BRITISH MUSEUM PUBLICATIONS ON EGYPT AND EGYPT IN THE FIRST MILLENNIUM AD Perspectives from new fieldwork edited by Elisabeth R. O’CONNELL PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – WALPOLE, MA 2014 SUDAN 2 CONTENTS Contributors ....................................................................................................................................................... VII Colloquium programme ..................................................................................................................................... IX Dominic W. RATHBONE Preface ............................................................................................................................................................... XI Elisabeth R. O’CONNELL Settlements and cemeteries in Late Antique Egypt: An introduction ............................................................. 1 I SETTLEMENTS Anna Lucille BOOZER Urban change at Late Roman Trimithis (Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt) .................................................................... 23 Penelope WILSON Living the high life: Late Antique archaeology in the Delta .......................................................................... 43 Wolfgang MÜLLER Syene (ancient Aswan) in the First Millennium AD ........................................................................................ 59 John Peter WILD and Felicity WILD Qasr Ibrim: New perspectives on the changing textile cultures of Lower Nubia ........................................... 71 II CEMETERIES Katja LEMBKE City of the dead: The necropolis of Tuna el-Gebel during the Roman period ............................................... 83 Peter GROSSMANN Churches and meeting halls in necropoleis and crypts in intramural churches .............................................. 93 Cäcilia FLUCK Textiles from the so-called ‘tomb of Tgol’ in Antinoupolis ............................................................................ 115 III SETTLING ROCK-CUT TOMBS AND QUARRIES Jochem KAHL Gebel Asyut al-gharbi in the First Millennium AD ......................................................................................... 127 Gillian PYKE The Christianisation of the Amarna landscape: Conquest, convenience or combat? ..................................... 139 VI CONTENTS Gertrud J. M. VAN LOON and Véronique DE LAET Monastic settlements in Dayr Abu Hinnis (Middle Egypt): The spatial perspective ..................................... 157 Jane FAIERS Wadi Sarga revisited: A preliminary study of the pottery excavated in 1913/14 ........................................... 177 IV TEMPLE–CHURCH–MOSQUE Andreas EFFLAND ‘You will open up the ways in the underworld of the god’: Aspects of Roman and Late Antique Abydos 193 Mansour BORAIK SCA excavations at Luxor: New discoveries from the First Millennium AD ................................................ 207 Helen FRAGAKI Reused architectural elements in Alexandrian mosques and cisterns .............................................................. 215 Plates ................................................................................................................................................................. 233 ‘YOU WILL OPEN UP THE WAYS IN THE UNDERWORLD OF THE GOD’: ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS Andreas EFFLAND The sacred landscape of Abydos is dominated by a wide bay formed by the steep slopes that ascend from the low desert—the location of the Early Dynastic necropolis, i.e., Umm el-Qaab—to the high desert plateau. These rocky slopes of the bay can presumably be identified with the ancient Egyptian toponym ‘She who hides her lord’ (Effland and Effland 2013, 27, 67, 91, 95) and were also deified under this name (Leitz 2002, 24c). The height of this massif is approximately 200m, creating the appearance of an impressive, monumental enclosure. The general toponym ‘Abydos’ refers to numerous archaeological sites including several necropoleis (dating to different time periods), royal cenotaphs and graves, but also Late Antique churches and monasteries. Several temples, such as those built by Sety I and Rameses II, as well as the large but mostly destroyed temple of Osiris-Khentimentiu and Umm el-Qaab, the burial ground of the earliest kings of Egypt in the late 4th millennium BC, are among the best-known sites of this area (for general information, see Effland and Effland 2013; O’Connor 2009). All Abydene monuments, from the Dynasty 18 Ahmose complex located in the south near el-Ghabat, to the Osiris temple in the north at Kom es-Sultan, are concentrated in the southern part of this wide bay (O’Connor 2009, 25, fig. 3). No efforts were ever made to extend (building) activities into the northern part of this valley basin. This concentration— and even the orientation of the monuments and sacred areas—possibly indicates the significance of the southern area of the bay, which was perhaps endowed with an exceptionally sacred quality (Figs 1, 2). The Wadi Umm el-Qaab appears to be a significant feature in the southwestern corner of the bay. From at 1 An investigation of Abydos during Late Antiquity was undertaken under the auspices of the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI) Research Cluster 4 in the context of the project ‘The Cult of Osiris in Abydos’ initiated in 2006 under the direction of Ute Effland. A paper with a more extensive discussion on the present topic is currently in preparation; see also, least the Early Dynastic period onwards, this valley was considered to be the border between the mortal world and the afterlife, i.e., the entrance to the Egyptian underworld (Effland and Effland 2013; 2010, 127–58; 2009, 12–19; Effland et al. 2010, 78–85). This contribution will argue that this association of Abydos with the threshold to the next world continued through Late Antiquity, manifested in the organised ritual activities of the oracular cult of Bes, which is attested by graffiti as well as by literary and magical texts (1st–5th centuries AD), and, now, by archaeological evidence (up to the late 5th century).1 An understanding of ancient Egyptian conceptions of the functional landscape of Abydos is key to understanding developments in Late Antiquity. Abydos: Myth and place The myth of Osiris is the defining narrative of Abydos and manifest in the site’s landscape. To explain the myth summarily and in simplified terms: Osiris was considered to be a king of an early chronological phase. He was murdered by his brother, Seth, who dismembered Osiris’ body. Osiris’ sister and wife, Isis, found the discarded body parts and, together with others, reassembled the remnants (which later became relics) and revived the god-king. Osiris’ son, Horus, who had been conceived posthumously by Isis (Pl. 1) finally triumphed in the battle for the throne and became the legitimate and divinely legitimised successor to the kingship. Osiris reigned supreme over the realm of the dead and became the symbol of the Egyptian hope of resurrection. The head of Osiris became the preeminent relic of Abydos. Effland forthcoming. For the results of the excavations carried out between 2006 and 2009, see most recently the preliminary report in Effland et al. 2010. For the project’s current activities, see Effland and Effland 2013 and the following website: http:// www.dainst.org/en/project/abydos-umm-el-qaab?ft=all (last accessed 1 July 2013). 194 A. EFFLAND Fig. 1: Abydos-south and Umm el-Qaab. Aerial photograph from the 1950s. Key: 1–4 sacred complexes of the Ahmose complex; 5–6 Senusret III area (Photo: © DAI-Kairo, annotated by A. Effland). The relationship between Osiris and Abydos is already attested in inscriptions that date to Dynasty 5 and are part of the corpus of the Pyramid Texts. From the many relevant text passages, only a few are quoted here to demonstrate the connection between Osiris, Abydos and the wadi as the entrance to the underworld. The following Pyramid Text spells address the deceased king: manded to exist for you. A stairway has been laid down for you away from the Duat and toward the place where Orion is, and the Sky’s Ox shall receive your arm (PT 610, Allen 2005, 232). Raise yourself as Osiris, as the akh, … Hear this which the gods have said! … The horizons’ door has been opened to you, Geb’s door has been pulled open to you ... You shall proceed to the lake, go upstream to Great Land [i.e., the Thinite nome], and course Abydos. A gate to the Akhet will be opened for you in the sky, the gods’ hearts will be welcoming at meeting you, and they will take you to the sky in your ba, you having become ba as one of them (PT 437, Allen 2005, 105). It appears that the Pyramid Text utterances quoted here are the earliest textual sources for a localisation of the entrance to the netherworld in Abydos, and they imbue the Wadi Umm el-Qaab with funerary-theological meaning. Abydos is a borderland between the mortal world and the afterlife, and it functions as the gateway between the living and the dead. This border was understood to be physically constituted by the valley created by the wadi in the southwestern area of the Abydene bay (Fig. 1, Pl. 2). You shall proceed to the lake, go upstream to Great Land, and course Abydos in your akh that the gods have com- Ho, Osiris [King] …! … You shall take the arm of the Imperishable Stars, go up from Great Land, and descend into the Big Wadi. Stand up! Raise yourself! (PT 459, Allen 2005, 119–20). ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS 195 Fig. 2: Umm el-Qaab and Abydos north: 1 chapel of Rameses I; 2 New Kingdom temple; 3 small ruined temple; 4 temple of Thutmose III; 5 portal temple of Rameses II; 6 small temple to the west; 7 hypogaeum; 8 ‘Cenotaph of Iuput’; 9 Heqreshu hill; 10 ‘South Hill’ (Photo: © DAI-Kairo, edited by A. Effland). Spaceandritualperformance This border region and the tomb of the god Osiris, which was located in the necropolis of the first kings of Egypt in Umm el-Qaab, was the central focus of several ritual and processional axes. It was also the destination of many rituals performed during festive events in the context of an Osiris cult, which had been established at the site since the late Old Kingdom. Scholars have considered the processional way through the wadi that connected the Osiris temple situated at the cultivation’s edge with the Osiris tomb at Umm el-Qaab to be the most important axis used during such processions. Another processional way led from the wadi via the god’s tomb to a hill located further to the south, which is covered in pottery deposited as offerings. The pathway was lined with two parallel rows of empty ceramic vessels (Pls 3, 4). A third important pathway connected this southern hill (referred to hereafter as the ‘South Hill’) with the Temple of Sety I at the edge of the floodplain (Effland and Effland 2013, 13, 40–46, 93–97; 2010, 127–58; 2009, 12–19; Effland et al. 2010, 78–85). According to textual and archaeological sources, the most important processional way between the temple and the tomb of Osiris was blocked off during the late Ptolemaic period by a cemetery occupied by non-royal individuals. The closure of this area should possibly be viewed as a punishment, after a group of the Abydene Osiris priesthood was actively involved in uprisings against Ptolemaic rule (Abdalla 1992, 1–8; A. Effland 2000, 33–34; Effland and Effland 2013, 110–19). The finds and features from Umm el-Qaab originate on the one hand from the primary use of this site as an Early Dynastic necropolis (i.e., they are tomb equipment) and on the other hand from its secondary use in 196 A. EFFLAND the context of the Osiris cult. Finds in the latter category date to the Middle and New Kingdoms, the Late Period and the Ptolemaic period and even continue into the 6th century AD (U. Effland 2006, 131–50; Effland et al. 2010, 19–91). With regard to the Roman and Late Antique finds we are faced with a problem: if they came to Umm el-Qaab in the context of ritual observances, which route did the ritual-performing priests take? How did the objects reach this place after the most important processional way had been sealed off? Roman and Late Antique Abydos Funerary and ritual texts of the Roman period suggest that cult activities continued at the Osiris tomb during this period. One example is provided by the Book of Traversing Eternity: You will fare downstream to Busiris and fare upstream to the nome of Abydos … You will descend to the neshmetbark together with the revered ones … You will open up the way in the environs of the great portal. Your ka will pass through the upper gate … You will pass safely through the twin doors of the cavern gods, and join those who are at rest … You will wander around yonder bank of the sanctuary. You will traverse the land in Alkhai.2 You will worship Wennefer the justified in his mysterious shrine, and ‘His nose lives’ [Osiris] in his reliquary … You will pass through the gates of ‘uplifter of millions’ [Abydene necropolis]. You will open up the ways in the underworld of the god. You will behold the glorified one lying on his bed, the mummy stretched out upon his bier. You will proceed to the pavilions of the elder gods, the chambers (of those who comprise the primordial deities) (Smith 2009, 407–408). Therefore, if the well-known processional route that had been used for centuries was no longer passable, another way must have existed that gave access to Umm el-Qaab. The existence of another route would help to explain the Roman and late Roman artefacts at the god’s tomb. Abydosandthesolar-Osirianunity From the very beginning, the concept of the Abydene Osiris was characterised by a solar-Osirian aspect. This 2 A term referring to Abydos and Umm el-Qaab, cf. Wb I, p. 213, 4–6. Cf. also PGM XIVb.12–15 [PDM XIV 451–458]: ‘I am carrying the mummy of Osiris, and I go to take it to Abydos, solar aspect was particularly distinctive from the New Kingdom onwards (Spalinger 2009) and it acquires special meaning in another cultic and processional axis, which is connected to the route to the ‘South Hill’. In Dynasty 19, Sety I constructed a large and, in terms of form and design, extremely unusual temple at the edge of the floodplain. A special feature of the Temple of Sety I is the seven adjacent sanctuaries. Situated to the west of the temple, and spatially separated from it, lies the so-called Osireion, an underground cult complex. Even further to the west, in the direction of the open desert but hardly visible now to the naked eye, a pylon once stood at this spot. At first glance, the temple appears to be hopelessly asymmetrical. The ‘desert pylon’ is not even in the middle of the temenos wall, and the logical connection between this gateway and the temple is not readily apparent. This mysterious, rear ‘desert pylon’ needs to be explained, and this explanation is connected with the so-called ‘South Hill’ and a significant, absolutely straight cult and processional axis. This cult axis begins at the entrance gate of the Temple of Sety I, divides the first and second courts into two equal-sized areas and then leads through the centre of the first and second hypostyle halls directly into the centremost of the seven sanctuaries. If this axis is extended further to the west, it leads through the Osiris complex, centrally divides the Osireion and reaches the exact location of the desert pylon’s gateway (Pl. 5). However, this length constitutes only the first 230m of the axis. Behind the desert pylon, a causeway, which is sunk slightly into the ground, leads into the desert. This causeway leads through a large deposit (80 × 50m) of offering bowls (typical of Umm el-Qaab) and after running in a straight line for a distance of over 1,400m ends at the ‘South Hill’. Therefore, the temple’s axis was oriented in line with this natural hill (Pl. 6). The temple was intentionally placed at the edge of the desert in front of the royal tombs in the adjacent desert plain. A processional way led to Umm el-Qaab and was marked by a large pylon and a sunken causeway. Mounds of pottery deposited as offerings are located in situ at the site where the road’s course starts its journey into the desert. By means of this central axis, the temple deliberately points towards a hill in the vicinity of the tombs that is completely covered with offering pottery to take it to Tastai, and to bury it at Alkah (Arek-heh)’ (Betz 1992, 221). See also Dieleman 2005, 127–30 and 314. ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS (Pl. 7). This hill, the ‘South Hill’, was connected to the tomb of Osiris via a processional way that was flanked on either side by rows of apposed ceramic vessels (Effland et al. 2010, 82–85, fig. 52; Effland and Effland 2010, 139–43, figs 5–8; 2009, 17–18). This axis seems to have been in use over a very long period of time. Presumably, people were still aware of this pathway during the Ptolemaic and Roman periods, as is attested by a Greek restoration inscription found at the desert pylon (Effland and Effland 2013, 124–25). This central axis through the Temple of Sety I, however, is not, as might be expected, related to Osiris, or at least not primarily. The entire decoration along this axis has a solar connotation and the decoration of the central axis as far as the sanctuary exclusively depicts Amun—or rather Amun-Ra—as the god addressed in the ritual scenes. The central sanctuary is also dedicated to the sun god Amun. The primary and most prominent function of Sety I’s temple complex was the transformation of the deceased king into Osiris. This transformation also resulted in the syncretistic connection of Osiris with Amun-Ra, as is shown for example by the mummiform representation of the Osiris-king wearing the double-plumed crown of Amun (Calverley 1938, pl. 35). The ‘Osiride’ djed pillar is also decorated with the plumed crown of Amun and is located exactly on this axis (Calverley 1938, pl. 8). If we follow the cult axis further, we reach the Osireion, a central cult site of Osiris, and the texts and decorations located here also offer an explanation for the solar theme of this axis. The subject in question is the unification of Amun-Ra with Osiris or, more precisely, the unification of the two gods, Osiris, the ruler of the underworld, and Amun-Ra during the nightly journey of the solar bark, which traverses the dangerous realm of the dead. In order to illustrate the above, Chapter 182 of the Book of the Dead can be quoted here as it deals with the unification of the sun god with Osiris and notably is inscribed in the Osireion at the centremost point of the axis: Book for the permanence of Osiris, giving breath to the Inert One in the presence of Thoth, and repelling the enemy of Osiris, who comes yonder in his various shapes … I cause Re to go to rest as Osiris, Osiris having gone to rest at the going to rest of Re; I cause him to go into the secret cavern in order to revive the heart of the Inert One, the Holy Soul at the head of the West ... I am Thoth who foretells the morrow and foresees the future (BD 182, Faulkner 1990, 181). 197 The Abydene ritual landscape is a mythicised landscape. The content of myths, along with ideas from theology and funerary texts, is projected onto the landscape. Topographical points of reference contained within these texts are associated with landmarks and prominent landscape areas and localised there (Smith 2008, 39–67; Jeffreys 2010, 102–18; Wegner 2009, 103–68; Effland and Effland 2013, 95–97). This also includes the nightly journey of the sun and the consequent unification of the sun with Osiris, the theme that is directly connected with the axis that runs from the Temple of Sety I to the ‘South Hill’ and ultimately to Umm el-Qaab. Although this contribution is not the place to describe this nightly journey of the sun through the netherworld in detail, we have to bear some aspects of these theological ideas in mind, since they are essential to an understanding of the Abydene ritual landscape and the development of an oracular cult that lasted into Late Antiquity. One of the Egyptian funerary texts, namely the Amduat, or TheBookoftheSecretChamber, details the sun god’s journey through the twelve hours of the night. It begins with the entrance of the sun god into the transitional sphere of the first hour of the night and ends with the rebirth of the sun the next morning. The underworld journey of the solar bark leads through the area of water named ‘Wernes’ and the ‘Waters of Osiris’. During this journey, the sun god ensures that land is suitably allocated to the glorified deceased who are present after being awoken by the sunlight. The fertile landscape suddenly comes to an end in the fourth hour and is followed by the wide expanse of the desert Rosetau, the ‘Land of Sokar, who is upon his sand’. The solar bark now has to be towed along its path. The fifth hour literally represents the funerary west and includes the most fundamental elements of the realm of the dead as well as the burial mound of Osiris, from which the sun ultimately emerges rejuvenated. The journey continues via the cave of Sokar, in which the secret and mysterious unification of Osiris-Sokar with the sun god begins. At the sixth hour, the sun reaches the depth of the underworld. This is also where the corpse of the sun is laid out waiting to join together with the soul, the ba, of the god. The body is an image of Osiris and, as the ba and the body unite, Re and Osiris are finally unified at the deepest point of the nightly journey. The ancient kings of Upper and Lower Egypt are also present with their attributes of power in order to assist during the resurrection of the deceased pharaoh. And so it continues until the rebirth of the sun 198 A. EFFLAND is accomplished in the twelfth hour. The subsequent rejoicing is directed towards the newly visible sun as well as towards Osiris, who remains in the underworld. The journey through the night is at its end. Osiris and the deceased who are present in the underworld descend once more into the deep sleep of death. The point of departure for a journey to the deceased in the netherworld is therefore the evening sunset. During its nightly journey, the sun traverses the realm of the dead, from which it rises every morning rejuvenated and renewed. This concept resulted in the reassuring certainty that death provided a passage to new, rejuvenated life and that the deceased received their share of the sun’s light every night. The sun shines on the dead and awakens new life in them (Hornung 1997, 40–55 and 117–28). Those who are sleeping and dreaming also temporarily linger in these depths, where it is possible to encounter gods and the deceased. Sleepers and the deceased reside in Nun, the primaeval ocean, which also constitutes the nightly passageway of the solar bark (Zibelius-Chen 1988, 277–93; Assmann 1969, 249, note 17; Szpakowska 2003). This nightly journey of the sun god and the interpretation of the Abydene landscape, especially the axis from the Temple of Sety I to the ‘South Hill’, as a mythicised landscape is of the greatest importance in understanding the transformation of the ritual and processional activities of the New Kingdom into the cultic activities of Late Antiquity in the context of the Abydene oracle. Although Abydos’ significance declined after the participation of (at least a part of) the priesthood in uprisings during the Ptolemaic period, the cult site and its associated Osiris cult was well known throughout the whole of the Hellenistic and Roman world. Abydos and the Thinites are mentioned by a whole series of ancient authors in the Ptolemaic period, e.g., Demetrios of Phaleron (Aegyptiaca Fr. H 228) and Manetho (AegyptiacaFr. 1.2; 1.7; Fr. 6; Fr. 7; Fr. 8), and in the Roman period, e.g., Strabo (Geographica 17.1.42; 17.1.44) and Pliny (Nat.hist. 5.11.60), the Chaeremon fragments (Aegyptiaca Fr. 4) as well as Plutarch, e.g., Plut.Is. 20 (359 B). In addition, interesting details can be found in texts written by Claudius Ptolemy (Geograph. 4.5.66), Aelian (De natura animalium 10.28), Athenaios (Deipnosophistae 15.680) and Solinus (Collectanearerummemorabilium 32.41), among others. 3 4 Probably this can be interpreted as a reference to the kings of Arek-heh, the owners of the Early Dynastic royal tombs at Umm el-Qaab. TheoracleatAbydos During the 3rd and particularly the 4th to early 5th centuries, Abydos regained its importance, this time even reaching international prominence owing to an oracle located at the ancient holy site, the site of the entrance to the underworld. The oracle of Osiris-Serapis is attested as early as the late Ptolemaic period and, during the late Roman period, the oracle of the god Bes gradually gained significance (Dunand 1997, 65–84; Frankfurter 1998, 169–79; Effland and Effland 2013, 120–29). Graffiti referring to Osiris-Serapis can be found in the Temple of Sety I and date between the 2nd century BC and the early Roman period (Rutherford 2003, 182–83 and fig. 10.8; A. Effland 2013a, 75–82). Further indications can also be found in Late Roman papyri. A demotic magical text dating to the 3rd century records a vessel enquiry to Osiris: Hail, Osiris, King of the Underworld, lord of burial, whose head is in Thinis while his feet are in Thebes, the one who gives answer in Abydos (PDM XIV 627–35; Betz 1992, 229). A parallel Old Coptic text originates from the 4th century AD. In a magical invocation with instructions for addressing an oracle, the following is stated: Hail to Osiris, the king of the underworld, the lord of embalming, he who is to the south of Thinis, who gives answer at Abydos (PGM IV 11–14; Betz 1992, 36). Another section of this same text names the specific site of the oracle in more concrete or precise terms, since ‘Alchah’ and ‘Oupōke’ are well known as being part of the Abydene royal necropolis at Umm el-Qaab: Rise up to the kings of Alchah,3 speak(ing) the truth in Oupōke4 (PGM IV 123–24; Betz 1992, 39). Over the course of time, the oracle-giving god also became more concrete or precise. Help was now sought from Osiris-Helios-Bes. For the sense or the meaning of this syncretistic deity at this time and place, we have A term for Umm el-Qaab and the tomb of Osiris, cf. Wb I, S. 561, 6–9. Cf. also PDM XIV 170–175: ‘I am the guardian of the great corpse which is in Wu-poke…’. ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS to keep in mind the ancient theological concept of the solar-Osirian unity. One of Plutarch’s chapters also deals with the solar nature of Osiris: In the sacred hymns of Osiris they call upon him who is hidden in the arms of the sun (Helios) (Plut.Is. 372 B; Babbitt 1936, 127). There are some who without reservation assert that Osiris is the Sun (Plut.Is. 372 D; Babbitt 1936, 129). Other Greek magical papyri contain interesting comparisons, such as a certain Helios-Phre who holds the universe together, and we also find here a Helios-Osiris, Phre-Osiris and Osiris-Phre, demonstrating a still vivid solar-Osirian theological concept at this time (Phillips 2009, 95, 104–105). Bes, the dwarf-like, demon-like god with the grotesque, mask-like face and protruding tongue, is particularly well known as a benevolent deity. He is a protector of families, is associated with sexuality and birth and is one of the most popular gods represented in amulet form. The Abydene theologians, however, did not choose Bes as an oracular deity because of his popularity, but because they recognised his authority in his ancient mythological role as a protector of the head and coffin of Osiris (Kurth 2010, 40). Furthermore, Bes was, in theological terms, closely related to the sun god from a very early period (Altenmüller 1975, 721–22). Graffiti referring to Bes can be found in the Temple of Sety I. In this case, the graffiti are mainly on the exterior walls and on the roof (Rutherford 2003, 184– 85 and fig. 10.9). In addition to these graffiti, several papyri are also of interest in this connection. For example in the late 4th to early 5th century AD, a text requesting a dream oracle of Bes states: I call upon you, the headless god … Rise up, daimon. You are not a daimon, but the blood of the two falcons who chatter and watch before the head of Osiris. You are the oracle-giving god (PGM VIII 91–102; Betz 1992, 147). When considering this statement, the cult statue of Osiris that was discovered in 1898 by Amélineau in the tomb of Djer in Umm el-Qaab immediately springs to mind: the god stretched out on the bier as a mummy, 5 A whole series of such dream texts are in fact preserved; however, none of the examples originate from Abydos. See however e.g., Näf 2004, 75, 203, notes 200–203. 199 with a falcon either side of his head (Effland et al. 2010, 89, fig. 55). Furthermore, evidence has been collected over the last few years which proves that ritual acts were performed in the context of the Abydos oracle in Umm el-Qaab at the tomb of Osiris (Effland et al. 2010, 87–88, figs 53–54; A. Effland 2013a, 78, figs 5–6). The techniques employed for the Abydene oracle are evidenced by several sources, including papyri and graffiti. As regards divinatory techniques at the site itself, there are indications that vessels were consulted. In the graffiti of the Temple of Sety I, however, references to the following techniques are predominantly attested: incubation and necromancy. There is no better place for the practice of necromancy than the entrance to the underworld (Ogden 2010, 37–137). The only thing that was needed for this practice was a dead body, or a part of one. A bone or skull was not difficult to come by in the area of the Abydene necropolis. A body part or a fragment of cloth could gain power over the spirit of the deceased. Before going to sleep, the person seeking answers summoned the spirit to appear in a dream and to provide answers to the most pressing questions. The correct ritual is given in PGM VII: Request for a dream oracle of Besa: On your left hand draw Besa in the way shown to you below. Put around your hand a black cloth of Isis and go to sleep without giving answer to anyone. The remainder of the cloth wrap around your neck (PGM VIII 64–69; Betz 1992, 147; for information on how to draw the Bes figure, see Betz 1992, 148). There follows a recipe for the ink which should be used for writing, and the text continues with a hymn to the setting sun, followed by a useful tip: Have near you a small tablet so that you may write as much as he says, lest after going to sleep you forget (PGM VIII 90; Betz 1992, 147).5 The text finally ends with the instruction: Go to sleep on a rush mat, having an unbaked brick beside your head (PGM VIII 104; Betz 1992, 147). 200 A. EFFLAND But where did the client lie down to sleep? Which words were spoken for the secret, mysterious prayer? A glimpse at the location of the graffiti in the Temple of Sety I (or Memnoneion) can perhaps help to clarify the first question. The graffiti can mainly be found on the roof or, in particular, on the western exterior wall of the temple, in the area between the temple and the desert pylon. Several can also be found in the Osireion itself. It is possible that a forecourt built as an architectural complex in the western area of the temple belonged to an oracle cult. For example, in front of the so-called Merenptah chamber, which is the treasury of the Temple of Sety I, Mariette discovered an area that was enclosed by hewn stones and filled up to a height of 2m with brick rubble. However, this area was cleared without any archaeological documentation (Mariette 1869, 27, § 104; Zippert 1931, 11). The graffiti were scratched into the walls at a height of c. 80cm above the level of the floor. The oracleseeking individual was therefore either very small or made the graffiti in a squatting or sitting position. Did he finish his scribble then, just before going to sleep? This was obviously the most suitable place to command the best sleep and to summon the most effective dreams: here on the ancient axis of the temple, which leads to the ‘South Hill’ and Umm el-Qaab, to the tomb of Osiris and to the entrance to the underworld (Pls 8, 9). The possible words spoken for the invocation, for the prayer made in the 4th to 5th centuries, would not be imaginable without the theological prerequisite of the ancient Egyptian nightly journey of the sun. A transformation of religious concepts now takes place at this site, a fascinating variation of tradition, in this case to summon an answer from the oracle:6 Around the great pole, who create all things Yourself which you again reduce to nothing, … Hear, blessed one, for I call you who rule Heaven and earth, Chaos and Hades, where Men’s daimons dwell who once gazed on the light, And even now I beg you, blessed one, Unfailing one, the master of the world, If you go to the depths of earth and search The regions of the dead, send this daimon, From whose body I hold this remnant in my hands. … at midnight hours, To move by night to orders ’neath your force, That all I want within my heart he may Perform for me …7 … Send the daimon, whomever I have requested …’ (PGM IV 435–51; Betz 1992, 46–47) This practice of ‘forcing the gods’, particularly in an Osiride-Abydene context, led to one of the most intensely discussed theological and theurgic controversies. During the 4th and 5th centuries, leading thinkers of the time, pagan philosophers and Christian fathers of the Church were involved in this heated debate. The dispute reached its pinnacle with the manuscript of Porphyry, who quoted from the works of Chaeremon in the Letter to Anebo and interpreted a number of text passages. Consequently, this Porphyry text was repeatedly discussed and reinterpreted, among others, by the theurgist and Neoplatonist, Iamblichus, but also by Eusebius of Caesarea or Aurelius Augustinus, Julius Firmicus Maternus and Athanasius of Alexandria, to name only a few. Porphyry8 says: But much more absurd than this is that by means of threats a man—who is himself subject to any influence whatsoever—should attempt to frighten not just a chance demon or the soul of a dead man, but king Helios himself and Selene or any other in heaven, therefore uttering lies in order to make them speak the truth. For to say that he Prayer that belongs to the procedure: At sunset, while holding the magical material from the tomb, say: ‘Borne on the breezes of the wand’ring winds, Golden-haired Helios, who wield the flame’s Unresting fire, who turn in lofty paths 6 7 Two variations of the text are preserved, PGM IV 435–65 (Betz 1992, 46–47) and PGM IV 1928–89 (Betz 1992, 72–73). PGM IV 1928–72 has the following variation here: ‘… this daimon send to move at midnight hours perforce at your commands, from whose tent I hold this ... And let him tell me fully and with truth’ (Betz 1992, 72–73). Further versions of this hymn can be found in PGM I 315–27 (‘send me this daimon at my sacred chants …’ Betz 1992, 11) and PGM VIII 74–80 (‘if you go to the depths of earth and reach the region of the dead, send up the truthful prophet out of that innermost abode. 8 I beg you … lord, send forth your holy daimon … immediately, immediately, quickly, quickly, in this night, come’ Betz 1992, 147). Owing to the fact that Porphyry’s texts were considered to be anti-Christian, as was also the case with texts written by Arius, they later fell victim to book burnings ordered by the emperor Constantine. The fate of the books is recounted by Socrates Scholasticus in his Historia ecclesiastica (1.9.30f); cf. also Eusebius of Caesarea, VitaConstantini 3.66.1. ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS will shatter the heaven and disclose the secrets of Isis and show the ineffable secret in Abydos and stop the solar bark and scatter the limbs of Osiris for Typhon—is this not the result of an excessive stupidity on the part of him who threatens things that he neither knows nor can do, and an excessive degradation of those who have been frightened by a vain fear and by fictions, quite like silly children? And yet even Chaeremon the sacred scribe records these things as common talk also among the Egyptians, and they say that these and similar methods have a very forcible effect (upon the gods) (Epistula ad Anebonem II 8–9; van der Horst 1984, 13). Such threats made towards the gods are by no means new to Egyptian magic9 and are known from the corpus of Papyri Graecae Magicae.10 Iamblichus puts Porphyry’s harsh criticism into perspective—when such threats were uttered, they were not in reality directed towards the gods but towards minor demons (Iamblichus, Demyst. 6.5 and 6.7; for dreams and dream revelations, see also Demyst. 3.2). 201 However, in the 4th and 5th centuries, Eusebius (Praeparatioevangelica 5.10.1–2) and Augustine (De civitate dei 10.11) used this text as a basis for their Christian apologetic manuscripts in order to name the advantages of their god and to polemicise against theurgists.11 Therefore, Abydos and the Abydene oracular practices must have continued to be popular, and remained in the forefront of intellectual debate.12 During the 4th century, the oracle at Abydos was in fact well visited, even by well-known personalities. We know of Simplicius, the former prefect and consul, of Parnasius, the prefect of Egypt, the poet Andronicus and the philosopher Demetrius Cythras.13 Visits were also made by a large group of triumphant athletes (Fig. 3 and Pl. 10; Fig. 4 and Pls 11, 12), such as the victor of the isolympic contests, Anubion, the victor of the isopythic games, Aspidas, and the multiply victorious sportsman (Paradoxos) Demetrios, who all left several textual and pictorial graffiti at the temple (Effland 2013b, 129–37). Fig. 3: Abydos. I.gr. Memnonion 526, graffito of Paradoxos Demetrios (after Perdrizet and Lefebvre 1919, 96). 9 10 11 See e.g., the early Ptolemaic P.KölnÄgypt. 1 (pKöln inv. 3547), where threats are made to force the solar bark to halt and to create eternal darkness, Kurth 1980, 9–53, esp. 32–33 (nos 44–45), 34–35 (nos 50–51) and 44. For the threat to stop the solar bark, see PGM III 98–99; to shatter heaven, PGM III 537 and PGM V 283; to scatter the limbs of Osiris, PGM LVII 9; cf. also PGM IV 2313 and PGM LXII 13. Cf. also e.g., Firmicus Maternus, Deerroreprofanarumreligionum 8.1–5. In 13.5, the text reads: ‘Wir danken, Porphyrius, deinen Büchern: du hast uns das Wesen deiner Götter verraten. Wir haben durch dich erfahren, wie deine Götter den Menschen auf ihr Geheiß hin dienstbar sind. Dein Serapis wird von einem 12 13 Menschen gerufen und kommt, und, wenn er kommt, lässt er sich sofort auf Geheiß einschließen, und vielleicht wider Willen wird er auf Geheiß genötigt, zu reden’ (Rauschen 1913, 13). For the general development of theurgy during Late Antiquity, see e.g., Stang 2011, 1–13. The now lost text entitled OnBes written by Leon of Byzantine (4th century) also presumably deals with this topic. These men are named in the Resgestae of Ammianus Marcellinus (Amm. Marc. 12.9–12). Andronicus of Ammian is identical to Andronicus from Constantinople, the student and friend of Libanius, who was appointed as the consul of Phoenicia in AD 359. 202 A. EFFLAND Fig. 4: Abydos. I.gr. Memnonion 500, graffito of the Olympionikos, Anubion (after Perdrizet and Lefebvre 1919, 90). Ammianus Marcellinus, however, reports of a scandal in the year AD 359 with the oracle of Abydos as the focus: There is a town called Abydos, situated in the remotest part of the Thebais; here the oracle of the god called in that place Besa in days of old revealed the future and was wont to be honoured in the ancient ceremonials of the adjacent regions. And since some in person, a part through others, by sending a written list of their desires, inquired the will of the deities after definitely stating their requests, the papers (chartulae) or parchments (membranae) containing their petitions sometimes remained in the shrine 14 A few years later, during the reign of Valens (AD 364–78), a similar episode occurred elsewhere, as was recounted by e.g., even after the replies had been given. Some of these were with malicious intent sent to the emperor who (being narrow minded), although deaf to other very serious matters, on this point was softer than an earlobe, as the proverb has it; and being suspicious and petty, he grew furiously angry (Amm. Marc. 19.12.3–5; Rolfe 1950, 535–37). The papers or parchments which reached the emperor Constantius II in 359 were, in fact, concerned with the imperial succession and therefore constituted an act of treason.14 The emperor ordered an investigation of the practices of the Abydos oracle. Ammianus writes: Socrates Scholasticus (Historiaecclesiastica 19) and Ammianus Marcellinus (Amm. Marc. 29.1.28–33). ASPECTS OF ROMAN AND LATE ANTIQUE ABYDOS 203 As the theatre of torture and death Scythopolis was chosen, a city of Palestine … midway between Antioch and Alexandria, from which cities the greater number were brought to meet charges (Amm. Marc. 19.12.8; Rolfe 1950, 537–39). As chance would have it, several late coins were indeed found during excavations of the Egypt Exploration Society at the Osireion. Some of the latest examples include several coins dating to Constantius II (Frankfort 1933, 34), which are stored today in the Kelsey Museum. On a related note, the mints are also of interest as the coins originate from Alexandria, Antioch and Constantinople. One of the aims of the investigation carried out during the reign of Constantius II was apparently to put an end to the pagan oracle of Bes in Abydos.15 Nevertheless, pagan graffiti in the Memnoneion date beyond the year 359 (Rutherford 2000, 149–50). An exact date for the end of the Bes oracle or of pagan activities in Abydos remains unknown. Constantius’ agents are, however, possibly responsible for several interesting destructions in connection with the cult statue of Osiris in Umm el-Qaab (Effland et al. 2010, 88–89, fig. 55; A. Effland 2013a, 79, fig. 7). In spite of these efforts to end cult practices, small finds dating to the 5th and 6th centuries have been discovered in Umm el-Qaab. Even the Osiris tomb itself was restored anew during Late Antiquity and new mudbricks were added (A. Effland 2013a, 80–81). These activities can possibly be traced back to efforts undertaken to revitalise pagan cults under Constantius II’s successor, Emperor Julian ‘the Apostate’, who was familiar with the texts of, e.g., Plotinus, Porphyry and Iamblichus, and was himself even the author of a hymn to his personal tutelary god, Helios (Giebel 2002; Rosen 2006). Pagan Abydos also survived the apparent crisis of the 5th century, i.e., the destruction carried out by followers of Shenoute of Atripe. It was not until around the year AD 535 (Grossmann 1999, 51–64) when, according to his own Life, Moses of Abydos (Fig. 5), monastic father and monastery founder, ended the 15 16 Constantius II had already issued a degree in AD 356 to end pagan cults (Cod. Theo. XVI.10.6). For information on the emperor, see e.g., Barceló 2004. Without concluding that there is necessarily a causal relationship with this event, we should not forget the phenomenon of the Fig. 5: Abydos. Ostracon with the name of Apa Moses (Drawing: D. Schulz and U. Effland). ancient cult in Abydos16 by carrying out exorcisms at two sites. A demon, which was referred to as Bes, made life difficult for the Christian population. He sprang from the roof of the Sety I Temple and brought disaster to all. But an exorcism performed by Moses put an end to his evil doings. A second place was considered to be a locus of pagan creativity, namely the hill to the west of the Sety I Temple, called in Coptic ‘the hill of Abydos’ (ptoounEbot) and clearly referring to the ‘South Hill’. Together with his fellow brethren, Moses fought a battle against the devilish demons residing there and ultimately led the cross to victory (for the LifeofMosesofAbydos, see Till 1936, 46–81; Moussa 2003, 66–90). weather anomalies in AD 535–36, which could have been understood as a cosmic portent of radical change; for this topic, see e.g., Procopius of Caesarea (DebelloVandalico4.14.4–10). 204 A. EFFLAND However it seems that cult practices in Umm elQaab never really came to an end. During excavations undertaken by the DAI, a series of Late Antique, Medieval, Fatimid and Mamluk objects were found, and a small bronze coin even dates to the early 18th century (Effland and Effland 2013, 131–39). The recess of the wadi in the southwest of the bay still continues to be a source of fascination. Until the archaeological work of Amélineau began in the area, a procession that took place on Good Friday led from the nearby monastery to Umm el-Qaab. The adherents of local popular Islam also use(d) the site (Hansen 2008, 15 and 52–53; U. Effland 2008, 71–81; Effland and Effland 2013, 139). It has been a holy and magical place for at least the last 5,500 years. Acknowledgements I would like to thank Catherine H. Jones for translating the German text into English. Bibliography Abdalla, A. 1992. Graeco-Roman funerary stelae from Upper Egypt. 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Zibelius-Chen, K. 1988. Kategorien und Rolle des Traumes in Ägypten. StudienzurAltägyptischenKultur 15: 277– 93. Zippert, E. 1931. Der Gedächtnistempel Sethos’ I. zu Abydos. Berlin. A. EFFLAND Pl. 1: Abydos. Representation of the posthumous conception of Osiris’ son, Sokar chapel of Temple of Sety I (Photo: A. Effland). Pl. 2: Abydos. The Wadi Umm el-Qaab (Photo: U. Effland). A. EFFLAND Pl. 3: Abydos. Deposits of rows of Late Period vessels to the northeast of the Osiris tomb (Photo: U. Effland). Pl. 4: Abydos. Aerial photograph of the deposits (Photo: L. Ziemer). A. EFFLAND Pl. 5: Abydos. Reconstruction of the Temple of Sety I with Osireion at rear, flanked by trees, and, behind, the desert pylon, view from east (Graphic: J. P. Graeff). A. EFFLAND Pl. 6: Abydos. Map of central Abydos with cultic and processional ways (Drawing: U. Effland). A. EFFLAND Pl. 7: Abydos. ‘South Hill’, view from the north (Photo: U. Effland). Pl. 8: Abydos. View from the west over the Osireion to the Temple of Sety I (Photo: A. Effland). A. EFFLAND Pl. 9: Abydos. Reconstruction of the Temple of Sety I with Osireion flanked by trees and the desert pylon, view from west. Various graffiti referring to the Bes oracle are located on the western exterior wall of the Temple of Sety I, on the axis through the desert pylon to the ‘South Hill’ (Graphic: J. P. Graeff). Pl. 10: Abydos. I.gr. Memnonion 526, graffito of Paradoxos Demetrios (Photo: A. Effland). A. EFFLAND Pl. 11: Abydos. I.gr. Memnonion 500, graffito of the Olympionikos, Anubion (Photo: A. Effland). Pl. 12: Abydos. Pictorial graffito above I.gr. Memnonion 524 (Photo: A. Effland).