p. 122.
^ Bessarion.
404 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

cornua vestra in regem vestrum. At the conclusion the Pope

threatens the people of Aquila.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. iSyb-iSS. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

46. Pope Pius II. to the Bishop of Aquila.*

1461, Jwiie 10, Rome.
De iis que Aquilani in dies contra regem suum et contra
Romanam ecclesiam faciunt non caret tua fraternitas crimine.
Tu cum prudens sis et auctoritatem in populo habeas, non putaris
facere quod ad tuum officium pertinet .... Here follows an
exhortation to amendment. He also writes, at the same time, to
the inhabitants of Aquila f the Bishop has : now an opportunity of
shewing whether he is for the Pope or not, he is to point out their
misdeeds to his flock,

[Lib. brev. 9, f. i88b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]

47. Bartolomeo Bonatto to Marchioness Barbara

OF Mantua. I
1461, June 29, Rome.
He speaks of S. Catherine of Siena's Canonisation and of George
Podiebrad. § Heri qui a li merli del castello fureno impichati
dui de quelli fanti del castellano, uno Senese et I'altro de Urbino |i

et uno per li piedi, I'altro pur per il coUo ; fu una grande

demonstratione . . . . se dice volcano tore il castello . . .

[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

48. Pope Pius IL to Bartolomeo Vitelleschi, Bishop

OF Corneto.H
1 46 1, July 6, Rome.

A letter of consolation in regard to the blow which had fallen

on him. Credimus nullam tuam fuisse [in] his negligentiam . . .

. . . Bono animo esto. He will soon send him troops. Opera

est danda ut macula hec novo deleatur conatu.
[Lib. brev. 9, f. 189b. Secret Archives of the Vatican.]
* See supra, p. 122. t See N. 45. J See supra, p. 115.
§ See supra, pp. 223 and 292.
II
Regarding these worshippers of the Sun, see /En. Sylv. Opp. , 289.
H See supra, p. 120.
 APPENDIX. 405

49. Otto de Carretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke

OF Milan.*
1 46 1, July II, Rome.
Heri sera gionsi qua insieme col rev'"° cardinale de Thiano f et
condussi lo S. Jacobo Savello alii pedi de la S''' de N. S. in presentia
d'alcuni s'' cardinali et de molti prelati et infiniti cortesani et
essendo con luy molti citadini Romani con grandissima reverentia
et humilita dimando misericordia a N. S. il qual benignamente
lo receve a gratia usandoli parole clementissime. La qual cosa de
quanta alegreza et piacere sia stata a tutta questa cita et a questa
corte non lo potrey scrivere. Idio ne sia laudato.
[Original in the State Archives, Milan.]

50. Pope Pius II. to Bologna.J

1461, Oct. 9, Rome.
Dilecti, Szc. Littere vestre nobis reddite sunt ab ea quam de
vobis spem animo conceperamus longe aliene. Putabamus vos
tanquam devotos et fideles subditos nostros nihil passuros quod in
nos ne dicamus facto, sed simplici verbo committeretur ac pro
statu nostro ut debetis arma ad minimumque usque sumpturos
facultates et vitam in discrimine ubi opus esset posituros nuUo
respectu habito. Verum longe decepti videmur quod pro status
nostri proditore quasi pro amico interceditis et picturam in eius
ignominiam fieri vix pati potestis quern hostem et rebellem nostrum
esse non ignoratis. Proinde respondemus nostre intentionis esse
picturam in proditoris ignominiam fieri et quidem Bononie si
quicquam in ea civitate que nostra est vel minimum possumus nee
vobis imputari potest quod in civitate nostra fieri iussimus.
Datum Rome apud s. Petrum sub anulo piscatoris die ix. Octobris
i46i,P. N. A. Ilir.
t G. de Piccolomin. f

[Original in the State Archives, Bologne. Lib. Q. 3, f.

53]

51. Bartolomeo Bonatto to Lodovico de Gonzaga. §

1461, Oct. 16, Rome.

Regarding Queen Charlotte of Cyprus : Qui starala cinque o sei

* See sii/>ra, p. 1x5. t Forliguerra.

+ See su/yra, p. 117. § See supra, p. 253.
406 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

di per quelle intendo ; e allogiata in palazo — her maintenance will

be paid for, and she will be greatly honoured : ge andorno incontra

nove cardinali et cinque fin alia nave sua che era de sotto de s.

Paulo et quatro fin alia porta ....

[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

52. Martinus Suardus to Lodovico de Gonzaga.*

1461, Nov. II, Florence.
.... Heri circa ore XXII la regina di Cipri entro in questa
[cittaj.f

She was much honoured. Era vestita de una veste di colore

beretino cum maniche picole. La portatura de la testa tanto
dimessa e del collo et della gola che a me pareva videre una suore,
non che una regina, ma altremente e bella e giovene de ettade de
XXI. o XXII. anni ; vero che la tiene un puocho del bruno.J
[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

53. Gregorio Lolli to Siena.§

1461, Dec. 26, Rome.
Magnifici, &c. A questi di passati mandai a la M. S. V. la copia
d'una lettera del re di Francia. Dapoi e seguito che col ultimo di
Novembre la Maesta sua nel suo grande consiglio assistenti prelati
et vari signori insieme con li ambasciadori de le provincie di
Francia ad honore di Dio et de la sede apostolica et di papa Pio

* See supra, p. 253.

t See Ricordi di Filippo di Cino Rinuccini, LXXXIX. Reumont, Lorenzo

I., 129, 2nd ed., is much mistaken in making
Queen journey from Florence the
to Rome. See. supra, N. 51. To complete Mas-Latrie's account, IH., 114
seq., I will add the following dates regarding Charlotte's journey 20-22 Nov. :

at Bologna, see Cronica di Bologna, 742, and *Ghirardacci (Cod. 768 of the
University Library, Bologna) 28 Nov. in Piacenza, see Annal. Placent., 906.
;

In the year 1462 the Queen entered Mantua on the i8th July, and left it on the
14th August for Venice (Schivenoglia, 150). The unfortunate lady's letter,
cited supra, p. 255, bears out these particulars. Regarding Charlotte's negotia-
tions with Venice, 1462, see*Sen. Seer., XXL, f. lO'^seq. State Archives, Venice.
X In the *Letter of the i6th Oct., 1461, mentioned supra, p. 253, Giac. Chicio-
describes Charlotte as follows: "La statura sua bona piu tosto grande che
mediocre, di colore bruno, la fronte per rispecto a la compositione de tuto
il corpo pichola, assai li ochgii e di laude degni." Gonzaga Archives.
§ See supra, p. 140.
 APPENDIX. 407

ha tolta la pragmatica, la quale piu pontefici antecessor! di N. S.

non hanno possuta tollare. E la maggior novella che potesse

havere la sede apostolica, perche in uno tracto a acquistato un
regno tale quale e quello di Francia, et ha Integra obedientia di
tutti li i, da rendere gratie a Dio che al tempo d'uno
christiani.

papa senese habbi tanto exaltata santa Chiesa. Ecci anchora non
piccola utilita de la patria nostra perche la strada si duplicara nel
venire de cortigiani. Et acci6 che intendiate tutto et come la

Maesta del re di P>ancia ha tutto dato ala Santita di N. S, senza

alcuno riservo vi mando la copia di due lettere I'una del cardinale
di Constantia, I'altra del veschovo Atrebantense nuovo cardinale.*
Dio sia lodato d'ogni cosa, che tante gloriose cose ha fatto et fa

tutto ne la persona del nostro pontefice . . . Rome die xxvi.

Decembris MCCCCLXI.
M. D. V. Servitor,
G. DE PiCCOLOMNIBUS.
[A tergo :] Address.

[Original in the State Archives, Siena. Concist. Lett, ad an.]

54. Pope Pius II. to Frankfort on Maine.!

1462, Jan. 10, Rome.
Pius episcopus servus servorum dei dilectis Magistris civium et
consulatui ac communitati civitatis Frankforden. salutem et apost.
ben.
Non dubitamusvos iampridem scire iniquitatis filium Dietherum
de Isemburg ob graves excessus inobedientiam et demerita sua
iusto iudicio privatum ecclesia Moguntin. fuisse et excommuni-
catum. Propterea devotionem vestram in domino exhortamur
requirimus et monemus ut si forte vos vel Dietherus ipse vel
adherentes et complices sui ad participationem ac societatem
peccati et scandali viam vocarent, ipsos audire nolitis, sed potius
illos ad erroris emendationem inducere ac iusticie et honori
Roman, sedis et saluti Moguntin. ecclesie assistere ac totis viribus
consulere et favere nitamini, mandantes nichilominus vobis in vim
sancte obedientie et pro ea quam nobis et apostolice sedi reveren-

* This letter is preserved in Fonds Lat., 4154, f. 148, of the National Library,
Paris, and was published from the original by FlERVll.LE, 246-47.

t See supra, p. 205.

408 HISTORY OF THE TOPES.

tiam debetis quatenus prefato Diethero adherentibusque et com-

plicibus ac sequacibus suis quocunque nomine censeantur neque
auxilium neque consilium neque favorem neque assistentiam uUam
nee denique suffragium aliquod verbo vel scripto vel opere [di]

recte vel indirecte aut aliquo quesito colore impendatis impendive

facialis, quinymo dilecto filio Adolfo de Nassaw vero et indubitato
electo Moguntin. et adherentibus ac fautoribus suis omni favore et

auxilio possibili assistatis et pro honore nostro et dicte ecclesie

salute ilium constanter iuvetis ; facietis rem placentem Deo, dignam
populo fideli et nobis admodum caram qui pro bono publico et ad
corrigendam malignantium pravitatemremediahuiusmodiquerimus.
Datum Rome apud Petrum anno incarnationis dominice 1461°
s.

quarto id. Januar. pontificatus nostri anno quarto.

, G. DE PORRIS.
[On the lower margin :]

Presentata in die S. Gertrudis anno LXII.

[A tergo :]

Dilectis filiis magistris civium et consulatui ac communitati

civitatis Frankforden.

[Original, with leaden seal attached to it, in City Archives at

Frankfort on Maine. Rechtsangelegenheiten betreffendes 5293.]

55. LuDovicus Petronius to Siena.*

1462, March 17, Rome.
The French ambassadors have done homage, and repealed the
Pragmatic Sanction, et qua n'e facto festa et processione con molta
allegreza.f E ben vero che a due parti non fu resposto per lo s.

pontefice, lo quale respose si gloriosamente che fu piu presto cosa

divina che humana et con admiratione di ciaschuno racontando
quasi tucte le storie et tucti i gesti di casa di Francia et non fu
resposto alia parte di Genova et alia parte del regno ....
[Original in the State Archives, Siena.]

* See supra, p. 151.

t That the Pragmatic Sanction was dehvered up, and dragged through the
streets of Rome (Daunou, 275), is not mentioned in this or any other Ambassa-
dor's Report. VoiGT, HI., 197, justly rejected the story in 1869, which, how-
ever, does not prevent Friedberg, Grenzen, II., 490, again bringing it before
his readers.
 APPENDIX. 409

56. SiGISMONDO MaLATESTA TO FRANCESCO SfORZA,

Duke of Milan.*
1462, March 26, Rimini.

.... Apreso io so advixato che la S''^ de N. S. ha fatto alchuni

versi contro di mia ignominia et quilli ha mandate a

me et in

Fiorenza a Et perche determine fare come quello che

farli ligare.

disse honorem meum nemini dabo, ho voluto prima advixarne

:

la V. Ill""' S. como a mio signore per farli intendere che el mio

animo non sia de comportare simile cose etiam che Sua S" me sia

signore et io li sia vicario et servo. Quando simile cose se span-

dano fora et quanto io potro me sforzaro : essendo offeso cum la

penna offendere altri in quello medesimo modo ; se cum la spada

me ingegnaro similiter deffendermi cum la spada usque ad mortem,
perche quantunque io sia povero homo, tutta fiada me recordaro
de quello ditto uno bello morire tutta una vita honora.
che dice :

He wished to make this communication to the Duke, so that he

might not be able afterwards to say Sigismondo, you ought not :

to have kept this thing from me.

[Original in the State Archives, Milan.]

57. Otto de Cakretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke

OF Milan. t
1463, Jan. 13, Rome.
The Pope relates to the ambassador the news brought by
Antonio de Noceto from France. Esso Antonio ce scrive molte
cose de le menaze che fanno li signori et prelati de Franza, et

come ogniuno ne vole male excepto Io re ; ce scrive come li trova

un messer Antonio di natione Galico, ma stato gran tempo in

Ungaria et Boemia, il quale gia fu qui in corte per parte del re de

Boemia, et quando il vescovo de Ferrara torno de Franza, Io trovo

a Milano che era li come ambasiatore del prefato re de Boemia,

ac etiam de li re d'Ungaria et de Polonia, questo tale e al presente

in Franza, et per parte de li prefati tre re ha suaso et confortato la

M'"* del re de Franza a levarci la obedientia et tornare la prag-

matica et a fare concilio, con ci6 sia cosa che dica noy esser tanto
apassionati in questa impresa del regno per nostra specialita, che
non attendemo a le cose del Turcho pro defensione fidei, et che
nuy siamo capitali inimici de la casa de Franza, et che in Ala-
* See snpra, p. 125. t See supra, p. 238.
4IO HISTORY OF THE POPES.

magnia et in altre parte havemo molti nemici per nostro difetto, et

che volendo sua M'*'' farsi capo de questi come se conveniva per
riformare la chiesia et provedere a la defensione de la fede de
Christo, li prefati tre re et cosi molti altri signori d'Alamagnia et
d'altre provintie lo seguitareno ; et grande instantia ha fatto circa di
cio. La M'^ del re li ha data repulsa, il che vedendo lui e itto
al re Renato, et fatto instantia cum lui, lo quale ha mandata sua
ambasiata a la M''^ del re de Franza a confortarlo a questo, et cosi
molti prelati et s" di Franza lo conforteno ; fin a qui sua M" non
li ha data risposta et stasse alquanto suspeso.
[Original in the Ambrosian Library, Milan. Cod. Z.-2ig, Supp.]

58. NiCODEMUS OF PONTREMOLI TO FRANCESCO SfORZA,

Duke of Milan.*
1463, Aug. 7, Florence.
. . . Qui fo heri matina la rotta data per larmata eclesiastica ad
quella de S. Sigismondo : heri sera vi fo che doe galee Ven^ hanno
recuperata parte de larmata perduta per Malatesti et che a la
scoperta fano contro N. S. ;
pare stranio qui ad ognuno quel fano
Ven' et tiensi non habino facto tanto apparato, senon ad fine de
renovar la intelligentia col Turco cum megliore conditione e
trovarsi in ordine ad fine de disponer la voglia loro de I'empresa
del reame et de Malatesti: ex consequenti de Ytalia, quando N.
S. Dio disponesse max^ chiamar ad se N. S"*", V. Cel e Cosimo . . .

[Original in the State Archives, Milan. Cart. Gen.]

59. Giov. PiETRO Arrivabene to Marchioness

Barbara of Mantua, f
1463, Oct. 4, Rome.
Illustrissima madonna mia. . . . De Franza ogni di se sentono
gran novelle. Pare chel re habbi fatto condanare nel parlamento
a Pariso mon. de Constantia| in circa X"" ducati facendo
el r"'° :

gran menaze se in un certo tempo non li havera pagati e fatto re-

vocar un breve che haveva mandate per una abbatia chel liti-
gava ; ha tuolto al r'"" mons. d'Avignone tuto le stato temporale
perche favoreva la pratica d'un vescovo contra la voluntate desso
* See supra, p. 127.

t See supra, p. 155, and Voigt, IH., 204 seq.; also Cugnoni, 134 seq.

X See, on this subject, Fierville, 134.

 APPENDIX. 411

re, e se non desiste da questa impresa menacia de tuorli tuti suoi

beneficij de Franza : ha facto certi edicti che nel regno suo niuno
sotto pena de la vita olsi de exequire alcuna lettera apostolica

o sia bulla ne appellarse in causa alcuna a la corte Romana.

Credese anche innovara la pragmatica ; scrive a N. S. lettere

terribilissime in favore de Atrebatensis mostrando che da S. S'^ e

malvogluito perche fa li facti suoi. Ricorda a Roano e Lebreto

che lo vogliano honorare se hanno cara la gratia sua. Dicesi che
esso Atrebatense vole andare in Franza fina VIII. di e gia ha fatto
ligare la piu parte de le sue cose. Sel va, dubito sera cagione de
gran scandali. Questi di e morto el duca de Colona fratello che
foe del Card^ . . . Rome iiii." Octobr. MCCCCLXIII.
Servitor Jo. Petrus Arrivabenus,
[Original in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.]

60. Pope Pius II. to Bishop Ernest of Hildesheim.*

1463, Nov. 10, Rome.
He informs him that the Archbishop of Mayence will furnish
him with an authentic copy of the Bull recently issued, and com-
mands him to publish this Bull and to take care, ut omnia fiant
quae et desiderii nostri intelligas et ad nos adiuvandos conducant.
[Copy in the Cathedral Library, Treves. Cod. 33, f. i.]

61. Archbishop Adolph of Mayence to Bishop Ernest of

Hildesheim. t
1464, Jan. 31, Mayence.
. Recepimus paucis effluxis diebus certas literas apostolicas
. .

a sanctissimo dom. nostro Pio papa secundo ex parte generalis

defensionis catholice fidei contra infideles et fidei christiane
persecutores perfidos Turcos emanatas nobis per certos s. sedis
nobiles ambaciatores et nuncios praesentatas. In quibus eadem
sedes nos requirit, quatenus illarum copiam una cum brevibus
e[iusdem] s[ue] s[an]c[titatis] et nostris exhortacionibus suffra-
ganeis ecclesie nostre transmittere studeamus. Verum quia nos
tamquam catholicus princeps sancte Romane ecclesie et apostolicis
preceptis, presertim hiis que ad sacrosancte catholice fidei suffra-

gium et defensionem procedere sperantur, prompto affectu merito

obedientes meritoejue inclinati iuxta commissionem prefati sanctis-
* See supra, p. 334. t See supra, p. 334.
412 HISTORY OF THE TOPES.

simi domini nostri vobis transmittimus earundem apostolicarum

copias auschultatas una cum brevi nobis asscripto.
literarum
Rogamus atque hortamur dilectionem vestram singular! cum
diligencia, quatinus iuxta monita apostolica et ipsarum literarum
continenciam ortodoxe religionis zelo vos benivolum exhibeatis.
Ilia eciam a nobis sincere animo placeat intelligere . . .

[Copy in the Cathedral Library, Treves. Cod. 33, fol. i-i^]

62. Otto de Carretto to Francesco Sforza, Duke of

Milan.*
[1464], May 28, Rome.
Gives an account of the suffering condition of Pius II., who
will not, in the opinion of those around him, be able to bear the
hardships of the journey : e tal chi era promptd a suaderli I'andare
hora e piu remisso e lo rev™° card'^ de Pavia f me I'ha detto molto
in secreto e dice haverne lui parlato con la S'^ Sua, la qual sta
obstinata dicendo se dovesse morire che vuole andare come ha
promisso.l
* See supra, p. 350.
t Ammanati.
J These words, spoken by Pius II. to one of his confidants, furnish important
evidence of the earnestness of his efforts on behaff of the Crusade. Reumont,
unworthy the insinuations of Voigt in regard to
III., I, 491, characterises as

Brosch, Kirchenstaat, I., 14, defends Voigt,

the Pope's motives in the Crusade ;

and says " what these motives really were, we learn from the Despatches of
:

the Milanese Ambassador, Girol. de Collis, dated Venice, 24 Aug. and 1

Sept., 1464, published in the Collez. di doc. storichi antichi delle terre Marchi-
giane p. c. di Ciavarini, p. 185 (Ancona, 1870). The Despatches furnish docu-
mentary evidence that the crusading zeal of Pius II. appeared to the best
informed contemporaries, like the Doge of Venice, in a most suspicious light."
H. Brosch could hardly have appealed to a worse witness than the Doge Ch.
Moro, who only joined the Crusade by compulsion, and, by his whole bearing,
shewed how unpleasing the Pope's expedition was to him. (See supra, p. 366
seq.) The Despatches of G. Collis, which I have been unable, after diligent
search, to find in the Milanese Archives, and which Ciavarini obtained through
a Russian, only shew that the Pope, who would not allow himself to be used
for the ends of the Republic, and who endeavoured to bring about a general
expedition against the Turks, was very badly spoken of in Venice. Both Reports
were written after the death of the Pope. The statements of those who were eye-
witnesses of the last part of Pius II. 's life, are certainly worthy of more credit
than those made by an Ambassador who was at a distance, living in Venice,
and who, after the death of the Pope, wrote what was there reported. G. de
Collis says that nothing was prepared by the Pope, and that not even "un
 APPENDIX. 413

63. Pope Pius II. to Piero de' Medici.*

1464, Aug. 8, Ancona.
Pius Papa II. Petro Medici Cosmi filio. Dilecte fili, &c. Intel-

sacho de biscotto " was ready. How far this assertion is true may be seen by
a glance at the *Crusade account-book, mentioned supra, p. 336, where, in May,
1464, is an entry of 1000 due. for biscotto. Rome.) In
(State Archives,
opposition to Brosch, see also Cipolla in Arch. Veneto, XX., 116. Almost all
scholars of note, even such as are not favourably disposed towards Pius II.,
justly maintain that he was thoroughly in earnest in his efforts to promote the
Crusade ; see in particular, Ranke, Papste, I., 25 Burckhardt, A. v. Krain,
;

16 ; Jager, Cusa, I., 318 ; Cipolla, Signorie, ; 490 Helwing, 21 Fromann,

;

235 ; Villari, I., 59-60; Weber, Weltgesch., IX., 116; Hope, Griechenl.,
LXXXVI., 155 ; Hagenbach, Kirchengesch. , 590 ; Bigazzi, Miscell. Storica,.

Nr. III., p. 25 (Florence, 1849); Hoeler, Borgia, 23-24. See also

ScHROCKH, Kirchengesch., 290, and Marcellino da Civezza, III., 43.
Simoneta's suspicious statement, adopted by VoiGT, III., 764, that Pius II. had
resolved only to go to Durazzo, and then to return to Rome, is also to be
rejected. The Reports which Simoneta appeals, are neither in
of Carretto, to
the State Archives, Milan, nor in the Ambrosian Library. *Reports of Car-
retto, dated May and June are, however, extant, and shew that Pius 11. was
steadfastly determined to go to the Turkish war. The place to which the
troops were to be transported on leaving Ancona depended, in some
measure, on the will of the Doge, as appears from a *Report addressed by
the Bishop of Feltre to the Duke of Milan, dated Rome, 1464, May 28
(State Archives, Milan), and from a *Letter of Giacomo d'Arezzo, dated
Ancona, 1464, July 25 (Gonzaga Archives) before the Doge's arrival it ;

was accordingly impossible to come to a definite conclusion. There is also an

*Instruction of Fr, Sforza's for his Ambassadors to the Pope, dated Milan,
1464, July 30. (Archives at Milan. ) The Duke, in this document, does not ex-
press the slightest doubt of the Pope's purpose to undertake the expedition. It

is well known that Fr. Sforza was little inclined for the Crusade ; see supra, p.

341 seq. to excuse his Duke, and therefore casts suspicion on

Simoneta desires
the Pope. That the Duke of Milan to the last intended to hold Pius II. back
is evident from an *Instruction for the French Ambassador, Malleta, dated
Milan, 1464, Aug. 10, in which he says " *Nuy gli dessuademo tale andata et
:

faremo el possibile perche non passi della benche I'habia el cervello Senese
;

che sapete, ma dal canto nostro non gli mancarimo ad questo effecto et
de quello succedera ve advisarimo." (Cod. 161 1, Fonds. Ital. of the National
Library, Paris.) These words make it clear that a secret purpose on the part of
thePope to return to Rome is out of the question. A hundred years ago S.
Borgia, intheAnecd. Litt., III., 278, expressed himself as opposed to Simoneta
and to the Report of Christophorus a Soldo, which made insinuations against
the Pope.
* The last letter of the Pope, who was already sick to death ; see supra,
p. 360, and VoiGT, III., 703.
414 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

leximus nuper Cosmum patrem tuum ex hac vita migrasse.

Acerbum sane et luctuosum nuntium.* Dileximus quidem ilium
sincera caritate ut virum quem nobis et apostolicae sedi semper
devotum experti sumus et quam singulari prudentia et bonitate
preditum esse cognovimus. Mors eius etsi non tibi solum sed
multis lugenda videatur, tamen oportet fill te forti animo ferre eum
casum qui divina lege mortalibus prescriptus est, Voluntatem
banc divinam constanter feras nee dolori indulgeas. Si mortalitatis
cursam recto iudicio existimas, vixit diu Cosmus, satisfecit naturae
et viam universae carnis grandevus est ingressus. Vixit in laude
et gloria nee solum in civitate sua, sed in tota Italia et universo
:

fere orbe cum summa existimatione et quod pluris faciendum estf

vixit pie et religiose dei timoratus. Nee expedit eius viri exitum
quoniam ex hac turbulentissima vita
lugere qui iuste et recte vixit
humana ad quietissimam et tranquillissimam migrasse censendum
est. Nos dilecte fill quoniam genitorem tuum paterna etf
singulari t quadam caritate amplectebamur intendimus erga te
eundem animum gerere quem erga eum gessimus facturosque nos
assidue pollicemur quae honori et commodis tuis et domus et
familiae de Medicis conducere arbitrabimur.| Hec te non
ignorare voluimus. Datum Anconae sub annulo piscatoris die 8
Augusti 1464, pontificatus nostri anno VI. Die postea XlVhora IV
noctis ibidem ex febri est mortuus.

[Cop. Plut. LIV.-Cod. 10, f. 123. Laurentian Library, Florence.]

64. Gregorio Lolli to Siena. §

1464, Aug. 15, Ancona.
.... E piaciutoa Dioquestanocteadhore tre||chiamareasela

* In the copy in Plut. LXXXX., Cod. 36, here follow the words : "nobisque
molestissimum.
t Wanting in the above-mentioned Manuscript.
+ The other manuscript has "arbitramur."
§ See supra, p. 370.
II
This hour is mentioned in Cron. Rom., 29; Cr. di Bologna, 757 in the ;

*Acta Consist, of the Secret Archives of the Vatican, f. 33b ; in the *Letters of
J. P. Arrivabene to Marchioness Barbara, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 15 of ;

Giacomo d'Arezzo, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 16 and of Cardinal Gonzaga of

;

the same date (these are in the Gonzaga Archives, Mantua). The second hour
of the night is the time given in the *Chronicle of Broglio, f. 278 (Cod. D.,
 APPENDIX. 415

benedecta anima de la felice memoria di papa Pio. Ecci a tanto

danno uno poco di refrigerio che essendo mortale come li [altri]

homini e morto il piu glorioso pontefice che gia grandissimo tempo

sedesse in quella sedia, e danno non solo a noi, ma tutta la

christianita n'ha a fare grande lamento di tanta perdita.

[Original in the State Archives, Siena.]

65. The Version of the " Memoirs of Pius II."

(In Cod. Regin., 1995. Vatican Library.)

In the second volume of work (p. 323, note t) I have

this

referred to the very one-sided manner in which the " Memoirs of

Pius II." were mutilated in several editions (Rome, 15S4, and 1589,
and Frankfort, 16 14), to the Manuscripts of the Gambalunga, Chigi,
and Santa Croce Libraries (? V. Emman. Libr.), which contained
the missing and often most interesting passages, and to the fact
that Professor Cugnoni founded his edition of these omissions,
(published in Rome in 1883), only on a Manuscript in the
Chigi Library, and did not consult the Vatican Codices. After
a careful examination of these Codices, made in March, 1883, I

believe that in Cod. Regin., 1995, MS. chart, fol. sec. XV. fol. 595,
I have found the Original of the "Memoirs," written in part by
the hand of Pius II. himself, and the Manuscript seems to be the
one entrusted to Campanus for correction. This was certainly
done when the 12 Books of the Commentaries were completed:
Campanus, 986, mentions only these 12 Books, while Platina,
from the first, speaks of a 13th; this, which has been published
by Voigt, is, however, in its Latinity and style throughout, of a date

subsequent to the earlier ones. The ancient title of the Cod.

Regin., 1995, mentions neither 12 nor 13 Books. The Manu-
script actually, however, contains the beginning of the 13th Book,
which was written later, and concludes with the very same words
*
as the two Manuscripts in the Vallicellana and Corsini Libraries
on which Voigt based his edition. Cod. Regin. opens with an

III., 48, Gambalunga Library, Rimini), and in a Letter from the Archbishop of
Milan to Fr. Sforza, dated Ancona, 1464, Aug. 16 (State Archives, Milan),
while the Chron. Eugub., 1008, and the notice in N. 63, have the fourth hour.
* The present designation of this Manuscript is 35. G. 11.:
 4^6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Index, then the MS., f. i, commences with the words " Jesus. Si :

perit morte animus, &c.," that is to say, with Campanus' Preface.

At f. lb the Papal "Memoirs" begin at first in the handwriting
of an amanuensis, but with later additions in the margin. The
words in italics, for example, regarding the names bestowed on
Piccolomini, are a later edition : Aeneas etiam patris Silvii nomen
accepit et o^ reverentiam Apostoli, quern Indorum barbari decoria-
runt, Bartholo7)iaei, trito?iinus e?iiin fuit, Aeneas Silvius Bartho-
lomaeus apellatus: editus aiitem est in lucem ipsa luce sancii Eva?ige-
listae Lucae xiii. Cal. Nov. 1403. Hie in pueritia, &c." A not-
able variation from the printed text occurs in the Vatican Manu-
script, f. 2, which has the words : "Exinde cum diu apud patrem
quaevis officia ruris obiisset, annos jam duodeviginti natus in
urbem migravit." Not only are the words " civili exercitatione "
omitted, but also the passage which, without 'knowledge of the
Manuscript, Voigt, II., 339, had justly concluded to be inserted by
a flatterer,* " animi levandi causa prout a nobilibus fieri solet."

The addition on f. 7, excusing the author, is also very characteristic:

" At Aeneas non tarn foeminas quam — dormire sinebant
latrones "

which is wanting in the older editions — and was published by

first

CuGNONi, p. 180. From f. 11 to f. 33b is the work of another

hand f. 34 is blank. I think that I recognise the autograph of
;

Pius II. in the note, f. 35-61 ; a comparison with the facsimile of

his autograph, given by Cugnoni, ex Cod. Chis., I., VII., 251, 269,
as well as with the autograph Postscript of his Brief of the
25th November, 1458, to Siena (published in Piccolomini Doc,
see supra, p. 50, note §), which I shortly afterwards had the oppor-
tunity of examining, shews the greatest similarity in the formation
of the characters. While Part f. i i-33b proceeds like a transcript,
and without corrections, the continuation from f. 35-61 conveys
the idea of being a rough draft ; it is a first copy, with corrections,
such as an author makes while writing ; words are frequently
transposed, a better expression is selected, or a wrongly written
word effaced. Professor Aug. Wilmanns,t who was at the time

* Voigt suspects Campanus, but this appears to me doubtful.

t I take this opportunity of expressing my heartfelt gratitude to the worthy
Director of the Royal Library for the unwearied kindness with which he
repeatedly sent numerous works, from the wealthy institution vinder his care,
to Innsbruck for my use. As there are many serious deficiencies in the
 APPENDIX. 417

working in the Vatican, and to whom, as a very competent

authority, I submitted my discovery, was also of opinion that the
Manuscript was that of the author. This view of the matter is

further corroborated by the fact that the passage where, if I am

correct, the Pope himself takes up the pen, beginning with the
words " Turcae dum haec aguntur," narrates the fall of Constan-
tinople (Comment. Pii II., Frankfort ed., p. 22 seq.), a subject
which, naturally, was very near the heart of the august writer. At
the conclusion of the first Book, f. 61, the Pope ceases to write

with his own hand ; his autograph draft also includes the relation
of his own election,* of which I have made use {supra, p. 1
1
). I have
minutely examined this much mutilated section, and have noted
the most important corrections made by the writer. These cor-
rections have strengthened my conviction that it is written by
the author himself. For example, at the beginning of the account
of the Conclave, instead of " Haec cum accepisset Philippus card.
Bononiensis " were the words " Inter hec Eneas historiam bohemi-
can cum absolvisset," which the author has effaced ; instead of
'"urbem" stood "Romani," instead of "sacella,"' "capelle," after
" in maiore " the most unnecessary addition " capella," and so forth.
But in the final Text of the Cod. Regin. sHght variations from
the former version occur, variations which improve upon the
style, and indicate the hand of the author. Instead of "Aeneam
timebat " (Cugnoni, 185), Cod. Regin. has the stronger expression
"formidabat"; insteadof the unmeaning word "revelabit," "releva-
vit"; instead of " non me imprudentem nosti,""nec me, &c." ;

instead of "dimissus," themore correct "dimissurus." The passage

which VoiGT, III., 7, holds to be genuine, " Veniebant non pauci
magnis pollicitationibus et quasi amasiae capiebantur ab domino
vendebaturque Christi tunica sine exemplo," stands in the Cod.

Library at Innsbruck, the completion of my work without extraneous aid would

have been an impossibility. I am also greatly indebted to the Directors of
the University Library at Vienna.
* Important variations, regarding the time of Nicholas V, and of Calixtus
III., do not occur, therefore I could not — as Druffel, Gott. Gel. Anz., 1888,
p. 515, requires — point them out. This "Critic" who, without waiting for
my later volume, here casts doubts on my statements regarding the original
Manuscript of the Commentaries, has never himself even seen the Manuscript
in question.

VOL. III. 2 E
4l8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.

Chis. (CuGNONi, loc. cit.) as well as in Cod. Regin. " Vincebantur

non pauci magnis pollicitationibus et quasi musce capiebantur

ab homine vendebaturque tunica Christi sine Christo." The
principal words in question, "quasi musce," &c., are found in
many other Manuscripts.* Voigt's conjecture, III., 8, of " Ur-
sinus " instead of " Pisanus," is confirmed by Cod. Chis. as well
as Cod. Regin. Finally, the following readings from the Cod.
Regin. are to be preferred to those of Cod. Chis. in Cugnoni,
185-186 :—
certi ex cardinalibus instead of certis ex c.

pontificatum obtinent „ p. ineat.

paupertatem praemiis „ paupertate premeris.

alienum est a Christi profes- alienum est a Ch. p. quum
sione quam vicarium „ vicarium. ^

non feret „ non fert.

lupanar meretricum „ 1. meretricium.

ne solus remanerem „ ne s. permanerem.

It will be observed that the sum total is small, but they are
worthy of attention in a new addition of this remarkable work. In
Cod. Regin. there are many changes of hand at f. 349, another ;

hand begins with Lib. VIII.

I see, in addition, that Dudik, I., 264, suggests that Cod. Regin.,
1995 "appears to be the Original," without, however, giving any
further grounds for this impression. The statement here made,
that the Codex came from the Library of S. Andrea at Rome, is of
importance. According to De Rossi (Bibl. Vat., 365), the Codices
from the Library of Pius II., now preserved in the Vatican, were
brought from the magnificent Library which the Theatines had at
S. Andrea della Valle (Blume, III., 141) ; the Manuscript, there-
fore, is from the Pope's private Library, a circumstance which yet
further confirms the opinion I have expressed.

* As Cod. Urb., 407, p. i, f. 58, Vatican Library, Cod. XXXni.-i42. f. 122 ;

Barberini Library, IX. ; Cod. XXX. and XXXII. of the Marciana at Venice, and
Conclavi diversi a Pio II. ad Piuni IV., Vol. 139. Secret Archives of the
Vatican.
 INDEX OF NAMES IN VOL. III.

Adolph of Nassau, Archbishop Bamberg, Bishop of, 48.

of Mayence, 165, 203-206, Barbara, Marchioness of Man-
20S, 209. tua, 73.
Agnensis, Galeotto, 7. Barbo, Pietro, Cardinal (after-

Alain, Cardinal, u, 13, i7> 47> wards Paul IL), 7, 12, 47,
102, 13S, 155. 3oi> 371-
Albert, Archduke of Austria, Benvoglienti, Leonardo, 329,
53. 87. 337-
Albert Achilles, Margrave of Bernardo da Bosco, 286.
Brandenburg, 48, 53, 97, Bernardo of Florence, 305, 307.
15S, 160, 163-165, 167, Bertholdo d'Este, 338, 340.
168, 194, 195, 197, 199. Bessarion, Cardinal, 12, 13, 32,
203, 205, 206, 208, 209. 63, 69, 81, 96, 147, 159-
Alberti, Leon Battista, 118. 163, 168-170, 172-176,
d'Albret, Louis, Cardinal, 137, 194, 199, 225, 244, 258,
138, 398. 261, 289, 312, 317-319.
Aldighieri, Michele degli, 248. 349, 369-
Alexander L, King of Poland, Biondo, Flavio,and Gasparo, 40.
252. Blumenau, Lorenz, 191.
Amalfi, Duke of, see Piccoloniini, Borgia, Pedro Luis, 20, 21, 28.
Antonio. Borgia, Rodrigo, Cardinal (after-
Ammanati, Cardinal (Bishop of wards Alexander VL), 12,

Pavia),32,4i, 126, 147,299, 14, 31, 47, 277, 289, 356,

30o> 3S5> 356, 361, 365, 371-
369. 37°- Borso d'Este, Duke of Modena
Andrew, St., Head of, 249, 258- and Ferrara, 58, 72, 242,
261. 285, 335, 353, 354-
Anguillara, Everso, 109, 143. Brescia, Bishop of, 287.
Anguillara, Family of, 107. Breslau, Bishop of, 222, 232, 236.
Antoine of Burgundy, 345. Brittany, Duke of, 90.
Antoninus, St. (Archbishop of Brixen, Bishop of, see Cusa.
Florence), 22, 56, 275. Burchard of Weissbriach, Car-
Antonio da Gubbio, 229. dinal (Archbishop of Salz-
Antonio da Noceto, 139, 154, burg), 296, 300.
237- Busch, John, 277.
Antonio da Pistoja, 17.
Augsburg, Cardinal of, 173. Calandrini, Cardinal, 7, 11,

Auribelle, Martial, 278. 32, 47, 276.

420 INDEX OF NAMES.

Calixtus III., Pope, 3, 4, 6, 9, Contarini, Pandolfo, 373.

27, 100, 130, 132, 181, 183, Contrarius, A., 40.
186, 217, 241, 291, 300. Coppini, Bishop of Terni, 142.
Campano, Giantonio, 13, 30, 33, Cordova, Jayme de. Bishop of
41, 44. 310- Urgel, 298.
Capello, Vittore, 314, 339. Corneto, Bishop of, see Vitel-
Capranica, Angelo, Cardinal, leschi.
294, 297. Corvinus, Matthias, King of
Capranica, Domenico, Cardi- Hungary, 53, 66, 70, 144,
nal, 4, 6, 7, 300. 175, 264, 265, 316, 340,
Carretto, Otto de, 6, 14, 15, 19, 345, 348, 372.
I4i-i43> 145-147, 224, Coutances, Bishop of, see Lon-
341, 343, 348, 35°- gueil.
Carvajal, Juan de. Cardinal, 32, Crete, Archbishop of, see Lando.
48, 65, 68, 147, 161, 171, Crivelli, Leodrisio, 39.
289, 316, 327, 349, 355, Cusa, Nicholas of, Cardinal, 30,
,358,361, 362. 32, 88, 9q, 106, 157, 178-
Casimir, King of Poland, 232. 186, 210, 211, 224, 270-
Castiglione, Cardinal, 12, 32. 272, 349, 355, 371-
Castille, King of, 53.
Castro, Giovanni de, 261-263. Dati, Agostino, 260.
Catherine, Queen-mother of Dauvet, Jean, 132.
Bosnia, 264-266. David, Emperor of Trebizond,
Catherine of Siena, St., 290- 247.
.^93- Diether of Isenburg, Archbishop
Cavriani, Galeazzo, Bishop of of Mayence, 144, 164-167,
Mantua, 30. 169, 174, 176, 177, 188,
Cenci, Agapito di, 41. 192-208, 225.
Charles VII., King of France, Domenichi,Domenicode',Bishop
54, 68, 89, 102, 132, 134- of Torcello, 8, 270, 272-
137, 188. 275, 288, 364.
Charles King of Naples, 26.
I., Donatus, Marcus, 340.
Charles, Margrave of Baden, 89, Durazzo, Archbishop of, 320.
90.
Charlotte de Lusignan, Queen EiCHSTATT, Bishop of, see John
of Cyprus, 252-255. III.
Chaumont, Pierre de, 147, 151- Eroli, Bernardo, Cardinal
153- (Bishop of Spoleto), 32,
Clement IV., Pope, 26. 282, 294, 297, 356.
Cologne, Archbishop of, see d'Este, see Bertholdo and Borso
Rupert. d'Este.
Colonna, Family of, 7, 14, 107, d'Estouteville, Guillaume, Car-
109, 114, 143. dinal, 8, II, 15, 17, 31, 47,
Colonna, Antonio, Prefect of 130, 253, 327, 356, 358.
Rome, 28. Eugenius III., Pope, 284.
Colonna, Prospero, Cardinal, 6, Eugenius IV., Pope, 11, 29, 130,
7, 13-15, 21, 47, 109, 301- 213, 285.
 INDEX OF NAMES. 421

Fantinus de Valle, 220, 223, Giacomo da Brescia, 286, 287.

231, 232, 234-236. Giacomo da Lucca, 32.
Federighi, Antonio, 305. Giblet, Moses, 245.
Federigo of Urbino, 50, 103, Giustiniani, Orsato, 76.
104, 113, 114, 126, 127, Giustiniano, Bernardo, 315, 358.
357. Gonzaga, Francesco, Cardinal,
Feltre, Bishop of, see Lelli. 298, 371.
Ferrante, King of Naples, 5, 6- Gonzaga, Lodovico III., Mar-
8, 15, 25-28, 58, 70,
20, quess of Mantua, 59, 71,
74, 75>83, 90, 92, 103-106, 73. 83, 144, 298, 335,
113, 121-123, 131, 141- 354-
145, 148, 150, 338. Gozzoli, Benozzo, 21.
Ferrici, Pietro (Nuncio), 205, Gregory XII., Pope, 291.
208, 209. Guiniforte da Barzizza, 55.
Fieschi, Cardinal, 12.
Filelfo, Francesco, 38, 74. Heimburg, Gregor, 87, 95, 133,
Flassland,John Werner of, 203. i74> 177, 184, 185-192,
Florence, Archbishop of, see 194, 196, 197, 200, 209,
St.Antoninus. 212.
Forchtenauer, Wolfgang, 224, Helena, Queen of Poland, 252.
226. Helena, Queen of Servia, 251.
Forteguerri, Cardinal (Bishop of Henry VI., King of England,
Teano), 27, 32, 124, 127, 58.
147, 294, 297, 349, 355, Hinderbach, 53.
362.
Foscarini, Luigi, 76, 78. Ibrahimbeg, Prince of Cara-
Francesco d'Arezzo, 38. mania, 245, 247.
Francis of Toledo, 162, 198, Isidor, Cardinal, 13, 301.
199, 204, 205, 220. Iwan Wassilijewitsch III., 252.
Frederick III., Emperor, 17, 48,
53,63-66, 82,96, 144, 158, JaCOPO BELLA MaRCA, St., 286.
162, 163, 169, 173, 174, James, King of Scotland, i88.
177, 195, 198, 200, 210, James, Cardinal of Portugal,
212, 237. 293-
Frederick, Elector of Branden- Jean de Croix, Lord of Chimay,
burg, 53, 194, 195. 71, 73-
Frederick I., Count Palatine, John II., King of Aragon, 53,
144, 158. 164, 165, 176, 58, 83.
177, 194, 195. 199) i97> John, Margrave of Baden, Arch-
204, 206-209. bishop of Treves, 165, 196,
Frederick, Duke of Saxony, 48. 199.
John, Margrave of Brandenburg,
George Podiebrad, King of 194, 195-
Bohemia, 53, 144, 162, John, Duke of Cleves, 71-73,
176, 177, 216-
199, 212, 144.
226, 230-239, 351, 359. John III., Bishop of Eichstatt,
George, Bishop of Trent, 89, 191. 89, 160, 301.
422 INDEX OF NAMES.

John, Duke of Calabria, 74, 92- Malatesta, Sigismondo, 83, 107

94, 102, 103, III, 112, 109, 116, 118-120, 125-
126, 141, 150, 241. 128, 130, 144, 232, 242,
Jouffroy, Jean, Cardinal (Bishop 318, 319, 321, 341.
of Arras), 71,132,135-138, Malipiero, Pasquale, Doge, 76,
140, 142, 146-152, 154, 311, 312.
155, 157, 298, 327. Malleta, A., 351.
Jiiterbogk, Jakob von, 277. Mantua, Bishop of, see Cavriani.
Maria, Queen of Bosnia, 266.
KoRANDA, Wenzel, 224, 226. Marini, Antoine, 231, 232, 237,
Kostka, Zdenko, 224, 226, 233. 238.
Martin V., Pope, 56, 100.
La Balue, Jean de, Cardinal, Marzano, Duke of Sessa, 122.
156. Maso, Tiburzio di, 108, 109,
La Cerda, Antonio de, Cardinal, III, 112, 114.
14, 293. Maso, Valeriano di, 108, 112.
Lando, Jerome, Archbishop of Mattei, Lorenzo, 304.
Crete, 220, 223, 280, 353. Matthias Corvinus, see Corvinus.
Lelli, Teodoro de'. Bishop of Mayence, Archbishops of, see
Feltre, 190. Adolph, Diether.
Leo X., Pope, 302. Medici, Cosmo de', 56, 141,
Leubing, Heinrich, 169. 335-
Lodovico of Bologna, 247, 248. Medici, Piero Francesco de', 22.
Lolli, Gregorio, 32, 124, 139, Mila, Luis Juan de. Cardinal,
147, 150, 242, 331. 14-
Longueil, Cardinal (Bishop of Milan, Archbishop of, see Nar-
Coutances), 135, 140, 147, dini.
.155- Mino da Fiesole, 302. .

Louis XL, King of France, 121, Mirabilli-Piccolomini, see Pic-

134-138,140-142,144,146- colomini.
152, 154-157, 225, 232, Montefeltre, see Federigo of
237, 316, 343, 345, 348, Urbino.
.350,351, 359. Moro, Cristoforo, Doge, 312,
Louis, Duke of Savoy, 86, 90. 339, 354, 366, 367, 371-
Louis of Savoy (Husband of 373.
Charlotte deLusignan), 252. Moro, Lorenzo, Duke of Can-
Louis the Rich, Duke of Bavaria- dia, 339.
Landshut, 158, 160, 177.
Luca da Tozio, 109. Nardini, Stefano, Archbishop
Lucas of Dalmatia, 317. of Milan, 285, 359, 371.
Lusignan, see Charlotte de. Nicholas V., Pope, 3, 38, 49,
Lusignan, James de, 252. 95, 299-301, 303-
Nicodemus de Pontremoli, 141.
Maho.met IL, Sultan, 249, 256,
263, 264-266. Oliva, Cardinal, 250, 258, 294,
Malatesta, Domenico, 127, 128. 297.
Mala testa, Isotta, 118, 119. Omar Pasha, 313.
 INDEX OF NAMES. 42 s

Onofrio, Bishop of Tricarico, 209. Piccolomini, Bartolomea, 124.

Orsini, Family of, 7, 14, 47. „ Caterina, 305.
Orsini, Giov. Antonio, Prince of „ Francesco, Car-
Tarento, 74, 109, 120-123, dinal, 32, 123,
126, 338. 124, 258, 295,
Orsini, Napoleone, 120. 297> 352-
,, Giacomo, 123, 124,
Pal^ologus, Andreas, 251,252. 349-
,,
Catherine (Wife of „ Laudomia (Wife of
Thomas), 251. Nanni Todesch-
,,
Demetrius, 249. ini), 123.
,,
Helena, see Hel- Niccolo, 336.
ena. Pietro da Noceto, 139.
„ Manuel, 251. Pius II., Pope, 6, 7, 11-79, S2-
,,
Thomas, Despot 97, 99, 100, 102, 104-
of the Morea, 115, 117, 119-121, 123-
69,70,249,251. 135. 137-143. f45. M7-
„ Zoe, Wife of Iwan 158,162-164, 166, 168,
Wassilijewitsch 170-172, 175, 185-230,
HI., 251, 252. 236-374.
Palmerius, Nicholas, 48, Pius VI., Pope, Ty-^.
PaolodiMariano(Romano), 303. Pius IX., Pope, 293.
Patrizzi, Agostino de' and Fran- Platina, Bartolomeo, 30, 32, 34,
cesco de', 41. 39-
Paul n., see Barbo. Podiebrad,^^^ George Podiebrad.
Pavia, Bishop of, see Ammanati. Poggio, Battista, 39.
Pecock, Reginald, Bishop of Porcaro, Stefano, 108, 112.
Chichester, 285. Porcello, Giantonio, 38.
Philip, Duke of Burgundy, 53, Portugal, King of, 53.
71, 136, 232, 267,268,317,
330. 33I' 340. 343. 345. Rabenstein, John of, 21 8, 219.
346. Rabenstein, Procopius of, 224,
Piasio, Battista, 40. 226.
Piccinino, Jacopo, 5, 20, 26, 28, Radak, 265.
48, 92, 103, 104, 107, 109, Rene, King of Provence, 20, 58,
111-113, 117, 120, 122, 89-94, 102, 105, 113, 197,
^43-. 344. 346.
Piccolomini, /Eneas Sylvius, see Ricavo, Antonio, 347.
Pius II. Rokyzana, 214, 215, 217, 218,
,,
AlessandrodeMira- 222.
billi-, 124. Rosellino, Bernardo, 307.
„ Andrea, 105, 123, Roverella, Bartolomeo, Cardinal
124. (Archbishop of Ravenna),
„ Antonio, Duke of 299.
Amalfi, 27, 28, Roverella, Lorenzo, Bishop of
105, 108, 121- Ferrara, 316.
123. Rubeis, Augustinus de, 341, 342.
424 INDEX OF NAMES.

Rudolf of Riidesheim, 174, 198, Teano, Bishop of, see Forte-

199, 201, guerri.
Rupert, Archbishop of Cologne, Tebaldo, Cardinal, 13, 62.
207, 209. Terni, Bishop of, see Coppini.
Ruvo, Bishop of, 282. Todeschini, Nanni, 123.
Ruysbroeck, Johannes, 277. Todeschini-Piccolomini, see Pic-
colomini, Francesco.
Sagundino, Niccolo, 41. Torcello, Bishop of, see Dome-
Salzburg, Archbishop of, see nichi.
Burchard. Torquemada, Juan de. Cardinal,
Savelli, Family of, 107, 143. 7. 12, 13, 63, 289.
Savelli, Jacopo, 107, 109, 112- Tournay, Bishop of, 320.
114. Trent, see George, Bishop of.
Scarampo, Luigi, Cardinal, 60, Treves, Archbishop of, see John,
62, i47> 293. Margrave of Baden.
Sforza, Alessandro, 103, 104, Tricarico, Bishop of, see Onofrio.
113, 122. Trieste, Bishop of, 82.
Sforza, Francesco, Duke of
Milan, 6, 7, 15, 27, 59, Ulrich of Wurtemberg, 165.
72-75, 82,83,86, loi, 103,
Urban II., Pope, 80.
104, 106, no, 117, 119- Usunhassan, Prince of the Tur-
121, 125, 142-144, 146,
comans, 339.
33o> 341-343, 367-
Sforza, Galeazzo, 55, 57.
Sforza, Ippolita, 59.
Varano, Giulio Cesare, 143.
Sigismondo, see Malatesta. Vespasiano da Bisticci, 299.

Sigismund, Duke of the Tyrol, Vettori, Angelo, 55.

48, 88, 90, 144, 175, 176,

Vitelleschi, Bartolomeo, Bishop
of Corneto, 119.
178, 180, 182-188, 191,
192, 199, 209-212, 225.
Simonetto, 103. William, Duke of Saxony, 88.
Skanderbeg, 113, 320, 324, 348. Wrbensky, Wenzel, 224.
Specchio, Bonanno, 108, in, Wiirzburg, Bishop of, 48, 194.
112.
Spoleto, Bishop of, see Eroli.
StephanThomaschewitsch, King Ysaias da Pisa, 303.
of Bosnia, 70, 264, 266, 314.
Sternberg, Zdenko of, 233, 236. Zdenko, see Sternberg.

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