Rebellion in a Priestly Community: A comparative study of the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon and Numbers 16

Kelee Siat

This article discusses P.Gen. 4.159, a hexametric enkomion from the 6th c. AD, an allusion to Job in the petition, P.Cair. Masp. 1.67002 (567, Aphrodito) and the first attestation of the word prosynaxis in papyri (SB 18.13272).

Egypt is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible numerous times, but despite multiple studies, the Egyptian background referred to in the Bible remains historically elusive. This is due to the fact that Egyptian details from the biblical source (names, epithets) can often be correlated with more than one period in Egypt's history. These difficulties have prevented the Egyptian aspect from becoming a major factor in biblical studies. To rectify this state, it is here suggested to employ a different methodology: rather than seeking parallels to the Bible's Egyptian details, one should ask how and when these details came to be known in the biblical traditions of Judah and Israel. The article will discuss possible scenarios of transmission as viewed through the archaeological record pertaining to the relations between Egypt and Israel during the Iron Age.

Phoenician art, intermediate between that of Egypt and Assyria, has been revealed to us, and invaluable treasures have been recovered from the catacombs. Bold explorers, too, have made us acquainted with the traces of all the various nations so closely packed in the narrow territory of Asia Minor. Cyprus with its strange writing and the sculptures of its temples ; Lycia with its peculiar language, its inscriptions, coins, sepulchral grottoes; Phrygia with its great rock, sculptured bas-reliefs, and the tombs of the kings of the family of Midas ; Arabia contributes to science ancient monuments of times anterior to Islamism, texts engraven by pilgi-ims on the rocks of Sinai, and the numerous inscriptions which abound in Yemen. Nor let Persia be forgotten with the remains of its kings, Achaemenid and Sassanian Nor India, where our knowledge has been entirely renewed by the study of the Vedas. But it is not only the length of the coui'se that has been increased, the progress of science has been so great that its domain is now also widely extended. Everywhere, by new routes, enterprising and successful pioneers have pushed their researches, and thrown light into the darkest recesses. Europe in our age takes definite possession of the world. What is true of the events of tlie day, is also true in the region of learning ; science regains possession of the ancient world, and of ages long forgotten. This resuscitation of the earliest epochs of civilisation commenced with Egypt. The hand of Champollion has torn down the veil which concealed mysterious Egypt from our eyes, and has added lustre to the name of France by the greatest discovery of our age. Thanks to him, we have at last the key to the enigma of the Hieroglyphs. And henceforth we may tread boldly on solid and well-known ground, where those who preceded us wandered among swamps and pitfalls. Champollion's discovery has been the starting point for those learned and ingenious researches to which we owe the restoration of Egyptian History. Through the whole extent of the Nile Valley the monuments have been examined, and in reply they have told us all the deeds of the kings who governed Egypt from the most ancient times. Science has penetrated the dark catacombs where sleep the Pharaohs, and has restored to us many dynasties whose only traces were to be found in some mutilated remains of the old historian Manetho. At the commencement of the present century, we knew little beyond the names of a few sovereigns, whose reigns were far apart and connected with but a small number of events, distorted by the statements of credulous Greek travellers, or magnified by national vanity. We now know nearly the whole series of monarchs who reigned over Egypt during more than 4,000 years ( higher today) CONTENTS BOOK I.—PRIMITIVE TIMES. Chap. I. — The Bible Narrative. Section I. The Human Race before the Deluge i ,, II. The Deluge 5 „ III. The Confusion of Tongues 7 Chap. II. — Traditions parallel to the Bible Story. Section I. The Creation. The Fall and the Antediluvian Patriarchs 8 ,, II. The Deluge 13 ,, III. The Cradle^ of Postdiluvian Humanity ig ,, IV. The Tower of Babel 22 Chap. III. — Material Vestiges of Primitive Humanity. Section I. Remains of the Archreolithic Epoch 24 ,, II. Remains of the Neolithic Epoch 30 ,, III. Chronology of these two Epochs 35 ,, IV. Prehistoric Archaeology of the Bible 39 Chap. IV. — Human Races and their Languages. Section I. The Unity of the Human Race and its Varie- ties 48 ,, II. The Four Great Races of Mankind 54 III. The Descendants of Noah according to llie Book of Genesis 57 ,, IV. The Principal Families of Languages 65 ,, V. The Semitic Languages 70 ,, VI. The Indo-European Languages 73 BOOK II.—THE ISRAELITES. Chap. I. — The Patriarchs—The Israelites in Egypt —Moses. Section I. Abraham 79 „ II. Isaac and Jacob 85 ,, III. Joseph in Egypt ... 89 ,, IV. The Israelites in Egypt and the Exodus 91 ,, V. The Israelites at Sinai 96 ,, VI. The Law of Moses 98 „ VII. The Tabernacle 103 ,, VIII. Sojourn in the Desert 105 ,, IX. Conquest of the Country East of the Jordan... 10 ClIAl\ TT. —KSTAHMSHMENT OK THE ISRAELITES IN TLand—The J u hoes. Saliou I. Conquest of llie Land of Canaan—Josluia IIO' ,, IL Period of Repose—l"'irst Serviliulc—Commencement of the Judges 114 ,, in. Ehud, Shamgar, Deboiali, Gideon, Barak ... 1 19, IV. Eli and Sanniel 123 Chap. III.— Kingdom of Israel—Saul, David, Solomon.Section I. Establishment of Royalty—Saul 130,, II. David 136,, III. Solomon 142 Chap. IV.—Separation of the Ten Tribes—Kingdoms OF Israel andJudah—Fall of Samaria and Jeru.salem. Section I. Rchoboam and Jeroboam—Separation of the Ten Tribes 147, II. Disorders and Reverses in the Kingdom ofIsrael 153,, III. Ahab, Jehoshaphat and their Sons 156 ,, IV. The Kingdoms of Judah and Israel from the reign of Athaliah to the death of Azariah... 165,, V. Intervention of the Assyrians in Palestine — Decline of the Kingdom of Israel and Fall of Samaria 171 ,, VI. The Kingdom of Judah from the Capture of Samaria to the Battle of Megiddo 176 VII. Last Days of the Kingdom of Judah —Nebuchadnezzar—Capture of Jerusalem 185 BOOK III.—THE EGYPTIANS. Chap. L—Egypt—The Nile and its Inundations— The Kings of the Old Empire. Section I. Physical Geography of Egypt—The Nile, its Inundations 193,, II. Principal Sources of the History of Egypt ... 195 ,, III. Foundation of the Monarchy—First Dynasties 201 ,, IV. Fourth and Fifth Dynasties—Age of the Great Pyramids 205 „ V. From the Sixth to the Eleventh Dynasty — Temporary Decline of Egyptian Civilisa- tion 210 Chap. II. — The Middle Empire. Section I. Eleventh and Twelfth Dynasties—The Laby- rinth and Lake Moeris 213 ,, II. Thirteenth and Fourteenth Dynasties 217 ,, III. Invasion and Dominion of the Shepherds 219 ,, IV. Expulsion of the Shepherds 223 CiiAr. III. — The Great Conquerors of the New Em- pire—Foreign Influence of Egyi'T. Section I. Eighteenth Dynasty—First Successors of Ahmes—Seventeentli Century n.c 226 ,, II. Continuation of tlic Eighteenth Dynasty — Thothmes III 229 ,, III. Last Kings of the Eighteenth Dynasty—Re- hgious Troubles 236 ,, IV. Commencement of the Nineteenth Dynasty — .Seti I. —Fifteenth Century B.C 240 ,, V. Ramses II. (Sesostris) 245 ,, VI. End of the Nineteenth Dynasty—Foreign Invasions—The Exodus 259 ,, VII. Commencement of the Twentietli Dynasty —Ramses III 264 Chap. IV. —Decline and Fall of the Egyptian Empire. Section I. End of the Twentieth Dynasty—Twenty-first Royal Family 269 ,, II. Twenty- second, Twenty-third and Twenty- fourth rjynasties 273 ,, III. Ethiopian Dynasty 277 ,, IV. The Dodecarchy—The Saite Kings 281 Chap. V. —Civilisation, Manners and Monuments of Egypt. Section I. Social Constitution 289 ,, II. Political Organisation and Administration ... 294 ,, III. Laws 299 ,, IV. Manners and Customs 301 , , V. Writing 302 ,, VI. Literature and Science 307 ,, VII. Religion 317 ,,VIII. Arts 327 , , IX. Principal Monuments 330 BOOK IV.—The ASSYRIANS AND BABYLONIANS. Chap. L—The Primitive Chaldean Empire. Section I. The Tigro-Euphrates Basin 339 ,, II. The Primitive Population of Chalda^a 341 ,, III. Origin of the States of Assyria and Chaldaea —Nimrod—The First Cushite Empire ... 347 ,, IV. Dynasties of the Chalda;an Empire according to Berosus 351 ,, V. Royal Names supplied by the Inscriptions ... 353 ,, VI. Monuments of the Primitive Chaldean Empire 357 ,, VII. Period of Egyptian Preponderance and of the Arab Kings 360 Chap. II. — The First Assyrian Empire. Section I. Foundation of the First Assyrian Empire — Fabulous Stories about that Empire — Ninus and Somiramis 364 ,, II. First Assyrian Dynasty 370 ,, III. First Kings of the UjTiasty of Belelaras Asshurnazirjial 376 ,, IV. From Sliahiianeser IV. to Binlikhish and Samniuramat (Semiramis) 379 V. Asshur-hk-liish or Sardanapalus—Fall of the First Assyrian Empire 384 >> f Chap. III. — The Second Assyrian Empire. Section I. Reign of Phul—Re-establishment of the As- syrian Empire 387 „ II. Sargon 392 ,, III. .Sennacherib 398 , , IV. Esarhaddon and Asshur-bani-pal 404 ,, V. End of the Second Assyrian Empire—Final Fall of Nineveh 415 Chap. IV. — Civilisation, Manners and Monuments of Assyria. Section 1. Political and Social Organisation 417 ,, II. IManners and Customs 426 1— »5 III. Writing 431 IV. Literature and Science /i/|/| V. Religion 452 VI. Arts 456 Chap. V.—The New Chaldean Empire. Section I. Survey of the History of Babylon under the Supremacy of the Assyrians 468 ,, II. Nabopolassar 472 ,, III. Nebuchadnezzar 476 V. The Successors of Nebuchadnezzar—Fall of the Babylonian Empire 4S7 J5 Chap. VI. — Manners and Religion of Babylon. Section I. Manners 492 ,, 11. The Caste of the Chaldceans 493 ,, III. Commerce of Babylon 495 ,, IV. Religion 497 ,, V. Cosmogony 500 „ VL Arts 505 Index 509 List of Scripture Texts Quoted 533 List OF Passages from Herodotus Quoted 535

Rebellion in a Priestly Community: A comparative study of The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon and Numbers 16 Kelee M. Siat A Dissertation for the reading of MA in Antiquity – Egyptology at the University of Birmingham, September 2012 REBELLION IN A PRIESTLY COMMUNITY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE CHRONICLE OF PRINCE OSORKON AND NUMBERS 16 1 Table of Contents ABBREVIATIONS................................................................................................................................. 5 LIST OF FIGURES ............................................................................................................................... 7 LIST OF TABLE(S) ...................................................................................................................... 7 ABSTRACT ............................................................................................................................................ 8 INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................ 10 Interpreting a Methodology.......................................................................................................... 13 CHAPTER ONE ................................................................................................................................... 16 CULTURAL CONSIDERATIONS OF ANCIENT EGYPT....................................................... 16 Rebellion & Punishment............................................................................................................... 16 Texts and Literature ..................................................................................................................... 18 CHAPTER TWO .................................................................................................................................. 22 PRINCE OSORKON AND HIS CHRONICLE .......................................................................... 22 Third Intermediate Period: Dispersal of power ........................................................................... 22 The Chronicle ............................................................................................................................... 25 Renewing Interpretation of the Chronicle .................................................................................... 27 Under the shadow of the High Priest of Amun............................................................................. 28 CHAPTER THREE.............................................................................................................................. 33 DISCOVERING THE HISTORY BEHIND NUMBERS: AN ATTEMPT AT READING CHAPTER 16............................................................................................................................... 33 Identifying a historical setting for Numbers 16............................................................................ 33 CHAPTER FOUR ................................................................................................................................ 40 NUMBERS 16: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS WITH THE CHRONICLE OF PRINCE OSORKON .................................................................................................................................. 40 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS: A CONCLUSION NARRATIVE ........................................................ 62 APPENDIX I-V .................................................................................................................................... 64 Appendix I ............................................................................................................................................ 65 Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun............................................................ 65 An example of HPA from the Twenty-first Dynasty ................................................................. 66 Appendix II ........................................................................................................................................... 67 Calculating Numbers 1-18: A Summary ...................................................................................... 67 Appendix III ......................................................................................................................................... 70 Research in Context: The Chronicle I .......................................................................................... 70 Appendix IV .......................................................................................................................................... 76 2 Research in Context: The Chronicle II......................................................................................... 76 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................. 86 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS It is with thanks that I acknowledge the assistance of fellow academics, Anthony Leahy for his supervision and support, Kerry Muhlestein from Brigham Young University for help with a lost and found article and Christopher B. Hays at Fuller Institute who encouraged meătoă‘digăaălittleădeeper’.ăăA special thanks to Cindy Muhlenhard-Siat, my mom, who has always supported my studies and aspirations. 4 ABBREVIATIONS1 AB Anchor Bible ABS American Bible Society AV Authorised Version BOD Book of the Dead BM British Museum CC Caminos’ă1958ăTranslationăofătheăChronicleăofăPrinceăOsorkon CR Ritner’să2009ăModernăTranslation of the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon CT Coffin Texts D Deuteronomist Deut. Deuteronomy E Elohistic narrative EV English Version Ezek. Ezekiel G Greek Version of Old Testament H Law of Holiness HPA High Priest of Amun IAA Institute of Archaeology and Antiquity, University of Birmingham ICC Gray’să1903ăInternationalăCriticalăCommentaryăofăNumbers J Yawistic narrative J Jewish recension of Hebrew text JDE Journal d'Entrée (Cairo Museum) JE Editor who combined J and E; narrative of JE when not separable KJV King James Version 1 2 Some abbreviations are derived from Gray (1903:xv-xvi). The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon will be known in shortened form as the Chronicle. 5 KPA Karnak Priestly Annals MT Masoretic Text Num. Book of Numbers OT Old Testament P Priestly writings Pᵍ Biblical ancient text Author of History of Sacred Institutions, groundwork Pă Biblical ancient text of Priestly writings, secondary, later than Pᵍ P Biblical Priestly school writings, dates uncertain possibly earlier than Pᵍ RV Revised Version S Samaritan recension of Hebrew Text S Syriac Version T Aramaic Versions/Targums TEV Today’săEnglishăVersion TIP Third Intermediate Period V Vulgate WLC Westminster Leningrad Codex 6 LIST OF FIGURES Fig. 1 The Bubastite Portal ……….26 Fig. 2 The Evil Eye ……….49 Fig. 3 ‘Distress’ăinătheăChronicle of Prince Osorkon ……….58 LIST OF TABLE(S) Table 1 The Chronicle Cols. 30-39 & Numbers 16: Summarised Content ……….60-61 7 ABSTRACT The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon and the Book of Numbers have not previously been examined in existing research. Through the comparison of theă Chronicle’să Cols.ă 30-39 and Numbers Chapter 16 I have identified parallels that demonstrate the worthiness of their comparison. Numbers 16 shares with the Chronicle a rebellion narrative where two leaders share commonalities of priestly-kingly roles. The Chronicle is an authoritative inscription from the Libyan Period that predates any known records of the Book of Numbers. By examining Numbers 16 inălightăofătheăChronicle’s ancient Egyptian context, I have discovered parallels between both texts. By juxtaposing the Chronicle in reading Numbers 16, it has opened up a new school of thought for interpretation. My analysis has uncovered the struggle of two priestly communities in the face of rebellion and divine intervention. The comparison that I have made highlights the variable themes and content of a struggle to retain order in a priestly community plagued by the rebellious behaviour of those who are discontent with the civil and/or priestly authority of a leader. There is an identifiable presence of interpretive parallels that present themselves from which further research into the complete texts will result in, what must be certain of, many more comparative findings between the Chronicle and Numbers in an ancient Egyptian context. 8 9 INTRODUCTION My research proposes to examine the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon,2 a Libyan Period Egyptian inscription, and juxtapose it in theme and content to the Old Testament3 Book of Numbers 16. This comparative study of the OT text and the inscription at Karnak are compelling rebellion narratives. In both, there are parallels where rebellion in a priestly community stirs against the leadership of an authoritative priestly figure, Prince Osorkon and Moses comparably. The comparative aspects of the Chronicle and Numbers 16 have not, as far is known, been previously examined. The consequence of comparing the two texts in theme and content ultimately opens a new school of thought for scholarly debate and further research in both fields of biblical and Egyptian antiquity. Though the Chronicle and Numbers4 have not been directly examined, exploration of the OT and the combined studied of Egyptology is not an untouched field. Albright’să has been acclaimed for his past research on identifying Egyptian data in relation to biblical archaeology. His studies helped pave the way for future attempts at synchronising the two fields.5 There has been resurgence in this combined field based on the (re)assessment of textual evidence from antiquity and the emphasis on cultural context.6 There are parallels that have already been examined between Egyptian texts/inscriptions and biblical source 2 The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon will be known in shortened form as the Chronicle. The Old Testament will now be abbreviated from here on as OT. 4 Numbers will be abbreviated from this point as Num. 5 In many of his works he has attempted to identify synchronisms of external cultural groups and Egypt, see Albright 1941; 1953; 1956. See also Brandon 1965 &1967, who considers the cultural blurring of beliefs. He does though not wholly expose them as beliefs influenced by different cultures, however Brandon acknowledges that there are many comparable religious and cultural practices that overlap over time and space. 6 TheăidentificationăofăsynchronismsăofătheăEgyptianăkingă‘So’ăcanăbeăexaminedăinălightăofăChristensen 1989, and Kitchen 1973:372-375 & 2009:161-162 foră discussionsă onă Kingă ‘So’ă andă Shoshenqă asă biblical King Shishak. Bárta 2003, examines the Tale of Sinuhe and its biblical parallels to David and Goliath and the flight of Moses out of Egypt to avoid persecution, see also Hoffmeier 2011. For an address of the Book of Daniel and its comparable aspects ofă ‘fieryă furnace’ă ină Ancientă Neară Easternă contexts, see Holm 2008. Muhlestein 2011b, considers the impact of the Levant and Egyptian culture. Tower Hollis 2011, examines the comparability of ancient Israel and Egypt from hymns. 3 10 texts such as the Instruction of Amenemope and Proverbs,7 and the Tale of Sinuhe paralleledă withă theă biblicală accountă ofă Davidă andă Goliathă asă wellă asă Moses’ă flightă fromă persecution.8 Rendsberg in his discussion of Exodus and its numbers states:ăă‘Theăbiblicală stories are of an epic nature, and it is advisable to seek parallels in epic literature from neighboringă countries.’9 Hays argues that by researching the books of the bible with a broader ancient Egyptian perspective brings with it a whole new interpretation to biblical literature.10 From a broader perspective, the field of biblical studies is still only beginning to grasp the impact that Egyptian culture had on the Bible, particularly in the second quarter of first millennium BCE;11 Recent efforts as demonstrated by Hays, to (re)interpret meaning in the books of the OT with Egyptian context urges scholars to broaden their perspective which encourages this new reading of the Chronicle and Num. 16. Assmann took this into consideration when examining curses and looked at Egyptian evidence first in analysis before placing it in a Near Eastern context.12 Further, Muhlestein acknowledges a cultural exchange and blending/blurring of more than one ancient culture which could influence others and cause difficulty in the identification of specific cultural groups or considering the origins of 7 For the Instruction of Amenemope see Papyrus BM 10474; Plumley 1958; Williams 1961; Peterson 1966; Ruffle 1977; Whybray 1995 offers a changing perspective of the origination argument between Proverbs and Amenemope; Emerton 2001; Shupak 2005; Mangum 2011, summarises the current climate of Amenemope and Proverbs in relation to Emerton and Shupak. For further study surrounding the Instructions of Amenemope see Papyrus BM 10474. Wenham 2003:4 and Deut. 4:6 address wisdom literature in the OT. 8 See Bárta 2003; Hoffmeier 2011; Exodus; and 1 Samuel. 9 Rendsberg 2001:393. 10 Hays 2010 research of Isaiah 28:1-22 and the Covenant with Mut is a unique platform to introduce the Biblical Egyptologist to the blurring of the two fields and the assessment of Semitic loanwords. Hays is a Theologian and ancient Egyptian researcher at the Fuller Institute, Massachusetts. See also Hays and LeMon 2009; and Hays 2012a. 11 Hays 2012a:20-21. A thank you is needed to Christopher Hays at the Fuller Institute who sent me his recent article. 12 Assmann 1992. In their study of Egyptian curses, Assmann looked at comparative elements from outside of ancient Egypt and examined them in light this context for parallels and misfits to other ancient Near Eastern cultures. 11 cultural practices.13 The existing debates surrounding biblical and ancient Egyptian literature along with the resurgence of exploring OT texts in an Egyptian context supports my research approach in practice. I will be considering two culturally diverse texts which could expose interconnections of theme and content between the Chronicle and Num. 16, which opens up a debate into the potential identification of their relationship to one another. The difficulty in addressing the Chronicle and Num. 16 is in understanding their historical background and chronological variations. The cultural blur that exists between the ancient Israelites and ancient Egyptians prevents clear social and historical dissection. Though I will only be addressing these issues in brief, a great amount of consideration regarding these must be born in mind. It is the aim of my research to read Num. 16 in an Egyptian context where I will use comparative analysis to highlight the parallels in the Chronicle to Numbers 16. The study of the Chronicle and Numbers in their entirety must be deferred at this time due to the constraints of current research. The focus of this research is drawn upon the Chronicle, Cols. 30-39, and Num. 16:1-50, both rebellion narratives that exemplify parallels between them taking place in priestly communities where punishment is incurred by fire, a comparison not previously examined. In response to the characteristics of the Chronicle, Gozzoli expressed: Looking for parallels, there is nothing exactly like this narrative. Some topics belong to the Egyptian tradition, the Destruction and Restoration theme, and also some of the epithets derive from the 13 Muhlestein 2011b. 12 royal propaganda, which the prince Osorkon indeed strongly favours.14 Its hybrid nature and its previously unparalleled narrative proposes that the Chronicle has unique historical value.15 Interpreting a Methodology There is always room for marginal errors in translated texts. These errors can be altered just as a change in perception can alter an interpretation of a text. Ritner examined the meaning of magic and acknowledged its interrelation and inseparable connection to religion.16 Ritneră suggestsă thată suchă textsă giveă aă greateră personală insightă intoă ‘…theă broader religious concerns of the country, including the relation of gods to men, the conceptionăofătheăafterlife,ătheăjudgementăofăsins,ăetcetera.’17 He sees the rise of scholarly acceptance into the inseparable nature of magic and religion. An example of this is Derchain’să changingă opinionă ofă theă Papyrusă Saltă 825ă fromă aă ‘…“pooră qualityă magicală manual”ătoă ană“authenticăritual”;ă thisărevisionăderivesănotă fromă anyăimprovementsăină theă translation,ăbutăexclusivelyăfromătheăchangedăperspectiveăofătheăeditor.’ 18 The stagnation of perspectives is what can hinder research and the evaluation process. The increased acceptance of interdisciplinary approaches is essential for accessing more evidence. In particular, Ritner has expressed how such interdisciplinary activity has been marking itself ină recentă years:ă ‘Socială anthropologyă ină particulară hasă beenă highlyă influentială ină itsă 14 Gozzoli 2004:34. The unique character of the text couldăbeăreasonăforăCaminos’ strongăstatementăofăitsăhistoricalăvalue:ă‘Foră all their original omissions and shortcomings, and their present mutilated condition notwithstanding, the Chronicle of Osorkon ranks among the most comprehensive and factual accounts of individual accomplishmentă thată haveă beenă vouchsafedă toă usă fromă Pharaonică Egypt,’ă 1958:1.ă ă Aă sentimentă shared, in part, by Broekman asă ‘aă highlyă importantă historicală document,’ Broekman 2008:209; see also Ritner who consideredă theă Chronicleă asă ‘oneă ofă theă mostă significantă sourcesă foră theă historyă ofă Libyană periodă Egypt,’ă Ritner 2009:348. 16 Ritner 1993. 17 Ritner 1993:6. 18 Ritner 1993:7. 15 13 formulationsăofămagicalătheory.’19 Therefore, there has been an acceptance in the realm of Egyptologists to harness the productivity of an interdisciplinary approach likely to benefit our understanding of ancient cultures globally. Ritner offers to us by way of example that sometimes it is our altered perspective that can make the greatest discoveries. The aims of my research are based around the utilisation of comparative research in theme and content related to the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon with particular emphasis on cols. 30-39, and the Book of Numbers Chapter 16. Surface parallels are apparent within both texts including the theme of rebellion and specific content including elements of sacrificial death by burning. As exemplified by ancient instructions and teachings, ancient cultures are socially aware of their behaviour and the world around them. The option to act out and rebel and the choice to issue punishmentă areă basedă onă one’să interpretiveă definitionă ofă rebellion and punishment. The Chronicle narrates the perception that Osorkon recorded regarding the rebellions that occurred in Thebes and the punishment if/when prescribed as suited to the events and people involved. As the Chronicle is culturally specific, and relates to a princely narrative, historical interpretation and meaning surrounding it cannot be determined outside of its tradition.20 The context of my research will be explored with the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon narrative at its epicentre. Num. 16 will be examined in an ancient Egyptian context for parallels in juxtaposition with the Chronicle. These parallels will be discovered by reading both texts and making comparative content analysis. By adopting a comparative research method, I will be able to examine the texts for surface parallels of general themes, and also note more specific or detailed parallels in content 19 Ritner 1993:9. Marsh and Furlong 2002, propose caution surrounding any interpretation of another culture or discourse, 2002:26. 20 14 such as terminology, people or events. This study cannot be charted through quantitative assessment, however I will be analysing the text qualitatively permitting the narrative to define its own boundaries between the two texts. The outcome of my study will demonstrate the parallels of both texts and offer a new perspective on the Chronicle and Num. 16 comparatively. In order to carryout content analysis of the Chronicle and Num. 16 in an ancient Egyptian context it is necessary to introduce the reader to existing studies and evidence pertinent to the primary parallels that exist between the two texts. To create this context, in the next chapter I will address rebellion and punishment in ancient Egypt considering the ritual act of (human) sacrifice by burning, and law and order. In Chapter Two I will then examine the historiography of Chronicle of Prince Osorkon by examining Osorkon and the placement of the Chronicle in ancient Egyptian chronology. In Chapter Three I will address the ancient Israelites and the obscure origin and reading of Numbers 16. All of these elements will support my research when analysing Num. 16 comparatively to the Chronicle and links the two priestly communities together by parallels in antiquity. 15 CHAPTER ONE CULTURAL CONSIDERATIONS OF ANCIENT EGYPT Rebellion & Punishment Lorton presents a corpus of material surrounding crime and punishment in ancient Egypt.21 Acknowledging his precedence in this field, Lorton identifies two forms of offences against the king, criminal, against the king, and sacral, against the king and god.22 His findings demonstrate a vast range of punishments associated with crimes/criminals. This has recently been expanded upon by Muhlestein who focuses on ancient Egyptian evidence of ritual slaughter.23 Human sacrifice as discussed in the accounts of Manetho and Diodorus Siculus implies this as a possible tradition in practice.24 As a clue into crime and punishment, Yoyotte accepts that the Chronicle, a rebellion narrative, adds credit to the historical weight of Manetho’sărecordsăwhichădemonstrates the great significance that the Chronicle holds by its survival from antiquity.25 21 Lorton provides examples from different periods, however maintains much of his focus on the New Kingdom, see Lorton 1977. 22 Lorton 1977:6. 23 Muhlestein 2011a:8, see entire study. For crime and punishment see with elements of human sacrifice and death by the element of fire see Gwyn Griffiths 1948; Lorton 1977:18,45 (crime and punishment and emphasis on branding); Yoyotte 1980 (classical evidence of human sacrifice); Leahy 1984:199 (refutes aspectsă ofă Lorton’să brandingă andă progressesă withă evidenceă toă supportă deathă punishableă byă fire);ă Ritneră 1993:150,157-159, see 162-163 especially for human sacrifice or ritualised killing; Muhlestein 2008; Hays 2010:220-222. Ritner 1993 statesăthatăthereăisă ‘indisputableăevidenceă forătheăpracticeăofăhumanăsacrifice,’ă 1993:195. The Mirgissa Pits and Tell al-Dab‘aă foundationă depositsă andă execrationă pitsă demonstrateă theă presence of probable human sacrifices that existed in ancient Egypt, see Ritner 1993:153-180; Muhlestein 2008:195-196 & 2011a:19. 24 Gwynă Griffithsă discussesă theă exampleă ofă Busirisă andă humană sacrifice:ă ‘Manetho’să attitudeă isă strikinglyă similarătoăthatăofăsomeămodernăscholars,’ăGwynăGriffithsă1948:421;ăYoyotteă1980:35;ăWillems 1990:48-49. 25 Yoyotteă states:ă ‘Dansă sesă longuesă inscriptions de Karnak, le grand-prêtre Osorkon fils de Takelot II (seconde moitié du ixᶜ siècle) confère à l'exécution de ses adversaires vaincus le caractère d'un acte religieux et la forme d'un sacrifice sanglant. Ces quelques faits invitent à accorder par hypothèse une certaine part de vérité aux témoignages de Manéthon.’ăYoyotte 1980:39. 16 In Muhlestein’s recent research,26 he discusses death by burning as a form of capital punishment in ancient Egypt, the same punishment believed to be carried out on the rebels in the Chronicle and Num. 16. 27 Muhlesteină maintainsă Leahy’s28 counteră toă Lorton’să branding by accepting the literal definition of death by fire, this, coupled with developing research, has added greatly to the consideration of evidence for ritual killings and the involvement of fire in ancient Egypt.29 Lorton’să compiledă evidenceă pointsă toă aă legală jurisprudenceă ină ancientă Egypt.30 Morschauser expanded on the legal aspects of this codified law in ancient Egypt acknowledging juridicial curses31 consisting of legal traits and apotropaic curses which involve spells or incantations accompanied by aăphysicalăactăsuchăasă‘burningăorătramplingă ofă ană image’32 which represents the enemy or hostile individual.33 This design of legal instruction considers the actions of the perpetrator and their punishment. Lorton stated that aside from an instance of treason, punishments were meant to declare reparation for 26 Muhlestein 2008; 2011a. For further evidence of the discussion of classical evidence for human sacrifices see Gwyn Griffiths 1948. See Papyrus Westcar for death by fireă relatedă toă aă woman’să adultery,ă alsoă ină Lortonă 1977:14-16; Leahy 1984:202; Ritner 1993:170, footnote 791; Muhlestein 2008:197 & 2011a:39. Muhlestein 2011a has also identified the hesitancy of other scholars in the field of Egyptology to accept human sacrifices as part of the practices of ancient Egyptians, 2011a:5. 28 Leahy 1984:199-200. 29 Muhlestein 2008:193-194. Also, see Muhlestein 2008:189-190 who considers death for desecrating temple areas as exemplified by the inscription at the temple of Tôd. He states of the possible notion that the guilty were punished by being struck with a knife and then burned, a possible tradition of ritual killing in the Chronicle, evidence for sanctioned ritual killing, see Muhlestein 2011a:77. See Willems 1990:51 for acknowledgementăofătheăexecrationăritualăofă‘theăbreakingăofătheăredăpots’ăasăaăcombinedăriteăwithăkilling.ă See the Chronicle cols. 35-36, Caminos 1958; see also Leahy 1984:202 and Muhlestein 2011a:64 for an address on the order of the ritual carried out. 30 Juridical functions and suppositions regarding the Hall of Horus, see Lorton 1977:9; Decree of Nefer-irka-re, early example of sanctioned punishment in the Fifth Dynasty, 1977:6-7; and discussion of tomb robberies from Mayer Papyri and Papyrus BM 10068 from the Twentieth Dynasty where a local judicial body was not used in Deir el-Medina, however judgement of punishment was passed at the Great Assembly in Thebes, 1977:31-32. 31 Morschauseră 1991:xiiă statesă aă preferenceă toă useă theă termă ‘Drohformeln’ă ină lieuă ofă ‘curse’ă dueă toă theă restrictions of pre-existingăconnotationsăandămeaningsăsignifiedăwithătheăusageăofă‘curse’.ăă 32 Morschauser 1991:xii 33 Attestations of apotropaic Droformeln can be evidenced by the findings of execration pits and foundation deposits at Mirgissa, see Ritner 1993:153-180; and Tell al-Dab‘aăLocusă1055ăandăLocusă1016ăseeăFuscaldoă 2002, also Muhlestein 2008:195. 27 17 their crime(s) in the afterlife, while their physical existence with the living would be faced with a de-baptism based on their offense(s).34 Texts and Literature The range of Egyptian literature and material evidence provides us with problems of interpretation, chronological orderings and identifying accurate historical accounts. The books of the OT and Hebrew Bible provide us with a closer insight into the religious traditions of the Israelites. Where there are well preserved parallels in theme and content between two texts from two cultural accounts35 comparative analysis permits a platform to argue possibilities as to causes of parallels that exist in ancient Egyptian and Hebrew Wisdom texts. Cultural considerations between Egyptians and the Israelites can only be minutely touched upon, however extraction of relations could shine further light on their ancient relationship when comparing Egyptian texts and the OT such as the Chronicle and Num. 16. In a reversal of context, Muhlestein connects elements of the Shipwrecked Sailor to Levantine literature, accepting the flow of influence from the Levant into Egypt.36 Tower Hollis has madeă aă comparableă linkă ofă theă Chronicle’să rebellionă narrativeă toă theă rebellion described in 2 Samuel 22:1-51, where significance is drawn on the connection of the wrath of god associated with fire and coals in verses 7-13, however the flow of influence is not discussed.37 Such a comparison opens up the Chronicle to further analysis with the books of the OT, with special significance to Num 16. 34 Lorton 1977:12, 23. De-baptism is further addressed by Willems 1990:37 as a removal of names. Assmann 1992:154 describesă ană ‘exclusionă fromă divineă communicationă (offering)ă andă socială meaning’ă where excommunication is carried out. 35 As seen in the earlier discusses examples of Amenemope and Proverbs, and Sinuhe and the Mosaic Exodus with the 1 Samuel account of David and Goliath. 36 Muhlestein 2011b:190. 37 Tower Hollis 2011:126, see 2 Samuel 7-13. 18 Num. 16, although also a rebellion narrative, has no definite location of origin or authorship. The Chronicle is a comparative text, however differs from Num. 16 by historical weight that it has been given credit for,38 and has a definite location of origin from which historical figure(s) named can be attested. Viewing the parallels between an ancient Egyptian inscription and an OT Wisdom text does not reduce possibilities of historical interconnections. Third Intermediate Period examples dominate 1 and 2 Kings with Sheshonq I generally accepted as synchronised with the biblical king Shishak,39 and the connection ofă kingă ‘So’ă in 2 Kings 17:4 to Osorkon IV.40 Further to this, there has been resurgence in examining cross-cultural influences of the Levant and ancient Egypt. Hasel has explored the military presence within the southern Levant, evidence which supports a lengthy presence of Egyptian influence within the ancient Palestinian region.41 Muhlestein acknowledges that crosscultural influences existed fromătheăLevantăinătheăformăofăană‘intellectualăexchange’ăwhere the trading relations that developed were more than material.42 Employing Egyptian culture in biblical context has been carried out in the work of Hays whose work offers a new interpretation of the Covenant with Mut in Isaiah 28:1-22 merely by acknowledging the cultural influences of Egypt in the meaning and vocabulary of the text.43 Hoffmeier examined warfare tactics in the story of David and Goliath,44 the enemy 38 Muhlestein 2011a:77, views the Chronicle as evidence of sanctioned ritual killing. Attestations to this are declared by Kitchen 2009 as absolute dates based on Hebrew Bible 1 Kings 14:2526, 2 Chronicles 12:2-9, 2009:166. There is archaeological evidence of a surviving section of a large victory stela (c.926-925ă BC)ă furtheră attestingă Shoshenqă I’să invasionă ată Tellă el-Mutesillim, Megiddo, and the Bubastite Portal decoration in Egypt at Karnak 2009:167; Megiddo itself was a major centre of contact for the Levant and Egypt during the Middle Kingdom, however Muhlestein 2011b argues that there is little compiled research into these relations during this period 2011b:191. 40 Kitchen 1973:372-375; Christensen 1989 countered Kitchen and asserted the king as Tefnakht I. Kitchen 2009ăreaddressedăkingă‘So’ăretainingăhisăassertionăthatăităisăanăabbreviatedăformăofă‘Osorkon’ă(IV)ă2009:161162. He further states about kingăSoă‘Iădidănotăinventăhim!’ăKitchenă2009:162.ăăăă 41 Hasel 1998. 42 Muhlestein 2011b:190. This is supported in evidence by the trading relations described in the Tale of Sinuhe where gifts were exchanged and the Egyptians took up residence in the Levant, 2011b:197. 43 Hays 2010. 39 19 beheaded and displayed as a warning; he concluded that the military practices of the Egyptians and Assyrians were also the same in Semitic culture.45 The comparable areas between ancient Egyptian and ancient Israelite communities do not cease here, however Kitchen addressed the complications of extracting meaning from Semitic words,46 whilst Hays has researched a number of Semitic loan words which continue to reshape the meaning that can be interpreted in the OT.47 In fact, an examination of hymns and poems from ancient Egypt about royal victories – or presumed victories – in battle shows a number of hymns and poems that employ language similar to that found within the biblical corpus.48 The complications as addressed by Kitchen and Hays to derive meaning from Semitic words, and also the assessed similarities between Egyptian texts and the biblical corpus makes comparative analysis of the two almost an oxymoron, being alike and yet arguably different in origin. Allen states: Works of literature, after all, are built from systems, codes and traditions established by previous works of literature. The systems, codes and traditions of other art forms and of culture in general are also crucial to the meaning of a work of literature.49 44 1 Samuel 17:54, which is earlier noted for its comparative study by Bárta 2003 to the Tale of Sinuhe. Hoffmeier 2011:109. 46 Kitchen’săreviewăofăHoch’să1994ăworkăonăSemiticăwordsăinăEgyptianătextsăidentifiesătheădifficulties that canăaccompanyăextractingămeaningăandăoriginăforăSemiticăwords:ă‘The fact is that (outside the Hebrew Bible) our sources from Northwest Semitic in particular are really very limited in size and scope (even the Ugaritic corpus is not exactly enormous), and the biblical writings (while fairly extensive in aggregate) cannot possiblyă representă allă thată wasă writtenă andă spokenă ină Palestineă betweenă (e.g.)ă 1200ă andă 300ă B.C.’ă Seeă Kitchen 1997:90. 47 Hays and LeMon 2009; Hays 2010 and 2012a. 48 Tower Hollis 2011:116. 49 Allen 2000:1. 45 20 It is important to widen your view and understand a text in theme and content in order to derive or interpret meaning, a consideration which I have carried out with my research and analysis of the Chronicle and Num. 16. Historical accounts are not easy to discern based on the pure literary and archaeological evidence from antiquity. Inscriptions and texts of either ancient Hebrew (Israelite) or ancient Egyptian tradition or origin explore different relations between communities crossculturally and within their local regions. Crime and punishment can be similarly traced cross-culturally over time and space where interpretation is often bridged by meaning that can only be gained in context of a particular cultural practice for comparative analysis. From this, synchronisations and relations can be examined for existing features of commonality, parallels, and misfits between two culturally varied texts such as the Chronicle and Numbers. 21 CHAPTER TWO PRINCE OSORKON AND HIS CHRONICLE My understanding of the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon Col. 30-39 will be established based on the historical foundations of the Chronicle. Below, I will be addressing the Third Intermediate Period and the historiography of the Chronicle. In discussing the role of the High Priest of Amun, I will attempt to identify the nature of such an appointment to better contextualise the narrator and his position amongst the people of Thebes.50 Third Intermediate Period: Dispersal of power The Third Intermediate Period51 isăaătimeăperiodăassociatedăwithă‘…decliningăcentralizedă power’ă encompassing the Egyptian Twenty-first – Twenty-fifth Dynasties respectively, definedă byă theă ‘…splittingă ofă theă nationă into a number of separate polities and the appearanceă ofă rulersă ofă foreignă extraction.’52 The Libyan seat of power centred on the Twenty-second – Twenty-third Dynasties, which began withă Shoshenqă I’să Palestinian campaign. As demonstrated by the actions of the biblical king Shishak,53 it is apparent that 50 For further discussion on Prince Osorkon as High Priest of Amun, see Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun. 51 The Third Intermediate Period will appear in its abbreviated form from this point forward as TIP. 52 Dodson 2001:388. 53 Kitchen 1973:73. Kitchen 2009:166 discusses I Kings (14:25) and the OT introductory passage of Shishak further mentioning 2 Chronicles (12:2-9) regarding his campaign. Jansen-Winkeln (2006a) remarks on the chronologicalăsynchronisationăofăShoshenqăI’săcampaignătoătheăOT:ă‘AtătheăbeginningăofăDyn.ă22ăthereăisăaă certaină fixedă pointă whichă linksă Dyn.ă 21ă toă absoluteă chronology,ă i.e.ă Shoshenqă I’să campaignă ină Palestine,’ă 2006a:232. Jansen-Winkelnă considersă theă OT’să Yeară 5ă of Rehoboam, king of Judah, the time of King Shishak’să marchă uponă Jerusalem,ă toă beă synchronisedă withă theă victoryă sceneă ată Karnakă onă theă Bubastiteă portal. The dates are then equated to either event(s) to c.926-925 BC. However, this is still working on assumptions regarding the reliability of the OT and the presence of some inconsistencies, 2006a:232. 22 the Libyan Period kings had made a serious impact on political relations outside of Egypt as well as the political interior.54 Founder of the Bubastite Dynasty,55 Shoshenq I’săhand of power as a Libyan Period king was depicted in relief on the Bubastite Portal at Karnak. The portal is shared with reliefs,56 the internal wall bearing the inscriptions of the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon.57 The inscriptions themselves are meant to act as records of instated offerings or commemoration of activities.58 The Chronicle is in a narrative form and addresses Osorkon59 as the High Priest of Amun60 and the civil uprisings of rebels in Thebes and the attempts by Osorkon to subdue these rebellions. The Chronicle addresses enemies from inside Egypt and the measures Osorkon took to quell the rebellions, make official decrees for offerings and care of the estate of Amun, and other restorative duties. Though the inscription has mostly survived, we must derive a date of its narrative from clues extracted from within the text, in particular Princeă Osorkon’să father,ă Takelothă II’să reigning Years 11-24 (Part A, Main Text) andă Shoshenqă III’să Yearsă 22-29 (Part B).61 What can be understood about the Libyan Period and its chronology set within the TIP has developed on a greater scale in the last few decades.62 Aston’s63 proposed Chronology A 54 Dodson 2001:389 dated to c.928 BC, see 1 Kings 14:25; Kitchen 1973:372-375; 2009:161-162, also see for abbreviations of Osorkon, and discussion on the connectionă ofă Osorkonă IVă withă theă biblicală kingă ‘So’ă who the Assyrian king ceased to give tributes to. 55 Sagrillo 2009:341. 56 SheshonqăI’sănameăandăvictoryăreliefsăofăhisăPalestinianăcampaignădecorateătheăportal.ăăBlyth’să2006ăstudyă ofă Karnak’să historyă attributes the Libyan Period as leaving very little mark on Karnak limited to minor decorationă ofă cartouches,ă texts,ă reliefsă andă statues,ă 2006:190.ă ă Myśliwiecă 2000ă statedă thată theă portală ‘wasă intended to play an unusually important propagandistic and political role,’ă2000:51.ăăă 57 Epigraphic Survey 1954. 58 Shoshenq I commemorates his Palestinian campaign is vivid relief and inscription, it has been examined in light of its connections with the biblical King Solomon as his contemporary and possible connection to subduing the Israelites. See Jansen-Winkeln 2006a:232. See Schwaller de Lubicz 1999:545 for discussion of plate 12. For the history of Karnak Temple see Blyth 2006. 59 Prince Osorkon is also noted in some texts and identified often as Osorkon (B). 60 High Priest of Amun with appear in its abbreviated form from this point forward as HPA. 61 Broekman 2008:209; Aston 2009:6; for inscription see Epigraphic Survey 1954, pls. 16-17; and for translation of the Chronicle see Caminos 1958; a modern translation is available by Ritner 2009: 348-377. 62 Aston 1989;2009 reviews the chronology debate of the Twenty-second and Twenty-third Dynasties. Dodson 2001:388-9 Royal texts from the Third Intermediate Period are rare, the inscriptions at Karnak have 23 for the Twenty-second and Twenty-third Dynasties would place the events of Prince Osorkon’să positionă asă theă HPA, and the beginning of the rebellions in the Chronicle to TakelothăII’să11th regnal year, to c. 855 BC.64 In A, it is hypothesised that Shoshenq III and Takeloth II are contemporaries of one another and supports the possibility of Prince Osorkon having reigned as Osorkon III with attestable evidence from the Akoris Stela whichă describesă Osorkonă IIIă asă ‘Theă Firstă Prophetă ofă Amun-Re’.65 Though greatly debated by Egyptologists and historians who follow Chronology K, an opposing view,66 my research will follow in favour of the evidence brought forward byă Aston’să proposed and revised Chronology A.67 greatly aided the understanding of this period. Further evidence that has been examined includes the Karnak Priestly Annals, Nile flood levels (main quay), hieroglyphic graffito, funerary material, private stela and statues, 2001:389. Gozzoli 2004:34 acknowledged the Heliopolitan Annals which support the continuation of decreed offerings of the kind established by Osorkon in his Chronicle. Bickel et al. 1998 addressed that it wasănotăuncommonăforăannalsăinătheăTIP:ă‘Lesătextesăàăvocationăannalistiqueăneăsontăpas rares à la Troisième Période intermédiaire et à la Basse-Époque,ăoùăl’onăassisteăàăunăvéritableărenouvellementăduăgenre:ăàăKarnak,ă onăaăainsiăretrouvéătouteăuneăsérieădeăfragmentsăinscritsărelatantăl’investitureădesăgrandsăprêtres thébains de la XXIe à laăXXIIIeădynastie,’ăBickelăetăal.ă1998:48,ăseeăfurtherăforădiscussionăandătextsăfromătheă Heliopolitană Annals;ă foră aă recentă translationă andă transliterationă seeă ‘Theă Heliopolitană Annalsă ofă Dynastyă XXII’ă ină Ritneră 2009:44-46,ă whoă states:ă ‘Engravedă annalsă are characteristic of the period, providing legitimacy for claims both sacerdotal (Karnak Priestly Annals and the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon) and royală(Taharqa’săKawaăStelae),’ăRitneră2009:44.ăăăăăă 63 Aston 2009 revisits the chronology debate of the Twenty-second and Twenty-third Dynasties in light of some sources. For earlier article on chronology see Aston (1989). See Gozzoli 2004:34 for Heliopolitan Annals. 64 Aston 2009:24-25,ăbasedădatesăonăKrauss’ăalternativeălunarădateăasăaccordingătoătheăenthronement of the ApisăBulls,ăTakelothăII’săYeară1ăc.ă845ăBC,ăKrauss’ăpreferredălunarădateăbeingă834ăBC,ăAstonăpreferringătheă alterative, 2009:8-9, 20; see also Krauss 2006:395-431 for calculating lunar dates; Jansen-Winkeln 2006b; see Broekman 2008:209 regarding historical chronology and events in the Chronicle beginning around Takeloth’să11th year. 65 Prince Osorkon is attributed by some as reigning under the title Osorkon III. His position as a reigning king is greatly debated, though the more recent discussions surrounding the Akoris stela findings regard Osorkon III as also having held the title of High Priest of Amun. See the Akoris Stela, line 4 for reference to First Prophet of Amun, found in Paleological Association of Japan 1983:13-16; see further Paleological Association of Japan 1995, pl.16, cited in Gozzoli 2004:27 footnote 22; See hshiroăMichinoriă1999ăforătheiră published article on the identity of Osorkon III and discussion of the Akoris stela based on their Thesis from the University of Birmingham; Jansen-Winkeln 2006b:243 makes an all too precise statement concerning theăbreakăofăchronologicalăsequenceăwithăPrinceăOsorkonăandăOsorkonăIII’săappearance:ă‘Theăgenealogicală connectionsăofăTakelothăIIăandătheăsequenceăofăyearsăinătheă“ChronicleăofăPrinceăOsorkon”ăareălikewiseăveryă clear. In addition, the HP Osorkon B disappears at the very moment (year 39 of Shoshenq III) when an otherwise unknown Osorkon appears as a new king; this is the only sovereign of Dyn. 22 who occasionally uses the title of HPă ină hisă royală name,ă andă hisă motheră hasă theă sameă nameă asă theă motheră ofă theă HP,’ă 2006b:243. See also Aston 2009; Kitchen 2009:174, 183-185; and for translation and transliteration of the Akoris stela see Ritner 2009: 421-423. 66 See Aston 2009 for discussions on Chronology A (Aston) and K (Kitchen); also Kitchen 2009. 67 Aston 1989 and 2009; Stenhouse 2000 addressed the chronology debate in its development with the Birminghamă schoolă ofă thoughtă acknowledgingă Aston’să argumentsă 2000:3-16. Jansen-Winkeln 2006b:243 24 The Chronicle The Chronicle is divided into three distinct parts, A, B and C.68 Part A is the earlier part of the inscription which contains the columns of text that I will mainly be addressing in my later comparative analysis with Num. 16.69 Parts B and C are later inscriptions which appear to be continuous with one another. Inscription Part A is located on the interior south-east wall, north-east facing at the Bubastite Portal composed of 36 vertical columns of hieroglyphic text and is set within the surroundings of reliefs and texts of Shoshenq I and Osorkon I. 70 makesă aă directă pointă supportiveă ofă Aston’să chronologyă proposală ofă Shoshenqă IIIă andă Takelothă IIă reigningă contemporaneouslyă withă Osorkonă (B)ă takingă onă kingshipă asă Osorkonă IIIă afteră theă endă ofă Shoshenqă III’să reign. Kitchen 2009 has recently expressedătheăpossibilityăofăOsorkonăIIIăandăPrinceăOsorkonăasălinked:ă‘Ată present, before the accession of Osorkon III, no other Osorkon is attested as High Priest of Theban Amun exceptăOsorkonăB,ăsonăofăTakelothăII,’ăKitchenă2009:184ăăă 68 Caminos’ă1958ătranslation identifies these in his translation of the Chronicle and is followed by Gozzoli 1998 and 2004; and Broekman 2008. Ritner 2009:348-377 strays from this tradition. 69 In the Epigraphic Survey1954:x, in the Preface, the survey describes the orthography of the this text as a shallow inscription covering the interior of the portal. Gozzoli 1998 identifies inscription parts A and B & C as inscribed at two different intervals 1998:8. Broekman 2008 notes that Part A is accepted as the earlier part of the Chronicle containing the narrative of the first rebellion 2008:210, 215. 70 Epigraphic Survey 1954, pl.21; see Porter and Moss 1929:10, 13-14 for general topography and description of the temple and Portico of the Bubastides. Also see Caminos 1958:10 for a description and location of the text, Part A. See below, Fig. 1 The Bubastite Portal. 25 Fig. 1 The Bubastite Portal. Location of reliefs and inscriptions relating to Prince Osorkon. Model adapted from Porter and Moss (1929:10-11), and Epigraphic Survey (1954, Fig.1). The Chronicle is not just an inscription with social and political value, but it is its nature that makes it an even more unique inscription by its quasi-royal form. Gozzoli’să examination of the Chronicle identified its priestly-kingly nature and authority.71 The son ofă aă kingă foreshadowsă theă inheritanceă ofă hisă father’să title,ă whilstă ată theă sameă timeă isă legitimising his authority through royal imagery, titulary and by decree. In the Chronicle, Prince Osorkon uses his title(s) to the fullest and asserts his power in light of his future duties.72 71 Gozzoli 1998; 2004:25. His earlier work focuses on identifying the nature of inscription in comparison to other military inscriptions of the Libyan Period and focuses overall on the TIP. The latter addresses the Chronicle more specifically, see 2004:25-35. Such an announcement had previously been addressed by Grimal:ă ‘Cetteă descriptionă duă princeă combineă troisă elementsă complémentaires:ă sonă apparenceă deă chef,ă laă légitimitéădeăsaănaissanceăetăleăfaităqu’ilăsoităl’imageăduăroi.’ăăGrimală1986:146,ăcitedăinăGozzoliă2004:28-29. 72 It should be remarked here that previous rulers of the Twenty-First Dynasty have been titled as king and High Priest of Amun (HPA), especially in the instance of Psusennes I who reigned in Lower Egypt at Tanis, see Jansen-Winkelnă 2006a:218ă foră attestationă ofă theă presenceă ofă Psusennesă I’să titleă asă HPAă foundă byă theă Abydos Graffito. Jansen-Winkeln 2006a footnotes the possibility that the ascension to the throne does not mean that another position held by the king was passed on to another, 2006a:223, footnote 33. 26 The style of the Chronicle’să77 lengthy columns of hieroglyphs73 has overtones of military andă royală formalitiesă ofă whichă Gozzoli’să researchă intoă inscriptionsă ofă theă Libyan Period addressed the Chronicle in relation to its layout, as a quasi-royal text.74 Broekman described the text as having characteristics of traditional Ramesside royal inscriptions, its simile composition removing it from consideration of being a private inscription.75 On the outset, the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon is a hybrid inscription that chronicles the account of the Theban HPA and his encounter with the rebellions of Thebes. Renewing Interpretation of the Chronicle Though the Chronicle has been studied in more recent times,76 the renewed examination of the text can reveal different characteristics and interpretations over time.77 Access to new or reviewed evidence or knowledge can alter perspectives when re-examining the obscurities of the Chronicle’să settingă ină theă Libyană Period.78 In the recent address by Gozzoli, he expressed that there are not any current comparable inscriptions that are Blythă2006:190;ăforădrawingsăofătheăChronicle’sătextăandăreliefsăseeăEpigraphicăSurveyă1954,ăplatesă16-22. Gozzoli 1998; 2004: 55-56. His MPhil and PhD Theses both consider the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon in nature and layout of the inscription comparatively with military and royal inscriptions of the Libyan Period. The latter is now published, Gozzoli 2006. 75 Broekman 2008:214. Gozzoli 1998:55-56 counters suggestions that the Chronicle was a private inscription and therefore Broekman and Gozzoli are in agreement. Kitchen 2009:169 argues that the Chronicle is different to Ramesside high priest texts, see further discussion regarding ideal characteristics and traits of HPA in Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun. 76 See Gozzoli 1998 and 2004 for the Chronicle in relation to royal and military inscriptions, the 2004 PhD text I am referencing was later published in 2006; see Broekman 2008 for historical context and summary of content; see Aston 2009, and Kitchen 1986 and 2009 for Chronological discussions concerning the Chronicle and other features; see Caminos 1958 for translation (continuous and commentated), and the recent translation by Ritner 2009 provides a complete transliteration. 77 See Caminos 1958; Breasted 1988:369-389; Broekman 2008; and Ritner 2009:348-376 for translations and wider contextual interpretations of the Chronicle. 78 ManethoăexpressedăconfusionăinăhisăEgyptianărecordsăduringăthisăperiod,ătheătranslationăofăManetho’săzetă containing some mystery in translation. See Petrie 1914 and Aston 2009:8 for the mystery of Zêt. Aston 2009ăaddressedătheăconfusionăinăManetho’sărecords where there was a problem with organising the kings of the Twenty-second and Twenty-third Dynasties. Manetho left the term zetutai (zêt) which has been translatedăasăeitheră‘problem’ăoră‘needsătoăbeăchecked’,ă2009:8.ăă 73 74 27 similar in nature to the Chronicle.79 Interpretations of the Chronicle are reduced to the exploration of it comparatively to other surviving ancient Egyptian texts, however the Chronicle has, thus far, proven to be a unique standalone inscription. Under the shadow of the High Priest of Amun The influence of the Chronicle has a unique presence with regard to the two fold title held by Osorkon as general and as High Priest of Amun.80 In practice, the Thebaid was a military dictatorship ruled by the high priest, but in theory it was a theocracy in which the allpowerful divine ruler Amun guided all that happened, down to the solving of crimes and the appointment of officials, through his oracular decisions.81 This seat of power in Thebes was maintained by the priesthood and especially the office of High Priest of Amun. The transition into the Ramesside period saw the temple cult of Amun in Thebes gain a considerable amount of power.82 At Karnak personnel could have been in the hundreds or thousands during the reign of Ramesses III (c.1198-1166), papyrus 79 Gozzoli1998 acknowledges an agreement with von Beckerath that there were close similarities between theăChronicleăandătheăBanishmentăstelaă(LouvreăC.ă256)ăinătermsăofătheăoracularădecreeăexpressionă‘The god agreed’,ă1998:10ăfootnoteă64.ăăăă 80 High Priest of Amun will appear hereafter in its abbreviated form HPA. For further discussion of the ideal character traits of the HPA and Osorkon see Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun. 81 Hornung 1999:125. 82 Sauneron 2000:52. Pinudjem I (succeeded by sons Masaharta, Djedkhonsinfankh and Menkheperre) was an army commander who held the office title High Priest of Amun, Theban authority during the end of the New Kingdom; a priestly-king tradition was not uncommon, Dodson 2001:389. James 1979:70 notes Shoshenq I’să breakă withă hereditaryă appointmentă ofă HPAă byă appointingă hisă ownă son,ă creatingă aă princeă toă kinglyătradition.ăăMorschauserăsuggestsăană‘evolutionary’ănatureăofătheocracyăthatăappearedăinătheăTwentyfirst Dynasty where the elevated status of the Theban cult of Amun aided in the presence of a political void caused by the Ramesside kings. Morschauser 1991:203, he acknowledged that there was an increase in the usage of curse-threat formula during this time, an evolving era. See stela BM 138 Decree of Amenhotep son of Hapu with curse-threat formula for the protection of the funerary foundation for Amenhotep, attributed to the Twenty-first Dynasty, also noted in Morschauser 1991:203. 28 lists acknowledge the numbers of 81,322 personnel in the service of Amun including priests, hunters and administrators amongst others.83 It is therefore reasonable that Thebes would need to be under a watchful eye of a trustworthy appointment of a high priest by the reigningăking.ăăTheăTwentiethăDynasty’săsuccession of the HPA by Herihor84 and Piankh is complicated by the presence of their royal cartouches at Thebes causing confusion in the royal TIP chronology by having priestly and kingly titles. 85 During the reign of Smendes in the Twenty-first Dynasty, Pinudjem I86 took on both titles.87 This was not an uncommon tradition and carries on in the Twenty-second/Twenty-third Dynasties, Osorkon described in his Chronicle as general, governor of the south and HPA. An echo of the Chronicle, a violent outbreak occurred during the latter reign of Smendes which led to the new appointment of Menkheppere in close succession from his brothers Djedkhonsinfankh and Masaharta, where he urgently arrived in Thebes to calm an unknown cause of disorder.88 The tradition continued in the 21st Dynasty where Psusennes I and Amenemope both bore kingly titles of Lower Egypt and HPA.89 Sheshonq I and his son Iuput demonstrate the father to son tradition of inheriting the title of HPA, which was 83 Sauneron 2000:52-53. Herihor’săgainedătitlesăofăgeneral,ăViceroyăofăKush and HPA, demonstrates his ability as a foreigner to rise in rank and status which possibly earmarks the beginning of the Libyan accession in ancient Egypt, Dodson 2001:292. 85 Jansen-Winkeln 2006a:225-227, discusses the debate surrounding the succession of Herihor and Piankh. Jamesă andă Morkot’să 2010ă paperă suggestsă thată Herihoră andă Piankhă sharedă contemporaneouslyă (ină part)ă theă title of HPA. For evidence of HPA Herihor, see Cairo JDE 42190, in Ritner 2009:81-82; also see Ritner 2009:82-83 for Herihor’săroyalătitularyădisplayedăinătheăgreatăhypostyleăhallăatăKarnak.ăăă 86 c. 1063-1026 BC. 87 Ritneră2009:109;ăDodsonă2001:389.ăăPinudjemăIătookăonăkinglyătitlesăinăThebesăactingăasăaă‘localăking’,ăhisă sons succeeding him in these offices which indicates a priestly/king transition that was not uncommon, see Cairo JDEă42191ăforăKarnakăstatueăofătheă‘priest-king’,ăseeăRitneră2009:112-114. 88 Dodson 2001:389. Kees 1961 described the role of HPA during the Iron Age famine as an important figure during the late RamessideăPeriod:ă‘TheăhighăpriestăofăAmunăstoodăoutăasătheăonlyăfirmăfigureăinăaătimeă ofădisintegration,’ă1961:279.ăăSeeăalsoăLichtheimă1980:13-18.ăăOsorkon’săencounterăwithăThebanărebelsăasă theăHPAăisămirroredătoăsomeădegreeăbyăMenkheperre’să(c.1045-992) appointment during a time when he had toă ‘expelă theă enemy’ă ină Thebes.ă ă Ată hisă arrivală heă wasă appointedă Highă Priestă andă commander-in-chief of Upper and Lower Egypt, Lull 2009:241-243. 89 Kitchen 2009:184; Jansen-Winkeln 2006a:218. This connects a reigning king in the north, based at Tanis, to a post of HPA in the south at Thebes. Jansen-Winkeln argues that the priestly/kingly tradition does not mean that the king has to give up a previous office 2006a:223, footnote 33. See Abydos Graffito for dual titles of Psusennes I 2006a:222-223. See also Cairo JDE 42191, Ritner 2009:112-114. 84 29 briefly un-traditionalisedă byă Takelothă I’să appointment of Harsiese as HPA over his son Osorkonă IIă whichă Dodsonă remarkedă asă ‘dilutedă directă controlă ofă theă Taniteă kingă overă Thebes.’90 The Libyan Period saw the kingly appointment of sons being given the office of High Priest of Amun. The tradition of appointing Theban lines rather than royal to the office conflicted with the removal for royal High Priests, an area of possible resentment and conflict. It is reasonable to suggest that this harboured resentment which surfaced during the office of Prince Osorkon.91 It is in the Chronicle where Osorkon is directly faced with a lengthy period of civil turmoil and a series of rebellion with fatal and peaceful givings. His appointment is mentioned in the narrative where the population of Thebes address Osorkon: ‘Youăareătheăvaliantăprotectorăofăallătheăgods.ăăAm năappointedăyouă [as] the eldest son of your progenitor; he has chosen you amongst hundreds of thousands in order to carry out what his heart desires throughout.’92 The Chronicle and the divine nature of Osorkon’să statusă ină theă priesthoodă makesă himă aă very powerful figure, what Amun speaks to him is what he must do/report.93 Kitchen 90 Dodson 2001:390. For further discussion of the ideal character traits of the HPA see Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun. 92 Chronicle (Col. 30); Caminos 1958:154-155, §248, Col. 30. 93 Kitchen states,ă ‘…aă seriousă politicală challengeă fromă the entire Theban religious and political/civil establishment,ăconcernedăforăinheritanceăofămultipleăoffices,ăagainstăLibyanăusurpationsăofăthese…,’ăKitchen 2009:169. Broekman addressed the historical context of the Chronicle and suggested the probable nature of patrilineal inheritance and discontent as a likely element involved in igniting the rebellion, see Broekman 2008:223-232. Such reasons could be examinedăinăhindsightăregardingătheăearlieră‘violentăoutbreak’ăwhichă resulted in the appointment of Menkhepperre as HPA, for which see Broekman 2008:220; Ritner 2009:348349. For further discussion of the ideal character traits of the HPA and Prince Osorkon see Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun. 91 30 argues that there is a considerable difference between the former Ramesside Period high priest texts and that of the Chronicle.94 We must remember that, like others in the series, Prince Osorkon was NOT simply a religious figure, but held high political office – heăwasăfirstăandăforemostă“GovernorăofătheăSouth”,ăandăheldăhighă military rank therewith (generalissimo and (army) – leader, passim).95 The High Priest of Amun is associated with temple duties as the first prophet in Thebes. Karnak is a traditional cult site of Amun where Libyan leaders have built and decorated the elaborate Bubastite Portal entrance to mark their own additions to its location of tradition. Frood remarks about the impact of Karnak: In the late New Kingdom and early Third Intermediate Period, temple walls at Karnak and Luxor became a medium for the display of non-royal compositions, some of them extended and elaborate. Although this development had precursors in Nubian temples of the earlier New Kingdom, in the central state complex of Karnak it is symptomatic of broad changes in the selfpresentation of non-royal individuals and groups, as well as developments in the definitions and delineations of sacred space in temples.96 There is a departure from tradition over time which Karnak has preserved in its remains. Ramesside biographical inscriptions accompanied by scenes and narrative texts on 94 Kitchen 2009:169. Kitchen 2009:169. 96 Frood 2010:103. 95 31 Karnak’să walls would traditionally been the prerogative of showcasing the relationship between gods and king and non-royal treatments saved for the exterior lower registers.97 The Chronicle of Prince Osorkon is steeped in history and is a central text when attempting to understand the obscurities of Libyan chronology. The content of the Chronicle is a quasi-royal lengthy inscription that is housed on the Bubastite Portal as part of the Libyan Period addition to Karnak. The office of HPA is an elite and authoritative position which Osorkon would have been in divine connection with the god Amun. The obedience and perceptive nature required of a priest would be synonymous with a modern interpretation of religious forms of reverence, prudence and trustworthiness. This representative nature has been considered briefly on one level against Osorkon, rejecting his ability to suit both a military leader and a spiritually in-tuned priest to the desires of Amun. However, his (or otherăhighăpriests’)ăcharacterăcannotăbeăjudged,ăas there exists only one narrative account of the Chronicle, a unique, and up till now, an unparalleled inscription. 97 Frood 2007:54. High Priest Roma (aka Ry/Roy/Roma Roy) had inscriptions beside a doorway that led on to the eighth pylon, BM 81. 32 CHAPTER THREE DISCOVERING THE HISTORY BEHIND NUMBERS: AN ATTEMPT AT READING CHAPTER 16 Numbers 16 offers a rebellion narrative which, regardless of age or origin, has definite parallels with the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon. In this chapter, I will be addressing the historical setting of the ancient Israelites in connection to Egypt and the Book of Numbers. This will be a brief address to add context for the later examination of Num. 16 comparatively with the Chronicle in the next chapter. By looking at the historical identity of Israel and their relations with Egypt, this can reveal parallels or linked and transmittable characteristics of cross-cultural interaction. Ancient Egyptian wisdom literature has been compared previously to books of the OT, however it is the obscure historiography surrounding Numbers and the ancient Israelites that must be examined in order to understand their social/cultural value for comparability with the inscription of the Chronicle. Identifying a historical setting for Numbers 16 The Book of Numbers proceeds to tell the account of Moses and the Israelites who journeyed through the wilderness for forty years before settling east of the Jordan River in the Moabite plains.98 The structure of the Book of Numbers is expressed as a continuous 98 Miller 1993:329. Wenham 2003 defines the wilderness journey in relation to a probable geographical location near Kadesh, a literal interpretation, 2003:103-105.ă ă However,ă Williamsă 1991,ă defines:ă ‘Theă wilderness journey is a figure of the spiritual process of the people emerging as an exception among the nationsă whereă sacredă violenceă prevails,’ă 1991:81.ă ă Williams’ă definitionă ofă theă wildernessă journeyă ină aă figurative format (although not wholly implied to be) permits an already altered interpretation from traditional biblical studies of a literal journey. Sweeney 2012:131 interprets Numbers 10:11-19:22 as 33 narrative.99 Chapters 16:1 – 18:32ă isă basedă onă theă ‘prerogativesă ofă theă priests’, the rebellion narrative appears in Num. 12:16-19:22 where there are a series of rebellions that lead to the appointment of the priesthood to the Levites (Aaron and his sons).100 Num. 16 is set within the forty years period and begins with the priestly rebellion narrative involving the uprising against Moses and implicates him and his brother Aaron. The biblical history of the Israelites is presumed to be set within the changing environment of the early Iron Age (I) (1200-900 BC).101 The accepted period of the Israelites in the wilderness is estimated to the Thirteenth to Twelfth centuries BC of the late Bronze Age to early Iron Age.102 The Book of Numbers, is generally associated with the trials of the Iron Age and addresses rebellion and punishment.103 However, biblical stories contained in J and E versions are not considered to be earlier than the ninth or eighth century BC.104 Numbers is from the Priestly writings (P) has not concentratingă‘onănorthernăIsraeliteăinstitutionsăandăpractices’ărelatingătoătheăperiodăofătheirăwanderingăinătheă wilderness and rebellious behaviour towards Moses and their God YHWH. 99 Levine 1993, identifies the specific nature of the JE source (the combination of the Judean J source and Elohistă Northernă Israeliteă Eă source)ă asă ‘primarilyă historiographică ină substanceă andă narrativeă form,’ă Levineă 1993:48. Wenham 2003, considers Numbers, in overall versions as a narrative, 2003:103. 100 Sweeney 2012:134. For a brief discussion of Numbers up to chapter 18 see Appendix II Calculating Numbers 1-18: A Summary. 101 The beginning of the Iron Ageă sawă aă successionă ofă whată Nollă 2001:136ă describedă asă ‘ecological,ă economică andă socială upheavalsă which,ă together,ă resultedă ină changedă politicală circumstances.’ă ă Theă compositional accounts of such movement in Exodus and Joshua have been attributed to this immigration during the late Iron Age (II) (900-586 BC), Noll 2001:137. Genesis 12:10, 47:4-25, give references to the famine in Canaan where the climatic changes of the Iron Age are associated with the increasing aridity of the period attributing famine in the Near East as a causal factor for the increase in immigration. Kees 1961:279 acknowledged that the prices of grain rose in Thebes during the latter Ramesside Period and the beginning of the 21st Dynasty, a reflection of the ongoing famine and its effects of the age. The compositional accounts of such movement in Exodus and Joshua have been attributed to this immigration during the late Iron Age (II) (900-586 BC), Noll 2001:137. 102 Levine 1993:90. 103 Redford 1992:330 discusses the rebellion narrative in terms of Isaiah 18:13. For common triumphal biographicală stelaeă duringă theă Ironă Ageă seeă theă ancientă Sam’ală Kilamuwaă text,ă mentionedă ină Redfordă 1992:328 footnote 45. 104 Gray 1903:xlii, also suggests that the traditions outlined in Numbers are older than these earliest dates. This is agreed by Levine 1993:48 who also notes that JE and P sources are the main contributors to Numbers 1993:88. 34 been dated earlier than the sixth or fifth century BC.105 Gray’să ICC, a still respected authority on Numbers,106 argues regarding the biblical source P stating: …theăgeneralăimpressionăgivenăbyăthatăworkăofătheăMosaicăageăisă altogether unhistorical, and much of the detail, which consists in large part of statistics and laws, can, with varying degrees of cogency in different cases, be demonstrated to be entirely unreal, or at least untrue of the age in question.107 Gray lists three main examplesă ofă theseă ‘untrue’ă cases,ă the unrealistic numbers of the census population encamped in the wilderness,108 the inability to prove the name lists as genuine, and thirdly, theăorganisationăandăpriestlyădutiesăofătheăLevitesăareărelatedă‘toăană ecclesiasticală organisationă thată firstă becameă establishedă manyă centuriesă afteră Moses.’109 Levine agrees that the priestly tradition associated with the priesthood in Numbers is absent from pre-exilic sources outside of the Torah, which he favours as aă ‘postexilică development’.110 This is demonstrated by source P which attributes the task of moving the Ark of the Covenant as the responsibility of one of the Levite clans, the Kohathites, a 105 Gray 1903:xliv. Levineă1993:88ăstillăesteemsăGray’să1903ăICCăasăoneăofătheăforemostăcommentariesăonăNumbers stating: ‘NotwithstandingătheăextensiveălapseăofătimeăsinceăGray’săcommentaryăappeared,ăIăknowăofănoăotherămodernă criticalăcommentaryăonăNumbersăthatăhasăbeenăasăinstructiveăasăhis,’ă1993:88.ăăLevineăisăoneăofătheăcurrentă editors for the Handbook of Oriental Studies (HdO), an expert in the field of the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel. 107 Gray 1903:xliv. 108 Rendsberg 2001 addresses the large population in Numbers. Papyrus Brooklyn 35.1446 dates to the Thirteenth Dynasty and lists the numbers of Semitic people. It has a ledger of names and servants on an Egyptian estate, noted as likely a record from Thebes listing fifty-six percent of the names being north-west Semitic, Muhlestein 2011b:206. 109 Gray 1903:xlv. 110 Levine 1993:104-105.ă ă ‘Theă Priestly Code, a conglomerate mass of material in Exodus, Numbers, and Leviticus, dating in its present form from the post-Exilic period, the fifth century B.C, though most scholars feel that Leviticus 17-26,ă theă “Holiness”ă Code,ă isă ană independentă compilationă from the Exile of the sixth centuryăB.C.,’ăGoodă1967:948ă.ăăNumbers combines old traditions and post-exilic updates of codified laws, seeă McNamaraă andă Clarkeă 1995:1.ă ă Sweeneyă 2012:135ă notesă thată theă Jewishă ’āšāmă offeringă foră guiltă oră reparation is not mentioned in Numbers which could be an indication of offerings being made based on earlier codes and practices. This is further complicated by the issue of Moses being one or a composite of many figures in the OT, for a discussion surrounding this see Sandmel 1978:325. 106 35 group not traditionally assigned to this priestly duty known in pre-exilic sources.111 Levine reminds us: The modern critical scholar of the Hebrew Bible is aware, however, that the received text of Numbers, as compiled from various literary or documentary sources, reflects the literary creativity, as well as the policies, ideologies, and attitudes, of later periods of Israelite history.112 It is a matter of guess work to understand the earliest origins of Israelite history. 113 The texts written in later periods are retrospective and refer to previous periods of time which are being written in a later point in time. There is an absence of evidence and sources for both western Asia and Egypt in the Twenty-first Dynasty makes it difficult to acknowledge their historic relations during the First and Third Millenniums, a point where Egyptian history suffers the most.114 Redford remarks about 1 and 2 Kings in the OT thată ‘the “chronicle”ăofătheăkingsăofăIsraelăisăsoăwoefullyădeficient in information that one is led to 111 Levine 1993:104-105. Wenham 2003, describes the Levites as a religious tribe whose roles were to prevent unauthorised entrance to the tabernacle and responsible for handling mobile units of the tabernacle if movedă whichăheădeemedă‘aăhighlyăresponsibleăandădangerousătask,’ă2003:105.ăăDeathăcouldăbeăaăresultantă action if sacred objects were touch by the profane, Gray 1903:210; Wenham 2003:105-106. See KJV Ezek. chapters 40-48ăwhereătheăAaronideăpriesthoodăisăabsentăandătheăsonsăofăZā-dŏkăareămentioned.ăăEzek.ă44:15ă adds clarification that the priestly duties were taken away from the tradition of theăIsraelites:ă‘Butătheăpriestsă theăLevites,ătheăsonsăofăZā-dŏk,ăthatăkeptătheăchargeăofămyăsanctuaryăwhenătheăchildrenăofăIsraelăwentăastrayă from me, they shall come near to me to minister unto me, and they shall stand before me to offer unto me the fat andătheăblood,’ăEzek.ă44:15.ăăăă 112 Levine 1993:89. 113 The earliest historical find of the term Israel is from a non-biblical Egyptian source c.1200 BC found in an inscription on the Merenptah stela, a duplicate of the stele inscription is found on the temple at Karnak, Knoppers 1993:329. Miller acknowledges that the stela is the earliest date associated with the possible reference to the term Israel outside of ninth century BC, later evidence includes royal texts from King Moab (2 Kings 3, Moabite Stone (c. 830 BC), see Ullendorff 1958, plate 10) and from the Assyrian King Shalmaneser III (858-824 BC), Miller 1993:330. Shalmaneser III is known as the first Assyrian king to have contactăwithăanăIsraeliteăking,ăEarlyă1979:3283.ăăForătheă‘IsraelăStele’ăofăMerenptah see Williams 1958:137141, plate 8; and Manassa 2003, plates 2-15. The Moabite Stone has been housed by the Louvre since 1873, the text celebrates a royal victory of King Mesha of Moab over Israel, authenticity has been debated yet viewed as an historicalădocumentăwhichăbothăconfirmingăandă‘contradictingăBiblicalănarrative,ătoăwhoseăstyleă andăgenreăităisămostăcloselyărelated,’ăUllendorfă1958:195.ăă 114 Redford 1992:319. 36 doubtăthatăităeverăexisted.’115 The interesting point raised by Miller is that Israel and Judah were divided by the ninth century BC and the historical texts mentioning Israel falls within this time period.116 The historical origins and identification of the community from Numbers has not yet been discovered by archaeological finds. Powisă Smithă surmisedă that:ă ‘…Israel’să lifeă wasă closelyă interwovenă withă thată ofă theă surroundingăpeoplesăandă…ătheyăborrowedăfreelyăfromătheăneighbouringăcivilizations.’117 The Piye118 Victory Stela119 ledă Redfordă toă remarkă thată ‘…ană Israeliteă wouldă haveă conceivedă ofă ană entryă viaă theă Bubastiteă branchă ofă theă Nileă only.’120 Canaan (ancient Palestine) and its geographical connection to Egypt along the Southern Levant made trade and communication with Egypt possible. Both regions would have cultural familiarity with one another due to their close proximity, which is further enhanced by the political influenceăEgyptăhadăonceăhadăonăCanaan.ăăEgypt’săholdăover the Canaanite empire was in decline from the straining events of the Age.121 Egypt’sămilitaryăpresenceăinătheăsouthernă Levant exposes even further relations that must have existed within the area of Canaan.122 115 Redford 1992:322. Ancient king Shalmaneser reported that he had encountered two Israelite kings, Ahab and Jehu, during his military campaigns, Miller 1993:330. 117 Powis Smith 1926:416; Muhlestein 2011b argues of a cultural influence of Israelites on the Egyptians rather than a reverse. 118 Also referred to as Piankh. 119 Cairo JDE 48862+47086-47089; see also for transliteration and translation Ritner 2009:465-492. The stelaăwasăpropagandaăbyăPiyeăforălegitimisingăhisăruleăinăEgypt.ăăSeeălineă(5)ăwhichădiscussesă‘…notăallowingă goers to go, nor allowing entrants to enter, while fightingăeveryăday,’ăRitneră2009:478. 120 Redford 1992:336. An entrance from the east is defined in KJV Ezekiel 43:1-2ă‘…theăgloryăofătheăgodăofă Israel cameăfromătheăwayăofătheăeast,’ăEzek.ă43:2. The Bubastite branch is the geographical entrance where foreignersăcouldăenterăintoăLowerăEgyptăfromătheăeast.ăăTheătabernacle’săeasternăentranceăinăNumbers was guarded by the Levites, Wenham 2003:105-106; see Num. 2:3. The Bubastite Portal is the Theban physical entrance built and decorated by a foreign Libyan line of rulers in Upper Egypt at Karnak. The interesting parallel here is the Bubastite branch and the Bubastite Portal, both entryways of importance connected to foreign entrance. 121 Noll 2001:136; Hasel asserts that there is definite evidence that there wasă‘Egyptian dominance over the region,’ă Haselă 1998:115.ă ă For a counter opinion of Egyptian dominance relating material evidence as emulating the Egyptians rather than being subject to them see Higginbotham 1998, also cited in Hasel 1998:116. 122 Hasel examined the military presence of Egypt in the southern Levant through archaeological remains of weaponryăandăarchitecture,ăincludingătheăPalestinianăexcavationăofăaăresidencyăbelievedătoăbeăaăGovernor’săată Beth Shan where a number of Egyptian statues and stelae amongst other material culture have been found, Hasel 1998:93-95. See Aphek tablet (Late Bronze Age c. 1250 BC) found in debris within the residential excavation site at Aphek, also evidence at Tell Seraᶜ of hieratic inscriptions (extremely rare), see Hasel 116 37 It cannot be assumed that there was a pure Israelite culture and practices that existed within the travelling population in Numbers. ThereăisăanăhistoricalădebateăwhichăquestionsăMoses’ăroleăandătheăpossibilityăthatăheăwasă personified as one individual when he may have been several different men.123 Abraham ibn Ezra124 was a cryptic and well respected commentator on the Pentateuch acknowledging that it was likely that Moses did contribute to some portion of the books, however was not the sole contributor.125 Benedict Spinoza,126 Isaac de la Peyrère,127 Richard Simon128 and Lelerc129 wereă allă ină agreementă thată Moses’ă portrayală ină theă Oldă 1998:113-114; they are indicative of Egyptian-trained or Egyptian scribes, 1998:95.ă ă Canaan’să mentionă across the OT includes the Books of Genesis, Exodus, Numbers, Psalms and Ezekiel. See Numbers 13:2 for God’să addressă toă Mosesă whereă heă givesă Canaan to the Israelites; the same address is given to Abram in Genesis 12:7, see also Exodus 6:4, Deuteronomy 32:49, Psalm 105. Though it is clearly announced as the promised residence for Israel, it has negative associations with Israelite attempts to drive out or battle Canaan’săexistingăinhabitants,ăseeăCaleb’săaddressăinăNumbersă13:30.ăăSeeăNumbersă13:2ăforăGod’săaddressă to Moses where he gives Canaan to the Israelites; the same address is given to Abram in Genesis 12:7, see also Exodus 6:4, Deuteronomy 32:49, Psalm 105. 123 CopticăgraffitiăcompiledăinăMurray’să1904ăresearchăofătheăOsireionăatăAbydosădemonstratesătheăheraldingă of locals to a man named Moses, see Crum 1904:38-43, plates XXV-XXXVII.ă ă ‘Thisă Mosesă isă calledă byă Makrizi a native of Belyana. Presumably he is identical with the monastic hero who, with his brethren, wrecked the still surviving heathen temple at Abydos (Ebot) and whose career is made to fall somewhere between the death of Shenoute (451) and the accession of the patriarch Theodosiusă(536),’ăCrumă1904:39.ăăă This Egyptian evidence could potentially point to early Christian influence in the assimilation of heroes attributed to religious figures. 124 Abraham ibn Ezra was a Spanish-Jewish scholar, his Pentateuch commentary dated to c. 1152-1153 CE with reservationsăaboutăbiblicalăchronology.ăăTheăkeyătoăunderstandingătheăPentateuchătoăEzraăwasătheă‘secretă ofătheătwelve,’ăunfortunatelyătheăreferenceătoăwhatăheăwasăsignifyingăbyă‘theătwelve’ăisănotăknown.ăăHeădoesă provide examples of books which might be attributable to Moses including Exodus 24:4ff involving the Book of the Covenant, Sandmel 1978:326-327. 125 Sandmel, 1978:326-327. 126 Benedict Spinoza (1632-1677) was a Dutch-Jewish Philosopher whose famed work was the Tractatas Theologico – Politicus. Acknowledged as an originator to modern biblical criticism, he declared the Pentateuch as not being homogenous, and attributes compiling authorship of the books to Ezra in c. 450 BC which could not have been completed until after King Jehoiachin was released from prison (post 586 BC), Mahoney 1979:3365-3366; Sandmel 1978:328-329. See also Ezra 14:21-26ă foră descriptionă ofă Ezra’să recitationăofătheăTorahăbyămemoryădueătoătheăBabylonian’săburningăofătheăTorahăină586ăBC,ăandădiscussionă by Sandmel 1978:328-329. Spinoza calculated that Ezra (c. 450 BC) was a selected chief compiler of the Pentateuch books based upon the accounts in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah, Sandmel 1978:328-9. In the TEV introduction to the Book of Ezra, they title Ezra as ‘anăexpertăinătheăLawăofăGod,ăwhoăhelpsătheăpeopleă reorganizeătheirăreligiousăandăsocialălifeăinăorderătoăsafeguardătheăspiritualăheritageăofăIsrael,’ăTEVă1976:465.ăă 127 Isaac de la Peyrère was a Protestant who wrote regarding Moses and his authorship under question in 1655 CE, Sandmel 1978:329. 128 Richard Simon was a French Priest, addressed multiplicity of characters and Moses in 1678 CE, Sandmel 1978:329. 129 Lelerc was a Protestant who agreed to the proposal of more than one Moses in his reply to the work of Richard Simon in 1685 CE. He prescribed that most of the Pentateuch was later than Moses and that for the most part was compiled very soon after 721 BC by a priest in the northern kingdom from the exile imposed by Assyrians, Sandmel 1978:329. For more on the Assyrian exile see 2 Kings 17, with particular attention to 38 Testament could not have been one man, but must have been based on a number of different men assimilated into one character.130 Sandmel’să ownă conclusionă fromă hisă examination of the Pentateuch indicated that the books could not have been written by Mosesăhimself:ăă‘Theăfactăisăthatănothingăinătheăfirstăfourăbooksăwouldăhaveăeverădisposedă anyoneătoăregardăMosesăasătheăauthor.’131 The history behind Numbers is not exact, and the biblical authorship of Moses remains in question. The people journeying with Moses are too great a number to be realistic, especially during a time of serious climatic aridity, and is open to interpretation. The rebellion narrative in Num. 16 once examined in an Egyptian context with the Chronicle will offer a new perspective in reading this ancient OT text. 17:24-28.ă ă Lelerc’să compilationă dateă wouldă placeă theă Pentateuchă duringă theă Lateă Periodă ină ancientă Egypt.ăă However, Lelerc was pressurised to retract this in his later writings, see Sandmel 1978:329 footnote 7. 130 Sandmel 1978:326-329. Williams 1991, acknowledges the ancient records of Manetho concerning Moses whereă‘ManethoăidentifiesăMosesăasătheălaterănameăofăOsarsiph,ă[a]năformerăpriestăofăHeliopolis,’ă1991:8990. Williams also notes that Apion shares the same account and the Greco-Egyptian writer Chaeremon describesă‘MosesăasăanăEgyptianăpriestăandăsacredăscribe,’ăWilliamsă1991:89-90. 131 Sandmel 1978:325. The possibility cannot be completely dismissed that records were written during Moses’ălifetime,ăhoweverăităisădoubtfulăthatăallărecordsăwere.ăă 39 CHAPTER FOUR NUMBERS 16: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS WITH THE CHRONICLE OF PRINCE OSORKON The structure of this section will proceed with the examination and discussion of the general 50 verses of Num. 16132 whilst cross-examining it with the Chronicle. It is my intention to comparatively examine Num. 16 with the Chronicle (with particular attention to Cols. 30-39). KJV Num. 16: 1) Now Kôr- h,133 theăsonăofă z-här,ătheăsonăofăK h th,ătheăsonăofă Levi,ă andăDā-th năandă -bi-r m,ătheăsonsăofă –li- b,ăandăOn, the sonăofăP -lĕth,ăsonsăofăReuben,ătookămen: 134 2) And they rose up before Moses, with certain of the children of Israel, two hundred and fifty princes of the assembly, famous in the congregation, men of renown:135 132 KJV. Korah in TEV is acknowledged in this translation as from the Levite clan, the priestly class/tribe that is set outside of Israel when the census in the beginning chapters of Numbers takes place. 134 IăamădrawingăonăGray’săinterpretiveăcommentaryăaddressingătheănamedămenăofărebellionăasăpartăofătwoă separate accounts of the rebellion of Korah and the rebellion of Dathan and Abiram. See Gray 1903:186-208, ICC on Numbers XVI. Having read various commentaries and versions of Numbers, there is little to doubt that more than one event of rebellion has occurred. Levine is more cautious of this and refutes the occurrence of two rebellions, see Levine 1993:405. KJV opts for the inclusion of Korah being included within the verses mentioning Dathan and Abiram, however this is rather assumptive in making a reformed translation into a single rebellion rather than two as argued by Gray 1903, however this is countered by Levine 1993, andălaterămentionedăbyăWenhamă2003,ăasă‘…ăaătwo-pronged assault led by the Levite Korah on theăhighăpriesthoodăofăAaron,ăandăbyăDathanăandăAbiramăonătheăleadershipăofăMoses’,ăWenhamă2003:112.ăă Sweeney 2012, concurs that there were a series of rebellions occurring in Num. 12:16-19:22, 2012:134. It is for this reason that KJV is unsettling to use on a comparative basis without further researching the surrounding commentaries, texts and other versions available. For commentaries descriptive in the versions and variations of the Book of Numbers and the Pentateuch see Gray 1903; Sandmel 1978; Levine 1993; and Sweeney’să2012ărecentăpublicationăonătheăTanakăincludingăaăgoodăcommentaryăonăNumbers.ă 135 AăparallelăinăthemeăisărelayedăbyăNum.ă16:2ăwhereă‘menăofărenown’ăare addressing their issues to Moses. When reading the Chronicle, it is inferred in Col. 37 that the punished rebels were magnates themselves, elite 133 40 3) And they gathered themselves together against Moses and against Aaron, and said unto them, Ye take too much upon you, seeing all the congregation are holy, every one of them, and the LORD is among them: wherefore then lift ye up yourselves above the congregation of the LORD? Num. 16:1-3 introduces the men who are dissatisfied with Moses and proclaim that he (and Aaron, though not a direct assertion from the text),136 has lifted himself above the holy congregation. The men assembled would be indicating priestly attributes. Clearly, there was some form of transgression committed from the established practices of the community for the men to rise up against Moses. This transgression was taken as an opportune to justify their behaviour to their superior authority by suggesting wrong on behalf of their leader Moses. The hereditary right argued in terms of who should have the priesthood mirrors the historical nature of Harsiese’săclaimătoătheăroleăofăHPA. This will be discussed later in the analysis of Num. 16:8-10 below.137 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 4) And when Moses heard it, he fell upon his face: 5) And he spake unto Kôr- hă andă untoă allă hisă company,ă saying,ă Even to morrow the LORD will shew who are his, and who is or high of status. Here we have a common faction of the elite class opposing their authority figure. See reading of Col. 30 in Appendices III and IV. 136 Aaron was not free from accusing Moses of fault, existing contentions appear in Num. 12 where Aaron murmursă againstă Moses’ă marriageă toă aă Cushiteă woman,ă Williamsă 1991:85,ă seeă 1991:84-88 for further discussion of Aaron and his brotherhood relationship to Moses. 137 KPA Cairo JdEă36494,ăTextă2,ăCol.ă3,ăinăRitneră2009:49,ăspeaksăofăHoriăandămentionsă‘FirstăProphetăofă Amun,ămagnateăofătheă“TenăofăUpperăEgypt,”ăHarsiese,ă[ă…ă],’ă2009:49.ăă 41 holy; and will cause him to come near unto him: even him whom he hath chosen will he cause to come near unto him. In Num. 16:4-5 Moses gives his response to the defiant men. The presence of Korah here would indicate the connection to the holy rebellion regarding the priesthood and its duties. The indication of the Lord responding in some form though not entirely indicated how would not be improbable of an oracular response. Oracles were common in the TIP involved in court decisions and judicial matters. Court cases and legal petitions – as well as wills and decrees – were routinely placed before a deity for rendering a decision, would often be cast in the form of a question to which a god would respond.138 Williams acknowledgedătheă‘divineăvoice’, messages with prophetic and oracular attributes received by the first prophet in Israelite history.139 Not only was Moses a religious leader as first prophet, however it held a parallel similar to the title of HPA with priestly-kingly associations. Williamsă identifies:ă ‘Inăbiblicală traditionă theăprophetă is,ă ină someăaspects,ă aă doubleăofătheăking.’140 WilliamsăfurtherăstatesăaboutăMoses’ădualăstatusăthatătheăexampleă of ‘Hosea depicts Moses as a prophet whose office overlaps kingly functions.’141 Osorkon’s titles included HPA, generalissimo and Governor of the South, his own representation on the reliefs at the Bubastite Portal depicts the quasi-royal status of a high Morschauser 1991:208.ă ă Morschauseră acknowledgesă thată ‘theă usuală practiceă duringă theă Twenty-first Dynasty was to issue decrees oră legală decisionsă onă theă basisă ofă ană oracle.’ă ă Heă continues:ă ‘Byă theă Thirdă IntermediateăPeriod,ăhowever,ăităhadăbecomeăstandardăpracticeătoăsubmitălitigationătoăaăgodăforăaădecision.’ăă Morschauser 1991:208. 139 Williams 1991:129-162; Levine 1993:331, for Moses and his prophetic leadership see Levine 1993:338343. 140 Williams 1991:142. See also Jeremiah 1:4-10ă regardingă Jeremiah’să appointmentă whichă ‘expressesă theă prophet’săunderstandingăthatătheăroyalăofficeăofăruleăandăsovereigntyăwasăbeingătransferred to the prophet in hisăfunctionăofăbearerăofătheăLORD’săword,’ăăWilliamsă1991:130.ăăLevineă1993:331ăaddressedătheăstatusăofă Moses as being part of Gods household, Moses made as a god to the pharaoh, Aaron his spokesperson, see Exodus 7:1. 141 Williams 1991:130. 138 42 priest who would be king.142 Though a military title is not directly given to Moses in Numbers, the formation of the tribes, appointment of leaders and judicial functions in the Israelite community imply a military organisation.143 In both instances of the Chronicle and Numbers there is a priestly-kingly tradition where quasi-royal status can be associated along with forms of military political governance to Moses and Osorkon.144 In Num. 16:6-7, Moses invokes action amongst Korah and the men to take their censers with fire and incense and present it to their Lord whereby a decision after would be provided to discern who was holy. This is an inference of a religious ritual act being performed for a divine answer. Moses’ă commandă ină Num.ă 16:7, to place incense in the censers, is paralleled to the actions in the Chronicle where the offering of incense is carried out by the temple priesthood who brought bouquets to Osorkon shortly before they addressed their woes to him.145 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 8) And Moses said unto Kôr- h,ăHear,ăIăprayăyou,ăyeăsonsăofăLevi: 9) Seemeth it but a small thing unto you, that the God of Israel hath separated you from the congregation of Israel, to bring you near to himself to do the service of the tabernacle of the LORD, and to stand before the congregation to minister unto them? 10) And he hath brought thee near to him, and all thy brethren the sons of Levi with thee: and seek ye the priesthood also? 142 See Epigraphic Survey 1954, plates 17 & 20. Levine 1993:338. 144 For reliefs see Epigraphic Survey 1954, plates 17 & 20. 145 Chronicle, Col. 29. 143 43 As seen by the above verses in Num. 16:8-10, it is considered a priestly narrative and presents the contentions within a community over leadership and power within the priesthood. The address that Moses makes to the sons of Levi is indicating the priestly class.ă ă Grayă definedă theă Levitesă asă ‘Yahweh’să choiceă ofă theă tribeă ofă Leviă foră superioră holiness’.146 Rebellion is evident in the priestly community. In Num. 16:8-10 Korah is addressed with the sons of Levi acknowledging that they and himself have already been chosen for holy duties including their families. Moses draws concern as to why they would now seek more, questioningă ‘andă seekă yeă theă priesthood also?’147 The Karnak Graffito of Hori148 is a clear example of a priest who approaches Prince Osorkon during the beginning period of the Chronicle and addresses similar concerns of a lower status priest asserting a right to have a higher status based on his lineage. His plea before Osorkon is strong and determined, and in the end he is granted the statusă toă permită himă toă crossă overă intoă theă templeă sanctuaryă andă approachă andă seeă ‘theă mysteryăofătheăluminousăHorus’.149 It is this dispute that draws a parallel with Osorkon in his position as High Priest of Amun and the refutation of his position by Harsiese, and the rebellion(s) in the Chronicle. Harsiese was part of a hereditary lineage to the High Priest of Amun which was removed by the appointment of theăking’săson,ăPrinceăOsorkon,ătoăthisă role. Contentions would be inevitable if envy or a feeling of due entitlement should stir amongst Harsiese and other sympathisers in Thebes and possibly elsewhere. The Karnak oracular text against Harsiese records, by the Wab priests, the abuse of power exhibited by theăhigherăstatusăpriestsăandăpoliticiansădisclosingă‘theăhavesăandăhaveănots’ăofăwhatăwasă 146 Gray 1903:186. It is suggested that the Levites could not be the main group of men who rose up against Moses, an undefinable area. Moses himself was a Levite, and if it were only the Levites speaking against Moses regarding duties it would be unfair to assume as the Reubenites also had room for complaint. 147 KJV Num. 16:10 148 Louvre E. 336 = C 258; see Ritner 2009:377-379. 149 Ritner 2009:377. 44 going on in Thebes. 150 Harsiese’sătitleăasătheăsouthernăadministrator held the address of theă ‘Magnateă ofă theă Ten ofă Upperă Egypt’ă whoă wasă summonedă toă witnessă andă enforceă Amun’să decisionă ină favoură ofă theă petitioners.ă ă Theă archaeologicală evidenceă ofă Horiă andă Harsiese attests to the presence of competing priests during the time of Osorkon’să Chronicle, a comparable aspect of the events addressed in Num. where the congregation are seeking greater rights to the priesthood. Num. 16 cont.: 11) For which cause both thou and all thy company are gathered together against the LORD: and what is Aaron, that ye murmur against him? 12) ¶ăAndăMosesăsentătoăcallăDā-th năandă -b -r m,ătheăsonsăofă l - b:ăwhichăsaid,ăWeăwillănotăcomeăup: 13) Is it a small thing that thou hast brought us up out of a land that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in the wilderness, except thou make thyself altogether a prince over us? 14) Moreover thou hast not brought us into a land that floweth with milk and honey, or given us inheritance of fields and vineyards: wilt thou put out the eyes of these men ? We will not come up. Num. 16:11 makes clear that theămurmurersăareăgatheredă‘againstătheăLORD’.151 Col. 32 inătheăChronicleăaddressesă‘thoseăwhoărebelledăagainstătheirălordăandăwhoăwereăhisă(own)ă officials’.ăăăăThis may seem a simple parallel, however as you read on there is a building of comparative elements for Num. 16:11-14 to the Chronicle Cols. 32-34. The men in Num. 150 Ritner 2009:380-382, the oracular text was found on a reused foundation block part of the south wall at the Third Pylon of Karnak. 151 Equated to a mob, see Williams 1991:81. 45 16:12ăignoreăMoses’ăcommandătoăcomeăbeforeăhimăandămakeăaccusationsăthatătheyăwereă broughtă oută ofă aă plentifulă landă thată ‘flowethă withă milkă andă honey’152 for Moses to leave them in a land without whilst he is asserts his princely authority over them. Aside from the assertion that the events of Numbers is attached to the movement of Moses and the Israelites leaving Egypt by the route of Paran to Kadesh and then into Canaan, a varied interpretation could be contrasted with the Chronicle, Col. 43 specifically. The Chronicle’s Cols. 42-43ă isă partă ofă theă issuanceă ofă Osorkon’să secondă decreeă afteră theă rebellion and punishment of death by fire, he states: …ăevenăwhatăisătoăbeădoneăinăaăbefittingămanner in their [temples ?] with regard to the divine offerings consisting of incense (43) and honey which are (now) lacking, since the thurifers and bee-keepers have been disbanded.153 The emphasis of the bee-keepers having been disbanded would indicate the absence of honey. The Chronicle would imply that the disbanded bee-keepers would limit their accessăforătheătemples’ supply of honey. The OHIB Hebrew translation in situ offers a much more interesting read surrounding Num. verses 13-14: OHIB Num. 16:13 – e˖motă ki ?ă˖little that eolith˖nuă m˖artză zbth you-ᶜbrought-up˖usăăfrom˖land gushing-of chlb u˖dbshă milk and˖honey 152 The phrasing of a land flowing with milk and honey is accepted as indicating Egypt in the context of Num. 16:13, see Levine 1993:405. 153 Chronicle, Cols. 42-43; Caminos 1958:156, Cols. 42-43. 46 l˖emith˖nuă b˖mdbră to˖to-ᶜput-to-death˖us in˖ăă˖wilderness ki –thshthrr that you-are-making-yourself-chief oli˖nuă gm -eshthrr over˖us moreover to-make-yourself-chief 154 The accusations in Num. 16:13-14 areăcentredăonăMoses’ăcivil authority being imposing to their community. The men refused to come before Moses, fearful of his authority, ‘wiltă thou putăoutătheăeyesăofătheseămenă?’155 This phrasing of putting out the eyes draws on a curious parallel of content to Col. 33 of the Chronicle where Osorkon is beckoned by an audienceăinăThebesă‘…..whoăsentăyouătoătheălandăwhichăisăcalledătheăEyeăofăR ᶜ in order to banishă theă injureră ofă itsă pupil’.156 Thebesă isă ină needă ofă aidă toă cureă itsă injuredă ‘Eye’,ă aă prolific account which proceeds in Col. 34 which reads:ă ‘…..rebels…..theăbloodă ofăwhată had been done against the land was her eye-paint.’ăă If we examine a portion of Num. 16:14 we can further examine a parallelism between the useăofă‘eye(s)’ in Numbers and the Chronicle: 154 Online Hebrew Interlinear Bible (OHIB) 2008, Num. 16:13. The complications of meaning that stem from different translations can be addressed by the example of the OHIB WLC transcription process of Num. 16:13. Here we have an in situ translation of chief in place of the reformed KJV translation of prince, a royal connotation being replaced by a tribal title of chief. 155 Num. 16:14. 156 Chronicle, Col. 33; Caminos 1958:155, §248 Col. 33. 47 OHIB Num. 16:14 e˖oiniă ?˖eyes-of e˖anshim the˖mortals e˖em thnqr the˖theyăăăyou-are-ă picking-out la nole not we-shall-come- up157 In Num. 16:14 the men are fearful of their mortal eyes being injured for their behaviour. This could be a form of restitution or punishment as in the exampleăofăHammurabi’săLaw,ă an eye for an eye, if the rebels injure the proverbial eye of a god (the land and its laws) then the consequences would be injury to their eye(s), see Fig. 2 below.158 The Chronicle makes reference to the injurer of the pupil to be banished, Thebes being represented as the eye of a god. The Coffin Texts further attests notions of injury to the eye(s) related to hostility: (The hostile gods have seen that she incites the Eyeless One against those who shall stretch forth their arms against me.) The Powerful One stands up against the earth-gods, the holy roads are opened for me (when they see my form and hear what I shall say).159 157 OHIB 2008, Num. 16:14. See Wainwright 1932, where he addresses the laws and the proceedings of Letopolis where he compared parallels to other cultures and the influence of Greek mythology associated with many Egyptian gods and practices of punishment. 159 Faulkner 1973:231; Coffin Text (CT) IV, 83 c-g; also cited in Hoffmeier 1985:76. 158 48 Figure 2. The Evil Eye, after Ritner 1993:167.160 However, another interpretation of Num. 16:14 could be given based on the evidence of the graffito of Hori161 in an Egyptian context. His plea to gain higher priestly ranking meantăheăcouldăapproachăandăseeă‘theămysteryăofătheăluminousăHorus’.162 The removal of eyes could therefore be the remittance of entrance to the temple/tabernacle to perform priestly duties.163 In Num. 16:18-19 Moses and Aaron stood at the door of the tabernacle where the congregation of men faced them at the door. Entry to the tabernacle seems to have been blocked by the authoritative presence of Moses and Aaron at the door. Their assertive authority is preventing anyone from entering the temple, while all of the assembled congregation’s activity is outside the temple maintaining a division between the sacred and profane. KJV Num. 16 cont.: 160 Evil Eye, stabbed with a knife near the pupil which appears to be looking up while being stabbed by two arrows on the left and right of the upward looking pupil. Traditional amulets were modelled around protectionăfromătheă‘EvilăEye’ăofăwhich Roman period examples survive, see Ritner 1993;167, figure 14h. 161 Louvre E. 336 = C 258; Ritner 2009:377-379. 162 Ritner 2009:378. 163 The Votive stela of Nebre with Hymn to Amen Re, Berlin Museum 20377, has a passage which may attestătoătheăreligiousăaspectăofădamageătoătheăeye(s):ă‘Thatăheămayăletămyăeyesăseeăhisăbeauty,’ăLichtheimă 1980:104. To see the beauty of Amun, would be to see the holy or sacred. 49 15) And Moses was very wroth, and said unto the LORD, Respect not thou their offering: I have not taken one ass from them, neither have I hurt one of them. In Num. 16:15 Moses declares that he has not done wrong to any of them by taking anything away from them or hurting them. This denial of wrong is another comparable theme to the Chronicle Cols. 19-20, Osorkon sees himself free of blame or any wrongdoing, ‘Thereă wasă noă faultă ină him’.164 These declarations by Osorkon and Moses implyă negativeă confessionsă ină Egyptiană context.ă ă ‘Theă Declarationă ofă Innocence’ă ină theă Book of the Dead Spell 125 is very significant for declaring no wrong doing and denial of sin.165 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 16) And Moses said unto Kôr- h,ă Beă thouă andă allă thyă companyă before the LORD, thou, and they, and Aaron, to morrow: 17) And take every man his censer, and put incense in them, and bring ye before the LORD every man his censer, two hundred and fifty censers; thou also, and Aaron, each of you his censer. In Num. 16-17 Moses orders the men to bring their censers with incense of each of the two hundred and fifty men with fire and incense at the doorway of the tabernacle. 166 The men have come forward with their censers and face Moses, this is a performance of a scene that isă leftă toă gapsă ină theă narrativeă ofă Osorkon.ă ă ă ‘Thereă uponă [theă governoră ofă Upperă Egyptă said,ă‘Goăandăbringătoămeăeveryă(caseăof)ătransgressionăagainstăhimăandătheărecordsăofătheă 164 Chronicle Col. 19; Caminos 1958:154, §242, Col. 19. This could also be taken as a response to the murmurs in Num. 16:13 see above, especially OHIB translation in situ. 165 BOD Spell 125, Faulkner 1985:29-34. 166 Num. 16:17-18. 50 ancestors…..the EyeăofăR ᶜ’.167 It is similar to the case of Moses calling the men to come forward before their refusal. In the instance of Osorkon he is calling for the records, and though there is a lacuna,ăthisăcouldăimplyăanăexcommunicationăoră‘de-baptism’.168 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 18) And they took every man his censer, and put fire in them, and laid incense thereon, and stood in the door of the tabernacle of the congregation with Moses and Aaron. 19) And Kôr- hă gatheredă allă theă congregationă againstă themă untoă the door of the tabernacle of the congregation: and the glory of the LORD appeared unto all the congregation. In Num. 16:18 Moses and Aaron are standing firm in their position standing at the door of the tabernacle where they are confronting the men who are against them whilst physically blocking entry to the holy building. It is a compelling notion to see the patrilineal support of brothers Moses and Aaron in Numbers. On a similar level, Osorkon and his brother Bakenptah is suggested to have aided his brother’săplight: This struggle for supremacy over Upper Egypt came to an end by a collective action of Prince Osorkon and his brother the general of Heracleopolis Magna Bakenptah, in which they overthrew everyone who fought against them: another instance of cooperation and mutual support amongst brothers.169 167 Chronicle, Col.35; Caminos 1958:155, §249, Col. 35. For de-baptism see Lorton 1977:12, 23; removal of names see Willems 1990:37; and excommunication see Assmann 1992:154. 169 Broekman 2008:232; see KPA Text 7, Cairo JdE 36493, for reference to Bakenptah, a brother of Prince Osorkon.ă ă Textă 7ă attestsă toă Osorkonă beingă withă hisă brotheră ină Thebesă ‘performingă theă festivală ofă Amon,’ă 168 51 There does appear to be a definite patrilineal succession by the presence of Aaron holding a high status alongside Moses also characteristically defined to Libyan rule in Egypt by Broekman.170 Num. 16:20-27 pertains to the call of punishment by the divine order of their Lord. 171 The men are found to be guilty of their transgressions against Moses and the Lord orders those who do not want to become punished for the same behaviour to move away from their tents ‘lestăyeăbeăconsumedăinăallătheirăsins.’172 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 28) And Moses said, Hereby ye shall know that the LORD hath sent me to do all these works; for I have not done them of mine own mind. In Num. 16:28 Moses informs the community that he is enactingătheăLord’săwishesăandănotă his own. This demonstrates a punishment that is ordered by their God and not reflective of his decision which signifies an divine oracular one. Num. 16:29-34 describes the natural disaster that consumed some of the rebels against Moses and their families.173 It appears at first that this could be a self-fulfilling prophecy, where Moses speaks in hindsight after the event of an earthquake had occurred. However verse 31 indicates that the events happened after Moses had spoken. This leads to some concerns of exaggeration on behalf of the author and/or concerns about the amount of elapsed time that separated the event. This natural disaster death to some of the rebels Ritner 2009:54; see also Kruchten 1989:59-61; Broekman 2008:225, also identifies brotherhood in the Libyan Period; and for a compilation of some of the KPA see Ritner 2009:47-65. 170 Broekman 2008:227-232. 171 The inclusion of Korah in these verses is usually an insertion in an attempt to merge the inconsistencies of the rebellions into a flowing narrative. 172 Num. 16:26 173 Families are mentioned in TEV, ABS 1976, Num. 16:32; OHIB 2008 does not provide a Hebrew translation of families or children within this verse. 52 againstăMoses’ăauthorityăisănotăoneădirectlyăparalleled in the Chronicle. However, I draw on some thin grounding for a possible association in Part B of the Chronicle Col. 7: …(although)ă theă skyă didă notă swallowă upă theă moon,ă aă greată (?)ă convulsionăbrokeăoutăinăthisălandălike…..childrenăofărebellion,ătheyă stirredă upă civilă strifeă amongstă southernersă andă northerners…..heă [did not] weary of fighting in their midst even as Horus following his father.174 What could be deduced is the possible shadowing of the text. In the Chronicle Col. 7 the great convulsion is easily conveyed by a shaking, in the given context it is in the form of rebellion and fighting. It is possible to draw on a similarity with regards to the presence of a ‘great convulsion’ that occurred, albeit in different senses, both events led to deaths amongst the rebels in the priestly communities. KJV Num. 16 cont.: 35) And there came out a fire from the LORD, and consumed the two hundred and fifty men that offered incense.175 Num. 16:35 isăaăsignificantăparallelătoătheăChronicle,ăCol.ă36ă‘Everyoneăwas burned with fireă ină theă placeă ofă [his]ă crime…..Thebes.’176 The flame is an important aspect of purification in both texts. Osorkon gives warning to transgressors acting against his plans that they willă endureă ‘theă ferocityă ofă Amen-R ᶜ, the flameă ofă M t shall overcome him 174 Caminos (1958:161 §261, Col. 7) Verse 35 is conceivably out of place, and appears to be edited mechanically and choppy by what evidence or narrative the scribe was working from. The editorial nature of Numbers appears in all known texts, the more recent find of the Qumran scrolls from Cave 4 (c. 30 BC - 20 CE) provides no added fluidity to Num.16 or Numbers as a whole, but are noted as easing some inconsistencies between Num. and Deut., Levine 1993:86-87. There is no one consistent and fluid text and may well be the reason for Korah to be included in the rebellion of Dathan and Abiram, a means to create consistency which is not present in the texts. 176 Chronicle Col. 36; Caminos 1958:155, §249 Col. 36. 175 53 whenăsheărages’.177 The fire from the Lord is clarified by Gray as a fire coming from the tabernacle,178 and gives a warning to the reader and translator that connotative and figurative meanings must be assessed. Muhlestein remarked about the more recent excavation of a fire damaged columned hall outside the enclosure wall of Karnak where ashes were carbon dated to a similar period to that of the Chronicle, which could further attest to its events and literal death by burning.179 The flame is a purifier in both the Chronicle and Num. 16 and incorporates the divinely ordered punishments by their Lord/God to the transgressors/rebels. KJV Num. 16 cont.: 36) ¶ And the LORD spake unto Moses, saying, 37)ăSpeakăuntoă l- -ā-zär the son of Aaron the priest, that he take up the censers out of the burning, and scatter thou the fire yonder; for they are hallowed. 38) The censers of these sinners against their own souls, let them make them broad plates for a covering of the altar: for they offered them before the LORD, therefore they are hallowed: and they shall be a sign unto the children of Israel. 39)ă Andă l- -ā-zär the priest took the brazen censers, wherewith they that were burnt had offered; and they were made broad plates for a covering of the altar: 40) To be a memorial unto the children of Israel, that no stranger, which is not of the seed of Aaron, come near to offer incense 177 Chronicle Col. 53; Caminos 1958:158, §257 Col. 53. Gray 1903:207. 179 Muhlestein 2011a:65, damage is said to have occurred in the southeast corner of a columned hall. Though I have been unable to access the report, please see Redford 1994 as cited in Muhlestein 2011a:65 footnote 19. 178 54 before the LORD; that he be not as Kôr- h,ăandăasăhisăcompany:ăasă the LORD said to him by the hand of Moses. The censers used by the men who were struck down by fire are deemed to be holy censers. Num. 16:36-40 describes the events after the deaths by this divine punishment. The censers were to be emptied of ashes and beaten into plates around the altar as a warning. Hoffmeier discussed the state of being holy in an Egyptian context as identified by the purificationă ofă theă deceasedă Rekhmire,ă ‘…pointsă confirmă thată purityă fromă defilementă isă imperative for something to be consideredă sacred,’ă dirtă andă filthă isă akină toă an enemy of Mut. The remaining ashes in the censers in Numbers, and the braziers in the Chronicle, are associated with disorder and would need to be removed.180 The altar according to the religion of the OT Book of Numbers is considered most holy and whoever touches it also becomes holy,181 which is exemplified by the emptying of the censers of the ashes. …theă fleshă ofă theă sin-offeringă isă “mostă holy,”ă andă whateveră touches it becomes holy; the vessel in which it is boiled, becomes holy, and, if of bronze, must have the holiness scoured out of it, or, if of earthenware, must be destroyed.182 180 Hoffmeier 1985:207. Gray 1903:210. 182 Gray 1903:210. The destruction of earthenware is a reminder of the execration rituals that likely accompanied ritual killings as demonstrated in the Mirgissa and al-Dab‘aă pitsă withă theă largeă numberă of potshards that were discovered in nearby foundation deposits. For Mirgissa see Ritner 1993:153-180; Muhlestein 2008:195-196; 2011a:19. For Tell al-Dab‘a see Fuscaldo 2002; Muhlestein 2008; 2011a. Ritner acknowledgesătheă‘breakingăofătheăredăpots’ăceremonyăinvolvedăinăexecrationărituals,ăanăEgyptianăexampleă similarly associated with the practices of breaking sacred earthenware as described by Gray, see Ritner 1993:144-153. 181 55 The censers in Numbers 16 presented by the community were not originally holy, but due to their use for sacrificial offerings183 they became holy and can no longer be for profane usage.184 KJV Num. 16 Cont.: 41) ¶ But on the morrow all the congregation of the children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron, saying, Ye have killed the people of the LORD. 42) And it came to pass, when the congregation was gathered against Moses and against Aaron, that they looked towards the tabernacle of the congregation: and, behold, the cloud covered it, and the glory of the LORD appeared. Num. 16:41-42 reports the perspective of the people who murmur against Moses and Aaron for having killed the men of the community, priests. Gray states that it is reasonableă toă assertă Mosesă andă Aaronă asă blamedă foră theă deathsă ofă theă community,ă ‘Yeă haveăkilled’,ăwhichăisă indicativeăofătheăfireă‘from’ăYahwehă(theiră Lord)ăbeingă‘from’ătheă tabernacle.185 Interpretation must be liberal and not literal in such a sense as those who deliver death as a divine punishment would be acting for their god by proxy. For example, the executioner of a governing nation is not the nation who condemns the death of an individual, yet they are the deliverer of their death on behalf of the nation, a codification of 183 The characterisation of sacrifice overlaps Egyptian and Old Testament contexts with the presence of priestly communities in the Chronicle and Numbers 16. Ringgren 1962, Rowley 1963, and Williams 1991have all examined sacrifice in biblical contexts discovering that there is not one exact definition that can encompass the variable elements of the term. The meaning and intentions behind an act of sacrifice are uniqueătoăeachăone,ădivisionsăofăwhichăexistăonlyăinămakingă‘catchăall’ăcategorisationsăthatăcanăvaryăbasedăonă cultural practices in time and space, Rowley 1963:72. 184 See Gray 1903:210 for a general discussion of the sacred and profane as it pertains to this change of usage. 185 Gray 1903:212. 56 law.186 The actions conducted by Moses would have been through divine inspiration (presumptive of being oracularly received) whereby Moses is carrying out the act(s) or instructions intended by their Lord to be done by proxy. In Num. 16: 43-45 the Lord addresses his displeasure to Moses regarding the rebellious congregation, and Moses expresses fear that the Lord wanted the lives of the people. It is in the following verses, 46-50, that a plague is identified. Aaron is instructed by Moses to carry out a ritual of atonement using a censer and incense. His actions soon led to the cessation of the plague, however the destruction of the people is remarked on by the number of dead, 14,700.187 KJV Num. 16 cont.: 47) And Aaron took as Moses commanded, and ran into the midst of the congregation; and behold, the plague was begun among the people: and he put on incense, and made an atonement for the people. 48) And he stood between the dead and the living; and the plague was stayed. Gray asserts that holiness and uncleanness are contagious which can be dangerous and fatal,188 henceătheăassociationăinăNum.ă16:46ăwithăaă‘plague’.ăăRitner makes an interesting translationăwhichăcouldăpurportăaă‘plague’ in the Chronicle (Part B) Cols. 8-9 taking place after a big revolt: 186 See Lorton 1977; Morschauser 1991. Num. 16:50. 188 Gray 1903:210. 187 57 Youăshallănotăfightăbecauseăităwouldămeanăhisădeath.ăă‘Whileăbreathă isă ină hisă body,ă theă legsă yetă walk’ă – the temples are in ongoing distress, (9) it having occurred in the chief of them (Thebes) in proportion to its being greater than the (other) nomes.189 In Col. 8 of the Chronicle the term reads sn(i)-mn.t translatedă toă meană ‘distress’ă oră ‘calamity’,ăhoweverăRitner’săsuggestionăforătheăantecedentă ofăcompound word, mn.t, can be translatedătoă‘sickness’.ăăThisăcouldăprovideăaăparallelătoătheăreferenceăofătheăplagueăină Num. 16:43-50 to the distress in the Chronicle, see Fig. 3 below of text extract of the hieroglyphs.190 Fig.ă 3ă ‘Distress’ă ină theă Chronicle of Prince Osorkon, sn(i)-mn.t, drawn after Epigraphic Survey (1954) plate 21 from interior west wall, east face. In Fig. 3 above, the latter ending of the compound mn =ăbeăill,ăwhichăGardinerănotesăasă‘aă diseaseă oră ‘(in)’ă aă limb’,ă hisă transliterationă ofă sny-mnt (sn(i)-mn.t) is translated to Seeă Ritner’s translation of the Main Text of Yrs. 15-24 of Takeloth II Col. 8-9, 2009:363; Caminos 1958:91-93, Part B, Cols. 8-9. 190 Ritner 2009:376 footnote 22. See also Caminos whoă translatesă ‘distress’ă withă specială attentionă toă his footnotes i. & l. In l. Caminos asserts that the temples are what are in distress and that Thebes would be the first to be returned to its former condition before the others. Caminos 1958:93. 189 58 distress/calamity.191 A plague is not always a medical ailment, however it could be an implied psychological behaviour state cure is needed for the body. It could be a collective outbreak of negative behaviour, such as a plague of rebellion, when describing a sickness. A similar meaning could be applied in both Num. 16 and the Chronicle when rendering an interpretation comparatively. Num. 16 and the Chronicle (Cols. 30-39) share more than parallel themes, but content, when juxtaposed with one another shows an inherent connection. The table below addresses a breakdown of the Chronicle Cols. 30-39 with Num. 16:1-50 from which highlights the general parallels existing between the texts when summarised. 191 For mn = disease see Gardiner 1957:423; and for sn(i)-mn.t = distress see Gardiner 1957:590; Ritner 2009:363; and Caminos 1958:92, footnote i. 59 Table 1. The Chronicle Cols. 30-39 & Numbers 16: Summarised Content Chronicle of Prince Osorkon Numbers 16 (Col.ă 30)ă Osorkon’să divineă appointmentă asă (1-3) Announce the assembly of rebels HPA is recalled. against Moses who were magnates. (Col. 31-32) Misfortunes of Thebes are (4-10) Moses rejects their complaint(s) and addressed, concerns for the rebels that are recognises the assembly as seeking causingă turmoil,ă templesă plundered,ă ‘…itsă priesthood priviledges. lawsăhavingăperished.’ (Col. 33) Primeval state of Thebes, a state (11-14) Calls for transgressors to come of chaos envelops the land. Osorkon was before him, they refuse stating Moses sentă‘toăbanishătheăinjurerăofăitsăpupil’.ăă makesă himselfă ‘aă princeă overă us’;ă theă congregation fears their eyes being put out. (Col. 34) Thebes asks to be punished in (15-18) Moses denies having hurt any of accordance to what has happened. them; asks for the assembly to bring their censer and incense before him at the door of the tabernacle. (Col. 35) Osorkon asserts official title as (19-34) Rebels are warned to move away Governor of Upper Egypt. Transgressors fromă Dathană andă Abiram’să tentsă whoă areă are brought before him with the records to then punished by the earth swallowing be struck down and then burned. them. (35) A fire burned all the assembled rebels. 60 (Cols. 36-37) Osorkon makes new (36-40) Censers are gathered and ashes appointments to sit on the seats of the removed and beaten into a covering as a former magnates. warning to future transgressors of the laws. (Cols. 37-39) A hint of a warning is being (41-45) Israel murmured against Moses and made by Osorkon to his audience ( possibly Aaron for the deaths of the rebels; Lord is the new magnates, lacunae prevents reading displeased with congregation and Moses of the entirety of the message). fears death for the assembled. (46-50) Plague envelops the people; a ritual of atonement is carried out with the aid of Aaron where the plague is ceased. There are existent parallels that have continued to show themselves in the form of Osorkon and Moses. The brotherhood of Moses and Aaron is comparable to Osorkon and Bakenptah, however the latter brother is not mentioned directly within the records of the Chronicle on the Bubastite Portal.ă ă Osorkonă andă Moses’ă priestly-kingly roles caused dissent by the priestly communities who felt wronged by their leaders and turned away from them in rebellion. The rebellion(s) of the elite and those gathered in the congregations, were judged by the divine decisions that were received by their leaders. Punishment was delivered in the Chronicle and Num. 16 where judgement by a divine god caused members of the congregation to die by fire. The parallels reveal a close connection to the narrative in the content above. This would indicate that the Chronicle and Numbers share a common rebellion narrative that is very specific but also calls for greater research into understanding the origins of the Book of Numbers. 61 SUMMARY OF FINDINGS: A CONCLUSION NARRATIVE The rebellion narratives of the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon and Numbers 16 are based on accountsă fromă theăfirstă prophet,ă highăpriestsăofătheirărespectiveăcommunities.ăăOsorkon’să title is recognised by the physical inscription at Karnak, whilst Moses’ăcharacterăhasăbeenă recorded by multiple authors which has given way to a debate of him being an amalgamation of different heroic men from over the many ages. However, the texts comparatively demonstrate parallels of brotherhood ties, rebellion in a priestly community where greater access to the priesthood was under question, and the punishment of rebels by fire. Death by fire is a significant parallel attributable to both the Chronicle and Num. 16 where the Chronicle itself is a strong attestation for sanctioned killing in ancient Egypt which Numbers could also suggest such a practice.192 The nature of my research is a comparative analysis between the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon and Numbers 16. It is not possible to balance the dating of the Chronicle with the Book of Numbers to draw on immediate chronological separations. The former is dated during the Libyan Period, whilst the latter can only be inferred as prior to the date of which its source can be dated to. Assumed dates based on archaeological findings are very limited for examining ancient Israelite history in its individualised context. Perhaps a little naïve at first, I had hopes of isolating the history of ancient Egypt to that of the ancient Israelites before comparative analysis. This was soon discovered to be an impossible task and the necessity to examine Num. 16 in an Egyptian context in juxtaposition permitted an examination of cultural associations. I limited my research to examining parallels rather than differences due to research restraints. However, what has been examined concerning 192 Muhlestein 2011a:77 considers the Chronicle as strong evidence.ăăInătheăChronicleăcol.ă36ădescribes:ă‘…..ă like braziers (at the feast) of the Going forth of Sothis. Everyone was burned with fire in the place of [his] crimeă …..ă Thebes,’ă Caminosă 1958:48,ă col.ă 36.ă ă Num.ă 16:35ă states:ă ‘Andă thereă cameă oută aă fireă fromă the LORD,ăandăconsumedătheătwoăhundredăandăfiftyămenăthatăofferedăincense.’ăă 62 rebellion and punishment, and the priest-kingly status of the first prophets in both priestly communities of Numbers and the Chronicle only explores the tip of the proverbial iceberg. It leaves us to question the extent of which the Chronicle and Numbers 16 can be compared. There are parallels in leadership and leader characteristics, priestly organisation and a mirrored element of punishment for rebellion. Moses and Osorkon are both enacted as first prophets and both have brothers involved in calming the rebellion. History in Numbers cannot be extracted for synchronisation with the Chronicle based on this comparative analysis. I have been able to identify the presence of parallels that have presented themselves across the two texts, and I am certain that future investigation will result in many more comparative findings between the Book of Numbers and the Chronicle of Prince Osorkon. 63 APPENDIX I-IV 64 Appendix I Understanding the character of the High Priest of Amun The duties of the High Priest may have changed form over time; however their roles can be viewed in light of inscriptions and evidence that survives them. The Ramesside high priests have provided clues to their status and position based on stelae and funerary inscriptions. The tomb of Nebwenenef demonstrated the elite status of his position as high priest by the privilege of having a mortuary temple.193 The adoration and ritual scenes in hisătombădiscernăhisăroleăasă‘aămediatorăforătheăoracleăofăAmun’,ăhisănameăwasăconsideredă among many others, but his was divinely chosen.194 There is an expression of divine authority having interceded in appointing the High Priest of Thebes, and this is no less proclaimed in the Chronicle where even the address by Thebes acknowledges this.195 Bakenkhons’ădedicatoryăblockăstatues196 contain biographical inscriptions from the Karnak temple of Amun. There is an immediate sense of dedication and obedience197 on behalf of the high priest, he is quiet, despises chaos and promotes Maat.198 The inscription from one of the block statues of Roma in Karnak shows the high priest as a receptor of messages in theă formă ofă metaphysicală oraculară connection,ă ‘Iă wasă initiatedă (toă theă positionă of)ă god’să 193 Frood 2007:35. The mortuary temple is located on the Theban West Bank, south-westăofăSetiăI’sătemple;ă the tomb TT157 is located in the elite location of the northern Theban necropolis in Dra Abu el-Naga with successors Bakenkhons and Roma buried in same vicinity. 194 Froodă2007:35.ăăNebwenenef’săappointmentăofăHighăPriestăofăAmunăisăvividlyărecordedăbyătheăswiftnessă of him being ushered before the king and given his office, 2007:36. This is a good example of reflective narration where the text begins addressing Nebwenenef as high priest, yet it reflects in hindsight to his appointment, this is possibly a similar aspect of narration in the Chronicle in the reflective quality ofă ‘thisă matter’ăreferringătoăităretrospectivelyă(Col.ă19),ăseeăCaminosă1958:152,ăCol.ă19,ă§242.ăă 195 Chronicle (Col. 30); Caminos (1958:154-155, Col. 30, §248) 196 Froodă2007:39.ăăStatuesăareăhousedăinătheăCairoăMuseumăandăStaalicheăSammlungăӒgyptischerăKunstăină Munich. 197 ‘Ină theă imageryă expressedă byă theă Chronicle,ă Osorkonă isă theă mană ină searchă ofă hisă godă andă completelyă obedientă toă theă deity’să will,’ Gozzoli 2004:34. This is another counter interpretation which addresses the obedientă formă ofă Osorkonă asă highă priestă contraryă toă Kitchen’să 2009ă focusă ofă depictingă Osorkonă asă beingă foremost a generalissimo, military leader, 2009:169. 198 Maat is interlinked in the religious, social and political organisation of ancient Egypt and requires careful consideration. 65 father, in order to hear the summons of his noble ka,ă ină orderă toă satisfyă hisă wishes.’ă 199 This gives prevalence to the notion of being quiet to be perceptive, to hear, and to fulfil what Amun informs to his appointed high priest.200 An example of HPA from the Twenty-first Dynasty The biographical statue inscription of Djedkhonsefankh relates to a period when Sheshonq Iă appointedă hisă sonsă intoă priestlyă rolesă ată Thebesă asă ană outletă toă ceaseă theă ‘nearindependenceăofătheăThebaid’ăinătheăXXIăDynasty.201 There is a lot of moralistic thought in Djedkhonsefankh’săautobiography,ătheăspeechăisăinăfavourăofăhimself,ătheăking,ăandăothersă who he either served or had worked under him. For Djedkhonsefankh, even when he stated that he had been robbed, the moral that his inscription preservesăisă‘Iădidănotăquarrelă with him who had robbed me, for I knew one does not get rich by theft. God does what he wishes!’202 What this does show is a reference to an ideal behaviour and attitude, which must be reflective of the behaviour desired of an Egyptian royal elite in an office of authority, an existing ideal code of conduct asserted through this insight into elite social life in Thebes during this period. 199 Frood 2007:48. InăcounteringăOsorkon’săabilityăto be receptive of Amun, Kitchen sees his position as less priestly as more balanced with military objectives:ă‘LossăofăcontrolăinăThebesăinvolvedăanăabrogationăofăhisăpoliticalăruleăandă military outreach as well as loss of theă‘spiritual’ălinkăwithăAmun,’ăKitchenă2009:169. 201 Lichtheim 1980:13-18. Statue Inscription of Djedkhonsefankh, from the temple of Luxor, Cairo Museum 559. 202 Djedkhonsefankh cited in Lichtheim 1980:17. 200 66 Appendix II Calculating Numbers 1-18: A Summary Part of the Pentateuch tradition, Numbers is classified in modern reading as part of the four books of priestly writings in the Tetrateuch (Genesis – Numbers).203 The exilic text describes the wandering of the Israelites and Moses in the wilderness which incorporates the social stratification of tribal groups and chiefs, and the establishment of governing religious laws and practices. A priestly book, it demonstrates the upheavals of any society which strives for order during a time which is irritated by external and internal social and geographical factors. The following is a condensed summary of Numbers 1-18. As it is my intentions to assess the account in Numbers 16, it is important to understand the chapters proceeding before and after 16 to gauge the content of Numbers more generally before focusing in on the rebellion narrative. The numbering of the people introduces the reader into the ancient census which provides a social breakdown of the Israelite tribes into twelve and the appointment of tribal leaders.204 Theăcommunity’săintentions are only made clear by the knowledge of their end goal. This goal is the fulfilment of obtaining the Promised Land that was divinely foretold to Jacob by God for his ancestors, the land of Canaan. The exodus of Moses and the large Israelite community out of Egypt and towards Canaan would have been no small movement. 205 The prospect of their community wandering for a lengthy period of time 203 Sandmel 1978:337. Numbers 1:16, tribes were appointed clan chiefs where an outlined social structure is emerging. The population was counted for each tribe and recorded, Num. 2:3-9. Gray notes that the tribal chiefs were already of an established rank, Gray 1903:9. Though there were twelve tribes, there is also a sub clan social structure where tasks and jobs were organised. There is a definitely feel of military arrangement for their largeăcommunityăthatăisăsetăoutăbeforeătheyămoveăoutăintoătheă‘wilderness’ăfromătheăSinaiăDesert.ăăThoseăoveră the age of 20 and fit for military service were even registered, Num. 1:20-46. Security is considered to be an issue, especially for such a large community immigrating across the borders of Egypt and Canaan. 205 The movement based on religious and cultural emancipation would likely be caused by an event of severe oppression (famine, poverty, unfair treatment, corrupt social and/or political systems), which is explained biblically by the Hebrew Israelite people as slaves of the pharaoh of Egypt in Exodus. However, it must be noted here (albeit in a briefer format than I would have liked) the astronomical changes of the Vernal 204 67 would not go unnoticed due to the sheer size of the tribes, over 600,000.206 As an exception to the census, the Levites were numbered outside of the twelve tribes and consideredăaăsacredăcasteăofăpriests’ăservants,207 who were designated to serve Aaron and his sons, the priests.208 The Levite clan of Merari were assessed on whether they were age 30-50ă andă ifă theyă wereă ‘qualifiedă toă workă ină theă Tentă ofă theă LORD’să presence,’ă andă ită would be only them who could carry related items and tools for the Tent, 209 a position whichăcameăwithăaăwarning:ă‘YouăshallăappointăAaronăandăhisăsonsătoăcarryăoutătheădutiesă of the priesthood; anyoneă elseă whoă triesă toă doă soă shallă beă pută toă death.’210 The establishment of laws and rules was established on a variety of issues. 211 It was soon thereafter that the murmurs of the people begin regarding the want of variety in their food, led to surplus quail meat for which an epidemic was released upon them as a result of their gluttony.212 This is followed by successive narratives in the form of murmurs and punishment which culminates in the rebellious behaviour against Moses and Aaron. Numbers 14 addresses theăpeople’săcomplaints,ăfearingădeathăinăaăproposedăbattle.ăMosesă respondedă toă them:ă ‘Doă notă rebelă againstă theă LORD…’213 The rebellion narrative from this point forward is very much present in Numbers. At the installation of sacrificial laws in Numbers 15 Moses gives a warning of punishment by death if they were not followed. Equinox that had occurred in ancient history and transitions between the age of Taurus to Aries occurring around 2000 BC. Houlding 2010, considers the shift of the Egyptian god Montu with bull like characteristics as connected with the age of Taurus; however the astronomical age entered into Aries of which time the Sungod with ram-like depiction transitioned in place of Montu, a shift that occurs in a cycle of about 2,160 years when the crossing of the sun moves into a new zodiacal sign, Houdling 2010. For Near Eastern history and astronomical discussions see Sachs 1952:57; Van der Waerden 1953:216-230; and Hughes (1979). 206 ABS 1976:131, Num. 20-46 totals the number of all tribes to 603,550; see Num. 1:20-46, 2:3-31 for census lists of tribes. Gray calculated that the high population provided by the census indicates an unrealistic number where there would be about 50 children to every 1 family, Gray 1903:14. 207 Gray 1903:15, 21-22. 208 Num. 3:6; for Levite appointment see Gray 1902:25. 209 Gray 1903:21; ABS 1976:134, Num. 4:29-33; Num. 3:12-13 gives the address by the Hebrew god designating the Levites as his preferred children over the children of Israel. 210 ABS 1976:132, Num. 3:10. 211 Num. 5 discusses unclean people 5:1-4, sin and reparation 5:5-10, unfaithfulness in marriage 5:11-30. The setup of offerings are described in Num. 7. 212 Num. 11 213 ABS 1976:144, Num. 14:9. 68 The rebellion against Moses continues in Numbers 16 with claims to the Priesthood argued by Korah and others for which punishment of death by fire was given for their rebellion, however another rebellion occurs from which the people are spared further punishment. The civil strife amongst the tribes towards Moses and Aaron led to the reestablishment of tribal leaders and a reassignment of priestly duties.214 214 Numbers 17-18. 69 Appendix III Research in Context: The Chronicle I Below is my first reading commentary and analysis of the Chronicle Cols. 30-39. Main Text of Year 11 of Takeloth II, Cols. 30-39 Evaluative Commentary of Cols. 30-39 The Chronicle itself begins by addressing the date of the narrative to the reign of Takeloth II (as mentioned above). From here the Chronicle informs its reader that Osorkon is in MiddleăEgyptăată‘TheăCragăofăAm năGreatăofăRoaring.’215 ‘He’ăwasăinădisagreementăwithă an undefined matter216 where Osorkon has no claim to fault. It is assumed that his position as high priest was being challenged or taken over during his absence.217 The following columns 30-39 proceed in from this time and there is a declaration of Osorkon being rightly appointed: You are the valiant protectorăofăallătheăgods.ăăAm năappointedăyouă [as] the eldest son of your progenitor; he has chosen you amongst hundreds of thousands in order to carry out what his heart desires throughout.218 This address is validating Osorkon as High Priest of Amun. The text continues as an addressăfromătheăpeopleăofăThebesătellingăofătheăcity’sămisfortunesăandătransgressionă(Col.ă 31-32): Caminos 1958:152, Cols. 18-19, §241; Ritner translatesă thisă toă ‘Peak of Amon Great of War-Shout’ă Ritner 2009:353, Cols.18-19, demonstrates the variations that can be obtained through translation. El-Hibeh is a possible location being described. 216 Chronicle, Col. 19; Caminos 1958:152, Col. 19, §242. 217 See fn. 31 218 Chronicle, Col. 30; Caminos 1958:154-155, Col. 30, §248. 215 70 …thisălandăwasădrowned,ăitsălawsăhavingăperishedăinătheăhandsăofă (32) those who rebelled against their lord and who were his (own) officials. Each scribe in his temples would obliterate his ordinances, which the lord of the heden-plant had put down on the book (himself), and would wreck the sacred rites of the temples, which had fallen into plunder; yet (all this) was not in the cognizance of the king.219 Thebesă hasă beenă submersedă (‘drowned’)ă byă theă handsă ofă sacrilegiousă actsă byă removedă individuals who eschewed the law as had been properly outlined within a book of Thoth/wisdom.ăăInădoingăthis,ătheărebelsăhaveăcorruptedătheă‘sacredăritesăofătheătemples’.ăă This is a primary statement of sacrilegious behaviour as their actions altered the law without permission which could only be duly granted (or a new appointment) by the king. The temples that were plundered can be indicative of wrongful entry or performance by unauthorised priests or other individuals. Ină Col.ă 33ă Thebesă isă likenedă toă beingă ină aă ‘primeval’ă state.ă ă Thisă mostă certainlyă bringsă about the notion of chaos and disorder. It is important to refer to the Osorkon reliefs of the presentation of Maat accompanying this early text (Part A) on the eastern wall of the Bubastite Portal.220 The relief cannot be ignored when examining the text. The quasiroyal inscription accompanies a relief of Prince Osorkon involved in the ritual presentation of Maat.221 Its quasi-royalănatureăalludesătoă Osorkon’săfutureăpositionăasăking.ăăTeeter’să examination of the presentation of Maat identifies the ritual as a prerogative of the king, 219 Caminos 1958:155, Cols. 31-32. SeeăFig.ă1ăforălocationăofătextăandăOsorkon’săpresentationăofăMaatărelief.ăă 221 Epigraphic Survey 1954, plates 16-17; see also Teeter 1997 for the ritual presentation of Maat through its initial iconographical inception during the New Kingdom and depictions over time, ‘TheăThirdăIntermediateă Period saw the erosion of the strictly royal nature ofătheăpresentationăofăMaat,’ăTeeteră1997:17.ăă 220 71 the reliefs accompanying the Chronicle is a left and right mirrored display of Takeloth II being embraced by Amun; Osorkon faces them offering the statue of Maat.222 The reliefs are expressing kingly attributes and a position of both royal and high priestly status. The Presentation of Maat ritual is being performed by Osorkon, a previously known kingly prerogative.223 It has been accepted that this presentation serves to act as a ritualăformăofăassociatingătheăkingăwithătheăgods,ăandă‘toăupholdătheăfundamentalăprinciplesă of world order (mзă t) that were established at the beginningă ofă time’,ă aă symbolismă foră legitimising kingship.224 Teeter agreed with associations of legitimising practices involved in quasi-royală displaysăseeingăităasă‘attemptingătoă legitimizeătheirăpoliticală endsă throughă theologicală means,’ă whereă theyă wereă ‘members of the royal family, acted as virtual ruler in the Thebaid where their presentation of Maat scenes are found; yet they wereănotătheăacknowledgedărulersăofăallăEgypt.’225 Osorkonă wasă sentă ‘toă banishă theă injureră ofă itsă pupil’ă (landă ofă Thebesă beingă theă eye of Re).226 Such an injury would be grievous ad a serious admission on behalf of Thebes. Though the audience would have likely been mindful of a penance or severe punishment the narrative states that an offer of punishment was willed by them to Osorkon and Amun. ‘[LetăThebesăbeăpunished?]ăaccordingătoăherăfault’.227 222 Epigraphic Survey 1954, plates 16-17. Though unusual, Iuwelot, a High Priest of Amun has also been depicted in relief before his father Takeloth I presenting Maat alluding to a period of transitional traditions of this ritual, Teeter 1997:13 & Gozzoli 2004:25, footnote 19. 223 Teeter 1997:11,13; Gozzoli 2004:25. Gozzoli also remarks about kingly attributes of Prince Osorkon in theăChronicle’săaccompanyingăreliefsăandăinătheătext.ăTheăfatherăandăking,ăTakelothăII,ăisăsuperseded in his role by his son 2004:27. This succession is demonstrated by the reduced titles of Takeloth and increased lengthăofătitlesăbelongingătoăOsorkonăinătheăinscription,ăseeătextăCol.ă18ăwithăTakelothăII’sătitularyăandătextă Cols. 19-22ăforăOsorkon’sătitles, translation by Caminos 1958:152-3, Cols. 18-22. 224 Teeter 1997:1, see also for general discussion on historical iconography of the presentation of Maat and the purpose of its ritual, some plates are available to view. 225 Teeter 1997:17. 226 Chronicle, Col. 33; Caminos 1958:155, Col. 33, §248. 227 Chronicle, Col. 34; Caminos 1958:155, Col.34, §248. 72 Col. 35 Osorkon makes an address with his title proclaimed as governor of Upper Egypt.228 He is asserting his authority in this official capacity, a possible authority that carries with it the ability to judge and condemn rebels. All transgressors were brought to Osorkon: …heăstruckăthemădownăforăhim,ăcausingă[them]ătoăbeă(36)ăcarriedă like goats the night of the feast of the Evening Sacrifice in which braziers are kindled . . . . . like braziers (at the feast) of the Going forth of Sothis. Everyone was burned with fire in the place of [his] crime . . . . Thebes.229 This was an absolute crime and punishment. The degree to which actions may be linked to particular forms of punishment is only measurable based on evidence that is present.230 Social context is difficult to obtain. If we were to take into consideration the two forms of threat-formulae/curses, apotropaic and juridical, as studied by Morschauser,231 we may be ableătoăunderstandăOsorkon’sădelivered punishment to the transgressors as both a religious and judicial form of either literal or figurative human sacrifice. Examiningă theă translationă ofă Caminos,ă heă indicatesă aă successionă ofă eventsă withă theă auxiliaryăverbăcompoundă(ăăḥă ) translatedăasă‘then’.232 The presence of this compound is, in translation, representing an order of events occurring in a sequence 1) the prisoners were brought, 2) they were struck down, and 3) everyone was burned, however in the latter case the compound is missing, yet a lacuna does appear previous to the third section of sequential events and would lead to a possible compound missing in Col. 36. If this is 228 Caminos 1958:155, Col. 35; see Ritner 2009:169. Chronicle Cols. 35-36; Caminos 1958:155, Cols. 35-36, §249. 230 This is a very undeveloped area of research regarding crime and punishment in ancient Egypt. Lorton 1977; Leahy 1984; Muhlestein 2008 & 2011a; Yoyotte 1980. 231 Morschauser 1991:xii. 232 Caminos 1958:Cols. 35-36. 229 73 reasonable to assume, then the sequence may, in either case be viewed as three separate (albeit consecutive) events. The prisoners could have been brought, then struck down before being burned.233 Transgressors judged for their actions and punished, in Cols. 36 -37 Osorkon is making new appointments. The [he] caused (37) the children of the magnates [of] the interior of this land [who] were learned [to be brought to him, in order to] make [them sit on] the seats of their fathers with willing heart for the purpose of causing [the land] to be better off than in its former condition.234 Osorkon sought out educatedă‘children’235 to sit on the seats of those who were removed. To his appointed, he spoke to them, a likely warning of obedience. The text in Cols. 37-39 has many lacunae making translation and interpretation difficult. Much is unintelligible, but it is reasonableătoămakeăassociationsăwithăsomeăkeyăwordsăandăphrasing,ă‘prayer’,ă‘heă isăwronged’,ă‘purity’,ăandă‘lestătheălikeăoccur’.236 However, the few words do appear to be a forewarning. These columns of text indicate a drastic for of necessary action in line with a serious misconduct by the priesthood and/or others who have eschewed laws to suit their purpose(s) causing the temple rites to be altered wrongly. Death by fire is an understudied topic, however examining it in relation to sacrificial offerings (whether festive or criminal, 233 Gozzoli 2004:26. In Part A subsection 12, Gozzoli asserts that the prisoners were burned alive, 2004:26. However I debate this with regards to the sequencing mentions above, though there is an obscurity related to theădefinitionăofă‘struckădown’. Further on this debate see Leahy 1984:202. 234 Caminos 1958:155, Cols.36-37, §250. 235 Children could be replaced with young or inexperienced individuals, unknown how to take the translation and connotations of a novice = to a child may be possible. 236 Caminos 1958:155, Cols. 37-38, §250. 74 apotropaic or judicial) more could be understood about the Chronicle by considering these factors. Osorkon, in visitation to Thebes was their High Priest of Amun, but he was also the official who passed judgement as governor of Upper Egypt. 75 Appendix IV Research in Context: The Chronicle II Below is my second reading commentary and analysis of the Chronicle Cols. 30-39.237 It is the purpose of my research to conduct an investigation into the Chronicle as the main text of comparison with Numbers 16. I have elaborated on areas of vocabulary and content within the Chronicle when possible to unusual or strong features within the text. Chronicle Cols. 30-39 §248 (30) Lo, they said with one accord crying aloud to the governor of Upper Egypt, thus: ‘Youăareătheăvaliantăprotectorăofăallătheăgods.ăăAm năappointedă you [as] the eldest son of your progenitor; he has chosen you amongst hundreds of thousands in order to carry out what his heart desires throughout. There is a commanding authority referenceă ină Col.ă 30ă relatingă toă Osorkon’să positionă asă governor and his ideal candidacy of High Priest being chosen from out of many. His position as governor and High Priest of Amun to the Theban region gives him both a legal and religious title. Osorkon listens in his civil title of authority to the verbalised complaint(s)ăofătheăpeopleă‘cryingăaloud’,ăbroughtătoăhisăattentionăbyămoreăthanăoneăpersonă asă demonstratedă byă ‘saidă withă oneă accord’.ă ă Theă speechă recordedă isă thenă fromă theă complainant’să pointă ofă viewă indicating good views of Osorkon, respecting his position callingă himă aă ‘valiantă protectoră ofă allă theă gods’ă andă recognisingă hisă divineă appointmentă 237 Caminos 1958. Initial translated text is by Caminos please note that the section references follow in line withă Caminos’ă consecutiveă translationă andă will be used alongside the Col. reference when referring to particular sections. 76 from a choice of many. This is a common motif narrative of the choice of high priest as depicted by my earlier discussion regarding the ideal characteristics of a high priest.238 There is a demonstration of respect in this narrative even though the people are addressing negative events that are/have been occurring in Thebes. This is a positive reflection that is likely the influence of the narrator, Osorkon himself, despite the negative occurrences of rebellions that followed in the Chronicle. Chronicle Cols. 30-39 cont.: (31) Now (?) we are begging you as we are aware of your affection for him. Behold, he has brought you [to us] in order to suppress our misery and put an end to the tempest confronting us; because this land was drowned, its laws having perished in the hands of (32) those who rebelled against their lord and who were his (own) officials. Each scribe in his temples would obliterate his ordinances, which the lord of the heden-plant had put down on the book (himself), and would wreck the sacred rites of the temples, which had fallen into plunder; yet (all this) was not in the cognizance of the king. Theă pleaă fromă theă peopleă isă aă seriousă humbling:ă ‘weă areă beggingă you’.ă ă Whată theyă areă beggingă hisă attentionă foră isă madeă cleară byă theiră supplicationă ‘ină orderă toă suppressă oură miseryăandăputăanăendătoătheătempestăconfrontingăus’.ăăInăCol.ă32ătheăcomplainants indicate that rebellion occurred in the form of legal incompliance with the laws set out for the land, ‘thoseăwhoărebelledăagainstătheirălordăandăwhoăwereăhisăownăofficials,’ăindicatingăthatătheă rebels, sbi(w), themselves were of high status. 238 See Frood and discussion of the High Priest above in Appendix I. 77 The scribes were declared to have obliterated, destroyed, the ordinances of their lord and wouldă therebyă ‘wreckă theă sacredă ritesă ofă theă temples’,ă alteringă theă lawsă setă oută withoută permission from the king, instead, changing them and being disobedient. The extreme nature of such disobedience placed in a modern context would likely equate to embezzlement, or overstepping duties by negating the law and codes of ethical practice in legislative and social commerce settings, a gross misconduct. In the light of this occurring in a political atmosphere where religious practices are integral to the law this could be deemed to be sacrilegious activity as exemplified in the Instruction of Amenemope warning death as punishment for falsifying enrolment lists or oracles on papyrus which are deemedă toă ‘alteră theă designsă ofă God’.239 If the sacred rites of the temples were not conducted properly maladministration and contrary religious practices would be a serious offence, to the state and the god(s). Cols. 30-39 cont.: (33) …..theă templesă areă (now)ă asă beforeă (?)ă ină theă …..ofă theă primeval time of the City when the land came into existence. O trueăimageăofăOsiris,ă…..whoăsentă youătoătheălandă which is called theă Eyeă ofă R ᶜ in order to banish the injurer of its pupil. What, then,ă wouldă thisă landă beă likeă withoută [you]?ă ă …..whenă youă standă (?) (34)…..rebels…..theă bloodă ofă whată hadă beenă doneă againstă theă land was her eye-paint. So it came to pass that evil befell her who hadă committedă it.ă ă Youră bodyă isă brightă …..life-time…..ă [Letă Thebesăbeăpunished?]ăaccordingătoăherăfault’.ăă 239 Instruction of Amenemope, Chapter 20, BM 10474; see also Simpson 2003:223-243, especially 2003:238-239, line 14. 78 Col. 33 is a difficult passage to confirm or deny as to its positioning in time and narrative context. The following broken phraseă couldă beă readă ină differentă ways:ă ‘theă templesă areă (now)ă asă beforeă (?)ă ină theă …..ofă theă primevală timeă ofă theă Cityă whenă theă landă cameă intoă existence.’ă ă Firstly,ă ită isă indicativeă (asă Caminosă appearsă toă readă it)ă thată ită isă aă reflectiveă pause in narration where the temples are made content like they were before. However, theă referenceă toă theă primevală timeă ‘whenă theă landă cameă intoă existence’ă isă possiblyă indicativeăofătheăCity’săaddressedănegativeăcircumstances.ăăTheăturmoilăcouldăbeăviewedăină light of a time of primeval chaos before the law of Maat was constituted, therefore the phraseă couldă beă acknowledgingă Thebes’ă regressionă toă thisă period,ă theă disobedienceă ofă others is destroying the balance that had been maintained. Hence, the relief that is being showcased with Part A of the Main Text on the Bubastite Portal at Karnak is a relief of Prince Osorkon offering a statue of Maat to Amun in the presence of his father Takeloth II. Although mainly a kingly prerogative, Osorkon could be perceived as abiding by and reintroducing order. It is very difficult to connect the reflective nature of Cols. 33-34. Col.ă33ăcontinuesătoăaddressăOsorkonăwhoăwasăsentătoăthemătoătheălandăknownăasă‘theăEyeă ofă R ᶜ’ă whereă heă isă ‘toă banishă theă injureră ofă itsă pupil’.ă ă Thisă isă aă very curious passage holding a lot more information than what may appear on the surface. Col. 34 continues to emphasisă theă injuriousă behavioură ofă theă rebelsă indicatingă theă bloodă againstă Thebesă ‘wasă her eye-paint’.ăăTheăconnectionăofătheăEyeăofăR ᶜ and the injury described to its pupil has a curious connection to Numbers 16:14. Caminos points to the ancient Egyptian demons Sdm-m-snfă ‘Heă whoă isă paintedă withă blood’ă andă Sdm-nb-m-snfă ‘Heă whoă paintsă theă lordă withăblood’.240 Though masculine, such demonic assertions can act as points of reference to the antisocial, if not criminal, behaviour of rebels and how their actions were equated to 240 Caminos 1958:47 footnote aa. 79 serious forms of sacrilegious acts against Thebes, a representation likened to a functioning organ. I find it important to include here a poignant quote from Caminos regarding the nature of rebellion that Thebes was experiencing: The insurrection of Thebes cost the country much distress, bloodshed,ă andă damage,ă bută theă cityă paidă dearlyă foră it,ă asă ‘evilă befell her who had committed it.241 Lacunae cause breaks as it continues into Col. 34 of which Caminos is referring to, we read:ă‘…rebels…theăbloodăofăwhatăhadăbeenădoneăagainstătheălandăwasăherăeye-paint,’ăevilă fell upon Thebes. There appears to be a willingness of the addressees here to permit punishment upon the perpetrators of Thebes, the address shortly before this is broken by lacunaeăstatingă‘Yourăbodyăisăbright…..’,ăwhichăcouldăveryăwellăbeăaăpossibleăindicationăofă Osorkon being involved in an oracular or priestly duty, Caminos renders the possibility of Osorkon deemed to be in the right or wiped clean of blame, a divine judgement of innocence.242 The hieroglyphs to this in Col. 34 transliterate to ḥᶜ.w k bᶾḳ […],243 Caminos draws on the presence of bᶾḳ and acknowledges the interpretation here as legally clear or found to be innocent reflecting on the nature of disagreement that was occurring in the Theban community. 244 Caminos warns that certainty of context cannot be definite due to lacunae.ăăTheăfemininelyăaddressedăThebesăisăthenăheraldedătoăbeăpunishedă‘accordingătoă herăfault’.ăă Chronicle Cols. 30-39 cont.: 241 242 Caminos 1958:47 footnote cc. Caminos 1958:47 footnote dd. 243 ḥᶜ.w k bᶾḳ […],ă the Chronicle, Col. 34, drawn after Caminos 1954:47, footnote dd.; and Epigraphic Survey 1954, plate 16 Col. 34. 244 Caminos 1958:47 footnote dd. 80 §249 (35) Thereuponă[theăgovernorăof]ăUpperăEgyptăsaid,ă‘Goăandăbringă to me every (case of) transgression against him and the records of theăancestorsă….theăEyeăofăR ᶜ ’.ăăThenătheăprisonersăwereăbroughtă to him at [once] like a bundle of pinioned ones (?). Then he struck them down for him, causing [them] to be (36) carried like goats the night of the feast of the Evening Sacrifice in which braziers are kindledă…..likeăbraziersă(atătheăfeast)ăofătheăGoingăforthăofăSothis.ăă Everyone was burned with fire in the place of [his] crime …..Thebes.ăă Col. 35 reiterates the title of Osorkon as governor of Upper Egypt, and it is in this authoritative capacity that he orders all perpetratorsătoă beăbroughtă toă him,ă‘Goăandăbringă meăeveryă(caseăof)ătransgressionăagainstăhimăandătheărecordsăofătheăancestorsă…..theăEyeă ofăR ᶜ’.ăăAăsequenceăofăeventsăwhichăleadsătoătheăpunishmentăofătheăperpetratorsăisăclearăasă follows: 1)ăOsorkon’sărequest of transgressors to be brought to him; 2) transgressors were brought to him as prisoners; 3) prisoners were struck down; this was exemplified in the text by the carrying of goats for sacrificial purposes,245 thoughămostăcertainlyăasăităwasă‘likeăgoats’ there is no mistaking the text for a literal action of what is happening to the struck down prisoners deemed to be Theă determinativeă foră ‘rebelled’,ă sbi.w,ă mayă haveă someă insightă intoă theă interpretationă ofă theă prisonersă being carried or bound. Though not well preserved, the determinative shows a prisoner kneeling with their arms behind their back and a stick a short distance from the figure in front of them, visually nothing more can be seen, however Caminos associates the hieroglyph as the determinative of the figure kneeling with arms tied behind their back and with rope around their neck being tied to a post that is directly in front of them, Caminos 1958:44, footnote i.; see Epigraphic Survey 1954, plate 18. 245 81 transgressors. The knife determinative of sḫr in Col. 35 is suggested by Caminos as Osorkonă himselfă havingă ‘struckă themă down’246 which is in agreement that there was a blow struck on the rebels taken prisoner prior to death by fire. 4)ătheăburningăofăthoseăwithăfireă‘inătheăplaceăofă[his]ăcrime’.ăăCaminosămakesăreferenceătoă a firewalk ceremony which took place at Letopolis, the second nome of Lower Egypt, a nightătimeăritualăfromătheănorthămeantă‘toărepelăenemiesăandăevilădoers’.ă247 Yoyotte248 and Hays249 addressed the ritual of Mut to repulse the aggressor in terms of a serious execration ceremony that took place in Egypt which appears to resemble the purposes set out by the firewalk ceremony as described by Wainwright, however Ritner addresses Wainwright as in error in his interpretation, where an actual ritual was being performed where effigies or images of the enemy were burned.250 In chapter 17 of the Book of the Dead, there is definite reference to a night time ceremony where punishment is delivered toă transgressorsă referredă toă asă ‘theă nightă ofă fireă foră theă adversaries’.251 An interesting parallelă existsă ină Amun’să connectionă toă lightening.ă ă Wainwrightă pointsă out:ă ‘Aă seriesă ofă studies has proved Amun and Min to be closely connected with meteorites and thunderbolts,ăwhichăareătheăsameăthing.’252 Furthermore: Semitic ideas as to the effect of shooting stars, and other ideas as to thunder-bolts, sufficiently explain the general tenor of the story. Evil beings are destroyed or at least driven back by them, while 246 Caminos 1958:50 footnote g.; also see Leahy 1984:202. Caminos 1958:50-51, footnote h. 248 Yoyotte 1980. 249 Hays 2010:220-222. 250 Wainwright 1932; Ritner 1993:158, footnote 729, for discussion on the pits of Mirgissa and sacrificial execution see 1993:156-163. 251 Wainwright 1932:164; Caminos 1958:50-51 footnote h. 252 Wainwright 1932:159. 247 82 good ones need not fear them, just as at Letopolis some men are repelled by fire while upon others it has no power.253 Col. 36 is unclear with the possible repeated emphasis of braziers, however in the places where the lacuna appears it is reasonable that the braziers are used in connection to the prisonersăbeingăburnedăwithăfire.ăăTheăgrammaticalăconstructăofă‘likeăbraziers’ăareăakinătoă theă‘likeăgoats’ăandăareăinferringăsomeăformăofălikenessăto.ăăButăinătheăcaseăofătheăgoats,ăită is likened to their carrying off, the braziers are unclear as to what completely they are being likened to.254 Caminos Chronicle Cols. 30-39 cont.: §250 Then [he] caused (37) the children of the magnates [of] the interior of this land [who] were learned [to be brought to him, in order to] make [them sit on] the seats of their fathers with willing heart for the purpose of causing [the land] to be better off than in its former condition.ă ă Thenă heă saidă toă them,ă ‘See,ă pray…..heă isă wronged…..(38) …..purity…..lestă theă likeă ofă ită occur.ă ă Lo,ă oneă says, [Thebes is] everlasting and eternală isă herălord,ăthatăisă R ᶜ of On of Upper Egypt, this his akhet-eye which is in this land. Beholdă(?)ă…..herănameă(39) …..theălightăwhichăIăhaveăperceived.ăă Lo,ăherăgodsăpraiseămeăforă[it]ăandătheyăcause…..’.ăă 253 Wainwright 1932:166. See Caminos 1958:50 footnote h, and 1958:51 footnote i regarding use of ᶜḫ for brazier in this context. ᶜḫw in this context appears with the common sign noted in Gardiner 1957:558. The cup needs further investigation in its grammatical and hieroglyphic meaning and usage. 254 83 The children of the elite were summoned toă‘makeă[themăsităon]ătheăseatsăofătheirăfathersă withăwillingăhearts’,ăthisăindicatesătheănewăappointmentătoăreplaceăthoseăwhoăwereăburnedă with fire, the former elite magnates which was meant to improve the condition of Thebes. The address by Osorkon to the newly appointed is broken by lacunae, however importantly preservedăisă‘heăisăwronged’ăandăanăisolatedătermăacknowledgingă‘purity’.ăăHisăaddressăisă reflectiveăofăpraisingăRe,ăandătitlingăhimă‘R ᶜ ofăOnăofăUpperăEgypt’ăandăThebesăasă‘hisă akhet-eyeăwhichăisăinăthisăland’.ăă Col.ă 39ă statesă ‘…..theă lightă whichă Iă haveă perceived.’ă ă Thisă importanceă ofă this light has beenănotedăaboveăakinătoătheăoracularăpresenceăofăhavingăaă‘brightăbody’.ăăIăwantătoăbringă toă attentionă Col.ă 9ă fromă §263ă ofă theă Chroncileă whereă ită statesă ‘Thenă heă willă proceedă toă kindleăher,ăinăorderătoăenlightenătheă(now)ădarkenedăland…..’ăăThe element of enlighten is connotative to a form of light or truth which is congruent to the concept of Maat. If light is equated to truth or the balance of chaos, then darkness would equally be attributed to chaos andă theă lackă ofă Maat’să counterbalance.ă ă The Evening Sacrifice associated with the goats and the braziers being kindled create this counterbalancing motif. The braziers are the light bearers of Maat from which the evening darkness would dispel or dispose of the shadows of chaos by being burned by the purification of fire, a burning light.255 Reading and analysing the Chronicle in terms of Cols. 30-39, there is a definite textual connection regarding Maat and the dispelling of chaos in the form of the Theban rebellion(s). This is more so prominently displayed by the accompanying relief above the text at Karnak depicting Takeloth II being embraced by Amun, while Osorkon offers the statue of Maat to the principle deity in his High Priestly garments. The rebels received punishment by death for transgressing and rising against their Lord, Amun by disobeying the laws and ordinances of the priesthood and of Thebes. 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