Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: the Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat. The Mediaeval Journal, 7:1 (2017)

Bryony Coombs

The Mediaeval Journal 2017, Issue 7.1 Abstract: Bérault Stuart was an important Franco-Scottish commander active during the French invasions of Italy at the end of the fifteenth century. This paper examines Bérault Stuart's patronage of visual and literary material, in relation to the documentary evidence of his life and career c.1480-1508. An examination of his patronage reveals a great deal about Bérault's motivations as a patron, and about the significance of such material as agents of social and cultural representation. An equestrian portrait, for instance, included in BnF ms. Ars. 5062 provides evidence of Bérault's efforts with regards to self-fashioning during an important episode in his career: the iconography employed allows us to examine the image in light of the political complexities surrounding Bérault’s appointment to governor of Milan. Furthermore, it demonstrates his awareness of the political leverage his close ties to the royal house of Scotland had in garnering favour with the French king. Further evidence of Bérault’s interests in cartography and his acquisition of material forming a ‘diplomatic dossier’ indicate the importance part played by visual and literary material in the career of a commander and diplomat during this period. Lastly evidence of the networks of patrons in which Bérault moved elucidate the crucial role played by such material in the careers of the military and courtly elite. Keywords: Agency, Identity, Manuscripts, Scottish, French, Patronage, Berault Stuart, Mirror for Princes, Auld Alliance, Italian Wars.

The Mediæval Journal General Editors Margaret Connolly, University of St Andrews Justine Firnhaber-Baker, University of St Andrews Ian Johnson, University of St Andrews James Palmer, University of St Andrews Editorial Board Frances Andrews, University of St Andrews Dominique Barthélemy, Université Paris-Sorbonne (Paris IV) Bettina Bildhauer, University of St Andrews Paul Binski, University of Cambridge Louise Bourdua, University of Warwick Julia Bray, University of Oxford Maurizio Campanelli, La Sapienza University, Rome Vincent Gillespie, University of Oxford Chris Given-Wilson, University of St Andrews Piotr Górecki, University of California, Riverside Tim Greenwood, University of St Andrews Louise Haywood, University of Cambridge John Hudson, University of St Andrews Klaus Krüger, Kunsthistorisches Institut, Freie Universität Berlin Julian Luxford, University of St Andrews Simon MacLean, University of St Andrews Peggy McCracken, University of Michigan Alastair Minnis, Yale University Janet Nelson, King’s College London Esther Pascua Echegaray, Universidad a Distancia de Madrid Norman Reid, University of St Andrews Miri Rubin, Queen Mary University of London Marina Rustow, Princeton University Jeremy J. Smith, University of Glasgow Angus Stewart, University of St Andrews Björn Weiler, University of Aberystwyth Stephen D. White, Emory University Alex Woolf, University of St Andrews Joseph Ziegler, University of Haifa Patrick Zutshi, University of Cambridge © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. The Mediæval Journal Volume 7 Number 1 (2017) Edited by Margaret Connolly, Justine Firnhaber-Baker, Ian Johnson, and James Palmer Review Editors Richard Sowerby and Victoria Turner © 2018, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2018/0095/53 ISBN 978-2-503-57243-7 ISSN 2033-5385 DOI 10.1484/J.TMJ.5.115344 Printed on acid-free paper © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Contents Codex Bernensis 363 and Carolingian-Era Cultural Activity in Northern Italy CULLEN J. CHANDLER A Syntactic Basis for the Distribution of Metrical Types in Beowulf DAVID O’NEIL Swans and Amazons: Penthesilea and the Case for Women’s Heraldry in Medieval Culture SOPHIE HARWOOD Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: The Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat BRyONy COOMBS The Aeneid of the North: William Caxton’s Eneydos and Gavin Douglas’s Eneados ALESSANDRA PETRINA 1 29 61 89 145 Reviews The Modern Origins of the Early Middle Ages by Ian Wood FRANCESCO BORRI 163 CONTENTS vi Abortion in the Early Middle Ages, c. 500–900 by Zubin Mistry KEVIN UHALDE The Irish in Early Medieval Europe: Identity, Culture and Religion ed. by Roy Flechner and Sven Meeder JAMES T. PALMER Charlemagne and His Legend in Early Spanish Literature and Historiography ed. by Matthew Bailey and Ryan D. Giles and The Charlemagne Legend in Medieval Latin Texts ed. by William J. Purkis and Matthew Gabriele ANNE LATOWSKy Order in the Court: Medieval Procedural Treatises in Translation by Bruce C. Brasington SARAH WHITE The Principality of Antioch and its Frontiers in the Twelfth Century by Andrew D. Buck NICHOLAS MORTON Mother of Mercy, Bane of the Jews: Devotion to the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Norman England by Kati Ihnat LyDIA HAyES The Rise and Decline of an Iberian Bourgeoisie: Manresa in the Later Middle Ages, 1250–1500 by Jeff Fynn-Paul MARIE A. KELLEHER Representing the Dead: Epitaph Fictions in Late-Medieval France by Helen J. Swift MATTHEW SIôN LAMPITT © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. 165 168 171 176 179 181 183 185 Illustrations Figures Figure 1, p. 37. Beowulf 1b. Figure 2, p. 40. Beowulf 4a–7a. Figure 3, p. 48. Beowulf 24b–25b. Figure 4, p. 48. Beowulf 20a–21b. Figure 5, p. 53. Beowulf 9a–11a. Figure 6, p. 92. Attributed to Niccolò di Forzore Spinelli. Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny, c. 1494–95. Bronze portrait Medal (Obverse). Figure 7, p. 109. Bourges artist. Building scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Figure 8, p. 113. Map of Italy detailing the Alpine passes. Figure 9, p. 116. Colophon. Vraie cronique dEscoce. Figure 10, p. 119. Signature of Bérault Stuart. Indenture of the treaty of alliance between Charles VIII and James III. Tables Table 1, p. 32. Examples of Phrase Particles and Sentence Particles. Table 2, p. 38. Sievers’s Five Metrical Types. Table 3, p. 42. Distribution of Half-lines by Particles and Phrasal Properties. Table 4, p. 43. NP/AP Half-lines without Verse-initial Particles. Table 5, p. 44. Cohesive VP/ModP/PP/CP Constituent Phrases. Table 6, p. 50. Half-lines with Verse-initial Phrase Particles. Table 7, p. 50. Half-lines with Verse-initial Sentence Particles (Cohesive). Table 8, p. 52. Half-lines with Verse-initial Sentence Particles (Non-cohesive). Table 9, p. 55. Summary of Results. illustrations viii Plates Plate 1, p. 73. ‘Penthesilea and the Amazons in battle against the Greeks’, Roman de Troie, Paris, BnF, MS fr. 1610, fol. 138r. c. 1264. Plate 2, p. 74. ‘Penthesilea and the Amazons in battle against the Greeks in front of the walls of Troy’, Histoire ancienne, London, BL, Royal 20.D.I, fol. 154r. c. 1330–40. Plate 3, p. 75. ‘Penthesilea and the Amazons in battle against the Greeks in front of the walls of Troy’, Histoire ancienne, Paris, BnF, MS fr. 301, fol. 134r. c. 1390–1400. Plate 4, p. 76. ‘The Neuf Preuses’, Le chevalier errant, Paris, BnF, MS fr. 12559, fol. 125v. c. 1403–04. Plate 5, p. 77. ‘Penthesilea’, L’epistre Othéa, London, BL, MS Harley 4431, fol. 103r. c. 1410–14. Plate 6, p. 78. ‘Penthesilea’, Le petit armorial de la Toison d’Or, Paris, BnF, MS Clairambault 1312, fol. 248r. c. 1460–70. Plate 7, p. 129. Bourges artist. Detail: Heraldry of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. Plate 8, p. 130. Bourges artist. Bérault Stuart Riding into Battle. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. Plate 9, p. 131. Paolo Giovio, Impresa of Bérault Stuart. Dialogo dell’imprese, militari et amorose di monsignor Giovio, 1559. Plate 10, p. 132. Standard of Gian Galeazzo Sforza. Border decorated with 26 blue medallions bearing the initial ‘IO’, ‘GZ’, ‘DX’, ‘MI’, ‘ST’, for ‘Iohannes Galeazzo Dux Mediolani Strenuissimus.’ Plate 11, p. 133. Bourges artist. Presentation scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Plate 12, p. 134. Bourges artist. The Virtues. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Plate 13, p. 135. Bourges artist. Market scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Plate 14, p. 136. Louis XII and the knights of the order of St Michel, Vatican MS urb. Lat. 282, fol. 5v. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: The Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat Bryony Coombs* T he study of material culture sheds light on how historical figures saw themselves.1 Throughout history people have used material display and conspicuous consumption to solidify and advance their standing and cultural identity. An individual’s social identity may, therefore, be studied by examining their patronage of visual material in conjunction with surviving written evidence (letters, chronicles, and other archival documents). Since Burke’s publication of Eyewitnessing there has been extensive scholarship on the idea of the image as evidence; reminding the historian of the gains to be made by giving visual material due consideration, while highlighting the pitfalls of considering the image as historical evidence.2 In addition, there has been much written on the 1 Grassby, ‘Material Culture and Cultural History’, p. 594. For the image as historical evidence and a reminder of the need to differentiate real from ideal see: Burke, Eyewitnessing. Similar themes are explored in Haskell, History and Its Images. There has been extensive recent work on this subject including: Jordanova, The Look of the Past. 2 Dr Bryony Coombs (bryonycoombs@gmail.com), Independent scholar. Abstract: Bérault Stuart was an important Franco-Scottish commander and diplomat active during the French invasions of Italy at the end of the fifteenth century. This paper examines Bérault’s patronage of visual and literary material in relation to the documentary evidence of his life and career c. 1480–1508. An equestrian portrait, for instance, included in BnF Arsenal MS 5062 provides evidence of Bérault’s efforts with regards to self-fashioning during an important episode in his career: the French invasion of Milan. Such patronage offers insight into the significance of visual material as an agent of social and cultural representation. By examining Bérault’s acquisition of diplomatic and cartographic material, this paper highlights the crucial role played by these documents in furthering his career. Keywords: Agency, Identity, Manuscripts, Scottish, French, Patronage, Berault Stuart, Mirror for Princes, Auld Alliance, Italian Wars. The Mediæval Journal, 7.1 (2017), 89–143 BREPOLS PUBLISHERS 10.1484/J.TMJ.5.115348 Bryony Coombs 90 historical impact of objects and artworks. As Grassby noted, artefacts may be subject to both etic and emic analysis: they may be studied both for their objective attributes, and for their significance to their patron and their contemporaries.3 The objective, therefore, is to go beyond an examination of the concrete data an object provides to understand the more nebulous concept of how it functioned in contemporary culture. This paper examines Bérault Stuart’s patronage of literary and visual material, in relation to the documentary evidence of his life and career c. 1480–1508.4 A careful examination of this work provides insight into Bérault’s character, interests, and aspirations. It communicates information regarding his relationships, social ambitions, and objectives regarding self-fashioning.5 By examining this material in light of the historical evidence it is re-situated in the context in which it was commissioned, viewed, and understood. This provides evidence of the intentions and agency of the patron, while allowing speculation on the impact of these works as cultural objects.6 An examination of this material in this way is relevant not only to scholarly studies concerning Bérault Stuart, and Scots patronage in France during this period, but also more broadly to research into patrons with dual identities and affiliations, and to ideas of self-representation and its social and political consequences.7 3 Grassby, ‘Material Culture and Cultural History’, p. 592. He is referred to as ‘Bernard Stewart’ in Scottish sources. The French form ‘Bérault Stuart’ is used here because of the French origin of much of the material cited and because this is how his name is represented on his seal. 5 Greenblatt, Renaissance Self-Fashioning. 6 Over the past century a large theoretical body of writing has emerged from the fields of anthropology and art history relating to the agency of objects and of art. In the field of art history key works on this subject include: Freedburg, The Power of Images; Mitchell. What Do Pictures Want?; Osborne and Tanner, eds. Art’s Agency and Art History; Belting, An Anthropology of Images. Each investigates art and its historical context with observations about the often unpredictable way humans respond to such works. This paper employs the term agency as a mechanism by which the patron (Bérault) extended his personhood and intentionality through the vehicle of the object he commissioned; his commission may be viewed as a means of influencing the thoughts and actions of others. For one of the key anthropological works on the subject see: Gell, Art and Agency. 7 Much work has been done on the political representation of monarchs and the formation of a political imaginaire, dealing with concepts of propaganda, magnificence, collective imagination, and public image. Such concepts are also relevant to the study of self-fashioning and public identity in a wider courtly and military milieu. This is an area that deserves greater attention. Lecoq, François Ier Imaginaire; Burke, The Fabrication of Louis XIV. 4 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 91 The Career of Bérault Stuart: ‘Prince of Knightheyd and Flour of Chevalry’ Bérault Stuart (c. 1452–15 June 1508) was a Franco-Scottish soldier, commander of the Garde Écossaise, and diplomat, descended from the Scottish family Stewart of Darnley.8 He played a crucial role in the French wars in Italy, gaining European celebrity and earning the title ‘Prince of Knightheyd and Flour of Chevalry’.9 Bérault Stuart is first recorded in the muster-roll of the Scots men-at-arms in 1469.10 His career spanned thirty-nine years in the service of Louis XI, Charles VIII and Louis XII. In 1484 he was sent to Scotland to announce the accession of Charles VIII to James III, and to sign a treaty renewing the ‘auld alliance.’11 In 1491 Bérault travelled to Milan on a diplomatic mission. He became a knight of the order of St Michael in 1492, and in the following year was appointed captain of the Scottish guard, a post he retained until his death. In 1494, several months before embarking on his expedition to Italy, Charles VIII sent him on a mission to Milan, Ferrara, Mantua, Florence, and Rome. Bérault subsequently conducted a campaign in Romagna, then rejoined Charles’ army and made his entry into Florence on 15 November 1494.12 Around this time, Bérault, and his fellow French commanders, were commemorated in a series of bronze medals engraved by Niccolò Spinelli (Figure 6). Bérault was instrumental in the conquest of Calabria in 1494. Charles VIII made him grand constable of the kingdom of Naples, entrusted with the defence of Calabria against the Aragonese. He defeated king Ferdinand and Gonzalve de Cordoba at Seminara in June 1495, but was forced to leave the kingdom of Naples with his army and return to France in 1497. For his distinguished service, Charles VIII granted him a reward of 12,000 livres tournois.13 He remained 8 Bérault was the 4 th Seigneur d’Aubigny. For the Stuart d’Aubigny family and its historiography see Bonner, ‘Inheritance, War and Antiquarianism’, pp. 339–61. 9 For Bérault’s career see: Cust, Some Accounts of the Stuarts of Aubigny in France; Contamine ‘Entre France et Écosse’, pp. 59–76; Contamine, ‘Bérault Stuart’; Daru, Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny, 1450–1508; Gray, ‘A Scottish “Flower of Chivalry” and his Book’, pp. 22–34. The title ‘Prince of knightheyd and flour of chevalry’ was used by Dunbar in ‘The Ballade of Barnard Stewart’, The Poems of Dunbar, ed. by Bawcutt, i, p. 177. 10 Forbes-Leith, Scots Men at Arms, i, p. 161. 11 The indenture of the treaty of alliance between Charles VIII and James III, National Records of Scotland, SP 7/16. 13 March 1483–84. 12 Contamine, ‘Bérault Stuart’. 13 Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, i, pp. 11–13, n. 1. Bryony Coombs 92 Figure 6. Attributed to Niccolò di Forzore Spinelli. Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny, c. 1494–95. Bronze portrait Medal (Obverse). London, © Trustees of the British Museum. in favour with Louis XII, conducting a campaign against Lodovico Sforza in northern Italy in 1499. In 1500 he was appointed governor of Milan.14 In 1501 he was entrusted with a new expedition against the kingdom of Naples, taking Capua.15 Fighting against the Spanish continued in 1502, when he won a victory at Terranova. The following year he was defeated at Seminara on 21 April. He was 14 15 Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, i, pp. 312–13. Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, p. 40. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 93 taken prisoner and incarcerated in the Castel Nuovo at Naples, but was released when a truce was forged between Louis XII and Ferdinand of Aragon.16 In 1508, Bérault resolved to make a pilgrimage to the sanctuary of St Ninian at Whithorn in Scotland.17 Louis XII entrusted him with an embassy to the Scottish king, James IV, intended principally to renew the ‘auld alliance’. He and James IV, who apparently dubbed him ‘Father of War’, exchanged gifts of horses.18 To celebrate his arrival, William Dunbar wrote a ballad comparing Bérault to Achilles, Hector, Hannibal, and Arthur, and lauded as the ‘most strong, incomparable knight’.19 Bérault finally embarked on his pilgrimage, but fell ill and died at Corstorphine, near Edinburgh. In his will, dated 8 June, he asked to be buried in the house of the Observant Franciscans in Edinburgh, while his heart was to be sent to St Ninian’s. 20 James IV wrote a letter of condolence to Queen Anne of France, while Dunbar composed an elegy, addressed to Louis XII.21 Giles de Rome’s De Regimine Principum (BnF, Ars MS 5062) Towards the end of the fifteenth century Bérault commissioned a finely illuminated copy of a French translation of Giles de Rome’s, De Regimine Principum (BnF, Ars MS 5062). The exceptionally fine series of eight illuminations within this manuscript have frequently been used by historians to illustrate discussions relating to social and economic issues in France at the end of the fifteenth century. yet there has been no study of this manuscript as a cultural artefact, examining 16 Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, iii, pp. 160–65, 182–83. Following Bérault’s return to France, he was well received by the king at Blois, and there interviewed by Jean d’Auton ( Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, iii, p. 314). 17 The Letters of James the Fourth, cal. by Hannay, p. 113. 18 Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, The Historie and Chronicles of Scotland, ed. by Mackey, i, p. 191; also quoted in The Exchequer Rolls, xiii, p. lvi. The exchange of gifts are recorded in Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, iii, pp. xlv, xlvi; iv, pp. xviii, 110, 117, 118, 122. 19 This poem was printed by the newly established press of Walter Chepman and Androw Myllar, 1508, and is the oldest Scottish printed text to survive; The Poems of Dunbar, ed. by Bawcutt, i, pp. 4–5, pp. 177–79; ii, 407–10. 20 The will is published in Traité sur l’art de la guerre, ed. by Comminges, pp. 57–58. 21 The Letters of James the Fourth, cal. by Hannay, 115. The elegy was not, as far as we know, printed but survives in the Reidpath MS, Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, MS L1.5.10; The Poems of Dunbar, ed. by Bawcutt, i, pp. 9, 100; ii, pp. 338–40. Bryony Coombs 94 these illuminations in the context of the manuscript itself, and in the context of Bérault’s life and career.22 Giles de Rome’s De regimine principum was one of the most widely read examples of the medieval genre of the ‘mirror for princes.’ These books advised the powerful on how to be a good Christian ruler, while conducting wars and issuing constitutions. The treatise was originally written for, and dedicated to, Philip IV, c. 1279. Approximately 350 manuscripts of Giles de Rome’s De regimine principum exist, making it one of the greatest survivors among nonreligious works from the Middle Ages. The text enjoyed a wide circulation among royalty, aristocracy, urban bourgeoisie, and also scholars and clerics.23 It was first translated into French by Henri de Gauchy in 1282. Over the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries at least three other translations into French were made, each surviving today in only one manuscript. The latest of these was made in 1444, and was undertaken ‘par ung frere de l’ordre des freres Prescheurs par le commandement de tres puissent seigneur le conte Laval.’24 This is the version that survives in Bérault’s manuscript.25 22 For example, illuminations from MS 5062 are used as cover images for: Laidlaw ed., The Auld Alliance; Nash, and Cannon eds., Trade in Artists’ Materials. The illuminations have frequently been reproduced by historians without comment. 23 Perret, Les traductions françaises du de regimine principum, pp. 122–90. 24 On fol. 225v is the colophon: ‘Aconply est le-liure du regime des princes compose par frere gilles de ro(m)e de l-ordre des fr(er)es hermites des saint augustin translate de latin en fra(n)cois par ung fr(er)e de l-ordre des fr(er)es prescheurs par le commendement de trespuissent seigneur le conte de laual et fut acomplie ceste transation le xij. e Jo(ur) de decembre. l-an mil. iiij. c xliiij. en la cite de rennes en britaigne. Explicit.’ ‘Accomplished is the book of the regime of the princes composed by brother gilles de ro(m)e of the order of the hermits of saint Augustin translated from Latin into French by a brother of the order of the preachers by the commandment of the very powerful lord count of Laval, and was accomplished this translation on the 12th day of December. The year 1444. In the city of Rennes in Brittany. Explicit. This note identifies the work as a translation of the Latin original into French by an anonymous Augustinian monk for Guy XIV, comte de Laval (1406–86), the elder brother of Louis de Châtillon-Laval (c. 1411–89) in 1444. 25 Bérault had family connections to the Lavals which may explain his use of this version of the text. He was also well acquainted with the family in his professional life: when he was awarded the Order of St Michael in 1492, one of the existing twenty-five knights was Guy XV de Laval, and Cardinal Pierre de Laval was the chancellor of the Order. As governor of Champagne, Louis de Laval had numerous connections to Bourges making it likely that he and Bérault knew each other. For BnF Ars MS 5062 see: Lauer and Martin, Les principaux manuscrits a peintures de la bibliotheque de l’Arsenal, p. 61, pl. lxxxv; Schaefer, ‘Die “Romuleon” Handschrift (78 D 10)’, pp. 143–44 n. 67; Avril and Reynaud, Les manuscrits à peintures en France 1440–1520, p. 325; Merisalo, ‘De la paraphrase à la traduction: Gilles de Rome’, pp. 109–14; Briggs, De © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 95 The text is divided into three books: the first discusses the conduct of the king, the nature of happiness, the acquisition of virtues and the ruling of passions; the second deals with family-life and household relations; the third considers the State, and the proper mode of governing in times of peace and war. The illuminations in MS 5062 fall neatly into the textual divisions of the treatise. Each of the eight illuminated folios bear the same elaborate version of Bérault’s arms.26 These heraldic banners depict the arms of Stuart, quartered with the royal arms of France, surrounded by Aubigny buckles, and encircled by a collar of the Order of St Michael. The arrangement is supported on each side by a winged stag, and surmounted by a helm bearing a unicorn-head and two golden wings.27 The crest rests on a gold and azure torse, from which emanates a scalloped-edged mantle. The heraldic composition is depicted against a black background strewn with golden buckles (Plate 7).28 MS 5062 was illuminated in Bourges in the second-half of the 1490s.29 It contains eight full-page illuminations, one long-recognized as representing Regimine Principum, pp. 16, 38, 39, 174; Contamine, ‘Entre France et Écosse’, p. 68; Duval, La traduction du Romuleon, pp. 231–32, n. 88; Vissière, ‘Dialogue des devises’, p. 429; Perret, ‘Lecteurs et possesseurs des traductions françaises’, p. 564; Perret, Les traductions françaises, pp. 52, 79–80, 92, 95, 100, 108, 271, 361, 386–87; Jacob, Dans l’Atelier des Colombe, pp. 84, 98, 102; Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, i, pp. 82–98. 26 The heraldry is incorrectly identified as Robert Stuart d’Aubigny’s by: Lauer and Martin, Les principaux manuscrits, p. 61; Traité sur l’art de la guerre, ed. by Comminges, p. xl; Schaefer, ‘Die “Romuleon” Handschrift’, p. 144, n. 67; Perret, Les traductions françaises, p. 79. Robert’s arms include those of Lennox not present here, Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, ii, p. 60. Robert’s crowned arms, accompanied by a Christogram are, however, roughly sketched on the inside back-cover of the manuscript indicating his later ownership of it. One section of the text is also marked by this hand noting that kings and princes should not dispense prosperity to those who are unworthy, fol. 70v. 27 Bérault was the grandson of Sir John Stuart of Darnley, one of the commanding knights of the Scottish army who aided France in opposing English conquest in 1419. In recognition he was awarded the right to quarter his arms with the royal arms of France. Cust, Some Accounts of the Stuarts of Aubigny, pp. 12–15. The unicorn highlights Bérault’s ties to the Scottish court, while the winged stag relates to the French court. 28 Throughout the manuscript elaborate decorative initials are depicted in gold against a black background strewn with golden buckles. This corresponds with the black fabric used on the archers tunics and the pennons. 29 There is not space here to fully address the question of the artist’s identity which is the subject of ongoing research. The connection between the Colombe and Montluçon ateliers and a group of influential Franco-Scottish patrons in, and around, Bourges at this time constitutes important evidence for the working of patronage networks in late-medieval France. Bryony Coombs 96 Bérault riding into battle. The principal artist involved, although unidentified, was connected to the Colombe atelier. His work also demonstrates affinities to the work of the Master of the Monypenny Breviary, an artist attached to the neighbouring Montluçon atelier.30 The manuscript was commissioned around the same time that a fellow Franco-Scot, Abbot William Monypenny, commissioned the lavishly illuminated Monypenny Breviary from the Montluçon atelier.31 These events are likely to be connected: the choice of artist appears to reflect Bérault’s desire to join an elite group of patrons that had the cultural incentive, and financial wherewithal, to embark on such projects. The choice of atelier would have been a conscious decision based on fashion, prestige, and an awareness of the patronage of his peers. MS 5062 is one of the most richly illuminated examples of this work to survive. The size of the manuscript, 408 × 280 mm, is above average for this work, indicating that it was a prestigious commission produced with the desire to impress. The quality of the script and the extent of its illumination reinforce this view. This is a luxury manuscript, intended to delight and engage, as well as instruct its readers. The illumination most clearly intended to evoke this response is the equestrian portrait on fol. 203v. The Equestrian Portrait in the Light of Bérault’s Diplomatic and Military Activities in Italy The equestrian portrait of Bérault on fol. 203v provides important visual evidence of the extent of Bérault’s agency as a patron (Plate 8). It provides us a means of gauging the manuscript’s personal significance, and the extent to which Bérault actively participated in its planning. The equestrian portrait has a clear communicatory value: it contains specific visual indicators which would have been immediately understood by its contemporary audience.32 Thus, it allows us 30 The strongly modelled faces, while distinct from those of the Master of the Monypenny Breviary, are stylistically close, as is the rendering of landscape and architecture. Precise iconographic details also indicate a link. The Colombe and Montluçon ateliers were closely connected and collaborated on certain projects, see: Schaefer, ‘Nouvelles Observations’, pp. 52–68. 31 For the Monypenny Breviary see: Put, ‘The Monypenny Breviary’; Illuminated Manuscripts from the Celebrated Library, lot 3031, p. 131; Avril and Reynaud, Les manuscrits, no. 189; Three Supremely Important Illuminated Manuscripts, lot 79; Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, i, pp. 26–66. 32 Reading the visual vocabulary in such an image necessitates an understanding of © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 97 to study the manuscript as evidence of Bérault’s efforts towards self-promotion and self-fashioning. Burke argued that ‘images can bear witness to what is not put into words.’ Accordingly, this image contains historical information which is not present in the text; furthermore, it provides us with a more nuanced understanding of Bérault’s career than that found in documentary sources alone.33 This section presents an analysis of the visual signs in Bérault’s equestrian portrait, and suggests how the image functioned as an expression of his emerging selfconfidence and self-importance. The illumination on fol. 203v shows Bérault riding into battle bearing a baton of command. His white horse is cloaked in an ornate gold caparison. In front of him ride a band of archers, and behind ride soldiers bearing pikes. Each battalion displays a pennon decorated with a lion rampant; the heraldic beast of Scotland. The tails of the pennon are decorated with Aubigny buckles. The soldiers are thus identified as Scottish archers and mercenaries of the Garde Écossaise under Bérault’s command. The tabards of the archers, the pennons, and the baton of command are decorated in black and yellow: the livery colours of this military unit.34 Close inspection reveals that the archers’ tabards bear Bérault’s personal impresa (a device with a motto).35 Bérault’s use of this impresa is recorded in Paolo Giovio’s Dialogo dell’imprese,1559. It consists of a lion rampant with a crown, surrounded by buckles. A banner to each side reads Distantia Jungit (Plate 9).36 The accompanying text clarifies the imagery: There was among the French, a virtuous and famous captain Hebrar Stuardo of renowned merit, scion of the royal blood of Scotland, and titled Monsieur d’Aubigny. This lord, as a kinsman of James the fourth, wore a lion rampant gules within a field argent, wherein were scattered many buckles within the borders of his tunic and his tabard, and depicted in his standards, with the latin motto Distantia Jungit, Baxandall’s concept of the period eye, whereby a viewer processes the information using a combination of innate skills and those based on experience, which are often culturally determined, Baxandall, Painting and Experience. 33 Burke, Eyewitnessing, p. 31. 34 An inventory of the Stuart d’Aubigny families possessions of 1544 indicates that black and yellow were the livery colours of the company of Scots archers: ‘Une saye de livree noir et jaulne de la compaignye’, ‘A silk with black and yellow livery of the company’; the inventory indicates that they were extensively used by the Stuart d’Aubigny family, Documents sur Robert Stuart, ed. by Bonner, p. 94. 35 Vissière, ‘Dialogue des devises’, pp. 421–35; MacDonald, ‘Chivalry as a Catalyst’, p. 164. 36 ‘Unites things distant,’ or ‘joins things that were apart’: Bérault’s motto referring to his role as the ‘buckle’ between the kingdoms of Scotland and France. Bryony Coombs 98 in signification of the fact that he was the means and the buckle wherewith were held united the king of Scotland and the king of France, in order to make a proper counterweight to the forces of the king of England, the natural enemy of the French and of the Scots.37 The text provides evidence of how Bérault’s impresa was understood in the sixteenth century.38 Moreover, it supports two ideas regarding Bérault: firstly his fame was such that the details of his insignia were considered worth recording alongside the greatest names of his day, and secondly he was remembered as the personification of a buckle uniting Scotland and France. He was the self-styled embodiment of the alliance between these two countries. Further visual information is provided by the elaborately decorated gold caparison borne by Bérault’s white charger. Although fundamental to our understanding of the image, and indeed the whole manuscript, it has not previously been noted that the caparison is decorated with specific Milanese iconography: the sol-cum-columba (sun and dove) motif, and roundels bearing the initials ‘GZ’ and ‘DM’. A comparison between these roundels and a depiction of a Milanese battle standard collected in the early-sixteenth century indicates that ‘GZ,’ refers to Galeazzo and ‘DM,’ to Dux Mediolani (Plate 10).39 The comparison suggests that the artist either had access to a similar example of Milanese iconography, or to a detailed description of such an item. The use of these initials with the sol-cumcolumba motif suggests that reference is being made to Gian Galeazzo Visconti, the first duke of Milan. The iconography is employed, therefore, to indicate the means by which the French could claim their right to Milan. Louis XII made this claim through his paternal grandmother Valentina Visconti, the daughter of Gian Galeazzo and Isabelle of Valois. The sol-cum-columba motif was said to have been designed by Petrarch for the marriage of Isabelle of Valois and Gian Galeazzo Visconti in 1360. The use of this iconography, furthermore, draws attention to a later repercussion of this marriage: the French wars in Italy, and specifically the role that Bérault played in these events. How does this iconography relate to the historical account of Bérault’s career? Bérault lead two important diplomatic missions into Italy (1491 and 1494) before conducting a campaign against Lodovico Sforza in northern Italy in 1499, 37 Giovio, Dialogo dell’imprese, p. 92. The Dialogo was written in 1551 and enjoyed a wide diffusion in several languages. Bérault may have been the first Scot to use such a device, MacDonald, ‘Chivalry as a Catalyst,’ p. 164. 39 Crolot, Le livre des drapeaux de Fribourg, ed. by de Vevey, pp. 382–83, xxxiii. 38 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 99 and subsequently being appointed co-governor of Milan with Charles d’Amboise in June 1500.40 A letter written by Bérault to Paterio and Niccolo Michiel on the 30 June notes his impending departure from Lyon to take up the government of the Milanese.41 On arrival, Bérault and d’Amboise set about trying to restore peace and order to the city and establish authority and discipline. Bérault did not, however, enjoy this position for long before he was instructed, as commander-inchief of the French army, to embark on the conquest of Naples. Alexander VI entertained the captains as the troops passed through Rome; Jean d’Auton records that as part of the festivities the Pope presented Bérault with a ‘coursier griz, bien puissant, moult viste, et tres leger a la main, aveques les bardes tant riches et belles que chascun en fist spectacle de merveilles.’42 Given the absence of any visual evidence directly relating to the Visconti family, it is likely that the Milanese iconography refers to Bérault’s military and diplomatic intentions regarding Louis XII’s claims to Milan, rather than being a reflection of his appointment to governor of Milan in 1500. The richly caparisoned white charger is, therefore, unlikely to be a direct reference to the papal gift received in 1501. The illumination appears to be visually setting out the case for French overlordship in Italy and the role that Bérault intended to play in this affair. Bérault most likely commissioned the manuscript c. 1498, at the time Louis XII came into power and preparations were under way for Bérault’s 1499 incursion into Lombardy.43 By presenting himself riding on a horse cloaked in Milanese insignia it visually celebrated his intention of conquering Milan, and taking control of Milanese affairs. The image thus presents Bérault as both commander of the Garde Écossaise and as regal conqueror of Milan.44 40 Pélissier, Recherches dans le archives italiennes, II, 327–28; Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, I, 12–13, n. 1, 91, n. 4, 313; Prato, ‘Cronache milanese’, III, 253. 41 Calendar of State Papers Relating to English Affairs in Venice, ed. Brown, I, 807; Lettres de Charles VIII, ed. by Pelicier and Mandrot, ii, pp. 399, 421; Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, i, pp. 12–13, 313. 42 A ‘grey courser, very powerful, most fast and very light in hand, with a caparison so rich and beautiful that everyone marvelled at it.’ Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-LaClaviere, ii, pp. 12, 34. 43 MS 5062 is dated to 1470–90 in Perret, Les traductions françaises, p. 79 and to the 1490s in Jacob, Dans l’Atelier des Colombe, pp. 84, 102. It was Louis d’Orléans, not Charles VIII, who claimed to be the rightful heir to Milan. The inclusion of the Milanese insignia therefore suggests that Louis had come into power and was preparing to make good this claim. Thus, the manuscript likely post-dates 27 May 1498. 44 The iconography of the equestrian portrait was especially popular as a mode of Bryony Coombs 100 MS 5062 demonstrates how the investment of economic capital was central to the construction of an elite identity. Bérault’s patronage of this manuscript manipulated material culture in order to reinforce a powerful self-image that stressed his capabilities and authority. The equestrian portrait was used to emphasize his elevated social status by imitating patterns of display normally exhibited by the king and other royals or high-ranking nobles at court.45 This was not a standard image used to illustrate this text, but an image composed at Bérault’s request to communicate specific information regarding his military aspirations. He presented himself in a way that advertized his idealized persona, bearing in mind his unique position: as a Scot with such great power and influence in the French court, he was exceptional for his time. Arguably he also had more complex issues of identity to explore and promote than his French peers. Before examining evidence of how this dual loyalty was perceived by his fellow commanders, it is instructive to consider whether it created tensions within Bérault’s own self-imaging. French, Scottish, or Franco-Scottish? To what extent can we determine Bérault’s ideas surrounding national identity and gauge his sense of self ? Bérault was born in France to a Scottish father and French mother. He spoke French and spent his career primarily serving the French court. However, as a commander of the Guard Écossaise, and as grandson of one of the founding members of this corps, Bérault, would have been keenly aware of the importance of his Scottish heritage. Furthermore, his close relationship to the Scottish court no doubt influenced and strengthened his perception of his national identity.46 In contemporary French sources he is almost representation used in relation to soldiers or mercenaries. See Hale, Artists and Warfare. A comparison may be drawn with a near contemporary equestrian portrait on fol. 8 of a Romuleon in Berlin (KK, 78 d 10). In this instance the subject is André III de Chauvigny (d. 1502), governor of Berry, certainly an acquaintance of Bérault. This image is, furthermore, likely by the same atelier; Schaefer, ‘Die “Romuleon” Handschrift’, pp. 136–38. 45 The use of heraldry in equestrian portraits was frequently employed to demonstrate expansionist ambitions or the acquisition of territory. See, for instance, an illumination produced in Genoa for the French governor, Francois de Rochechouart, in 1510. Louis XII is depicted with Milanese biscie (A viper consuming a human. The emblem of the House of Visconti) visually celebrating his successful conquest of Milan. Master of the Rochechouart Monstrelet. Equestrian Portrait of Louis XII with the Nine Worthies. Paris, BnF, MS fr. 20360, fol. 1v. 46 Defining national identity in a pre-modern society is not straightforward, however, © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 101 unanimously described as ‘natif d’ecosse’, which provides us with evidence of how he was perceived by his contemporaries: it appears Bérault actively cultivated this impression.47 There are several factors to consider in relation to Bérault’s sense of his Scottishness: his sense of place, the importance of ancestry, and his military position and the kinship network associated with this. Bérault was the grandson of Sir John Stuart of Darnley who in October, 1419, was one of the commanding knights of the Scottish army that travelled to France to help oppose the advancing English conquest.48 In recognition of his military assistance John Stuart was awarded the right to quarter his arms with the royal arms of France, and was also granted the castellany of Concressault in 1421 and the seigneury of Aubigny in 1423.49 The area of Aubigny in Berry, central France, was particularly colonized by Scots during this period. The Scottish Monypenny family, for instance, also settled here.50 Furthermore, a large contingent of Scots settled in Bourges and are traceable in the town records by their surnames.51 French scholars also recorded the existence of an entire Scottish colony near Bourges in the town of St Martin d’Auxigny.52 The area in which Bérault was born, raised and worked as bailli, it has been persuasively argued by Mason, for instance, in the case of the Scots, and Beaune in the case of the French, that both countries possessed a sense of history and perception of cultural uniqueness which constituted a sense of its own national identity during this period. Both developed a collective identity through the manipulation of origin myths and chronicles and certainly Scotland honed this ‘historical evidence’ in defence of its status as an ancient and autonomous kingdom. In a Scottish context freedom, independence, and military prowess where particularly potent concepts: concepts that were, no doubt, fundamental to the mindset of a mercenary like Bérault. Mason, ‘Chivalry and Citizenship’, pp. 78–103; Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology. 47 For instance, Jean d’Auton notes ‘messire Berault Stuart, escossoys, seigneur d’Aubigny’, Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, p. 278; Philippe de Commynes describes Bérault as of ‘de nation de Ecosse, bon chevalier et saige et honorable’, Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, ed. by Calmette, iii, p. 136. His portrait in the Recueil d’Arras is accompanied by the text: ‘Sire Bernard Stuart lord of obeny escossois capitaine et gouverneur gênerai de l’armée de Charles roy de France quand il alla a Naples’, ‘Sire Bernard Stuart lord of obeny Scottish captain and governor general of the army of Charles king of France when he went to Naples’ Recueil d’Arras, Arras, La Médiathèque d’Arras, MS 266, fol. 20r. 48 MacDonald, ‘Sir John Stuart of Darnley’; Chevalier, ‘Les alliés écossais,’ pp. 47–57. 49 ‘Donation par Charles VII’, ed. by Soyer, pp. 21–34. 50 Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, i, pp. 11–22. 51 Gordon, Les Écossais en Berry; Ribault ‘Les souvenirs Écossais en Berry’. 52 Bengy-Puyvallée, Mémoire historique sur le Berry, pp. 44–45; Michel, Les Écossais en Bryony Coombs 102 therefore, possessed a strong Scottish community. Bérault would have been aware of his family history in relation to the land and property they owned, and their resulting status in French society. His position as a commander of the Guard Écossaise was also a reminder of the deeds of his recent ancestors. This prestigious position cultivated both a sense of the military professionalism of Scots, and drew on ideas surrounding a chivalric ethos.53 It promoted pride in the perceived ancient origins of the Franco-Scottish alliance and drew attention to the reputation of Scottish mercenaries as fearless and loyal fighters.54 Furthermore, there was a strong kin-based system of recruitment active in the Guard Écossaise, with commentators noting that Aubigny’s chief strength was his band of Scots which consisted of ‘familiers and faithful friendes of Obegny.’55 That Bérault pledged to undertake a pilgrimage to Whithorn following his incarceration in Naples suggests an emotional connection to Scotland: an attachment to a place rooted in a personal concept of origin and ancestry to which he turned during a period of crisis. To this we might add the use of the unicorn, a symbol of the royal house of Scotland, on the crest of his arms, as an indication of the prominent place his royal Scottish descent played in his concept of self.56 Indications suggest, therefore, that Bérault actively cultivated his connections to the royal house of Scotland. This was done primarily in the service of his career, where promoting these links afforded him closer access to the French kings and France, i, pp. 145–46; André, ‘La Forêt Saint Martin,’ pp. 4–14; Duncan, ‘St Martin D’Auxigny’, pp. 544–49; Hervé, ‘Les Écossais en France’, pp. 206–10, Forbes-Leith, Scots Men at Arms, pp. 206–07. 53 For chivalry and Scottish national identity see: Edington, ‘Paragons and Patriots’, pp. 69–81; MacDonald, ‘Chivalry as a Catalyst’, pp. 151–74; Mason, ‘Chivalry and Citizenship’, pp. 78–103; Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood. Also more broadly see: Keen, Chivalry, and Keen, ‘Chivalry, Nobility’. 54 Ditcham notes that although the rewards distributed to Scots mercenaries caused resentment among the native French nobility, ‘who were displaced from their place in the royal patronage structure’, nevertheless, they could integrated into French society and ‘become models of chivalry and admired for their loyalty to the crown’, Ditcham, ‘The Employment of Foreign Mercenary Troops’, pp. 308–09. 55 Paolo Giovio, Libro dela vida, p. 64. Ditcham, ‘The Employment of Foreign Mercenary Troops’, pp. 173, 183. 56 The Darnley line of the Stuarts departed from the main line of the royal house of Stewart two centuries earlier. Bérault’s use of this symbol is a visual acknowledgement of his descent from the royal house of Stewart. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 103 would have been recognized as valuable in regard to his diplomatic duties.57 The visual promotion of these connections benefited both parties: allowing Bérault to act as a conduit between the royal houses of both countries. Bérault evidently recognized the value in exploiting this and using his connections to further his military ambitions on the continent, however, there is evidence to suggest that although primarily a positive attribute, his allegiance to another country may have occasionally created tension. This was a period of fierce rivalry between the military commanders employed by the French court, each jockeying for the key positions of power. Rumours of faltering loyalty, or suggestions of a commander getting above himself, were frequently used as ammunition to manipulate the vagaries of royal favour. ‘Le Petit Roi de Naples’ (1501–02): Reputation and Jealousy Bérault’s high military reputation, both in his own lifetime and after, is extensively documented in visual and literary sources. His likeness is recorded on the Spinelli medal and in the Recueil d’Arras, his impresa included in Giovio’s Dialogo dell’imprese.58 Written plaudits include Prato’s assertion that he was ‘fidèle à son nom, il était vraiment benigno’.59 Brantôme noted that he was renowned as the ‘grand chevalier sans réproche,’60 Philippe de Commynes described him as ‘bon chevalier et saige et honnourable,’ and in the mémoires of the Renaissance knight, Bayard, he was described as ‘vn tres-gentil & vertueux Capitaine.’61 Jean d’Auton particularly praised Bérault’s skills in warfare, most notably in reconnaissance.62 57 For Franco-Scottish diplomatic relations at this time see: Macdougall, An Antidote to the English; Contamine, ‘Entre France et Écosse,’ pp. 59–76; Bonner, ‘French Naturalisation of the Scots,’ pp. 1085–1115; Macdougall, James IV; Contamine, ‘Scottish soldiers in France’, pp. 16–30; Ribault, Les souvenirs Écossais en Berry; Forbes-Leith, Scots Men at Arms; Michel, Les Écossais en France. 58 Arras, La Mediatheque d’Arras, Recueil d’Arras, MS 266, fol. 20r . 59 ‘Faithful to his name, he was truly benign,’ Prato, Cronache milanese, iii, p. 225. Bérault is also listed as one of the knights of the Order of St Michael, as ‘Monsignore de benigno’ in Vatican, MS urb. Lat. 282, fol. 6v. 60 ‘Great knight without reproach,’Brantome, Oeuvres, iii, p. 92. 61 ‘Good knight and wise and honest,’ Philippe de Commynes, Mémoires, ed. by Calmette, iii, p. 136; ‘A very good and virtuous captain,’ Mailles, Histoire du Chevalier Bayard, ed. by Godefroy, i, p. 84. 62 Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, p. 265. Honour in war was all important and d’Auton notes that at Gioia in 1503 Aubigny had been so determined to wipe out Bryony Coombs 104 Furthermore, the Scottish court poet, Dunbar, composed both a welcome poem and an elegy to Bérault styling him as ‘the soun of Mars’, and ‘flour of chevelrie.’63 Given his high military reputation it is not surprising that historians have focussed on his fame and considerable achievements, yet his career was not without controversy. In particular the professional rivalry between Bérault and the other commanders in the service of Louis XII warrants greater attention. In 1499, while in Lyon, Louis XII formulated the plan for his invasion of Milan. The choice of commander-in-chief evidently proved difficult. Trivulce, Ligny, and Bérault, each had equal titles and Louis appears undecided between them.64 Contradictory rumours circulated for some time: at first it was announced that Trivulce would act as Lieutenant-General in Milan, then Ligny, and then Bérault; meanwhile Cardinal d’Amboise also lobbied for the command to be given to his nephew. Louis XII initially bestowed command of the enterprize on Trivulce. However, the belief continued to circulate that in reality it had been entrusted to Bérault. Trivulce soon began to lose control of the situation in Milan, causing Louis to appoint Bérault and d’Amboise as co-governors.65 The professional jealousy and rivalry displayed among the commanders in the employment of the French king during this episode is interesting. It demonstrates the importance of reputation and of being able to hold the king’s favour. To this end, the careful cultivation of their public image was crucial to the success of their career. For Bérault, in the years immediately prior to the second campaign in Italy, the patronage of the equestrian portrait in MS 5062, advertized his confidence in his ability to lead a successful campaign in Milan. Furthermore, it drew on his unique position: as a buckle uniting the courts of France and Scotland. Such patronage was, therefore, a useful tool employed to remind peers of his military capabilities and of his strategic political importance. Bérault was not alone in recognising the importance of the patronage of the visual arts in the service of his career: indeed Trivulce, Ligny, and d’Amboise were all notable patrons of the disgrace of his defeat by plunging wounded into enemy ranks, that he had to be restrained and reminded that it would be better to live and fight another day; Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, iii, p. 164–65. 63 The Poems of Dunbar, ed. by Bawcutt, i, pp. 100, 177–79; ii, pp. 338–40, 407–10. 64 Gian-Giacomo Trivulce (d. 1518); Louis de Luxembourg, Count de Ligny (d. 1503); Pélissier, Recherches dans le archives italiennes, i, p. 400; ii, p. 3. 65 Pélissier, Recherches dans le archives italiennes, ii, 3 pp. 26–27. Bérault was at this time considered the first person of the king of France in Italy. Sanuto, Diarii, iii, pp. 465, 472, 528, 547. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 105 the arts in both France and Italy.66 Bérault may, therefore, be seen as engaging in an established practice among his military peers; in employing the patronage of visual material to celebrate his success and communicate his strengths in order to bolster his reputation. By advertising his close bonds to two different royal houses, Bérault was, however, leaving himself open to a degree of criticism regarding where his loyalties truly lay. The campaign immediately following his governorship of Milan indicates that his fellow commanders may have used this against him in, order to further their own objectives. In May 1501, Bérault received orders to commence the conquest of Naples. He took control of the region and sent Federigo, the dethroned monarch, to France. Paolo Giovio records that Bérault was very famous in Calabria, having already governed the province with great skill. He adds that of all the French captains he was the favourite of the people and had many friends in that land.67 Bérault’s success, however, proved divisive with regards to the commanders of the 66 Trivulce was an important patron of the arts, in particular of works by Bramantino: these include the Trivulzio Chapel in the Basilica of San Nazaro in Brolo, where he was buried, and the tapestries cycle of the Twelve Months now in the Castello Sforzesco in Milan. Leonardo da Vinci designed a large equestrian statue of Trivulzio, which was never begun (Royal Collection Trust, Sketches for the Trivulzio monument c. 1508–10 RCIN 912355); Louis de Ligny, was a patron of the poet and rhetorician Jean Lemaire de Belges. For Ligny, Lemaire wrote La plainte du désiré in which painting among others mourns the death of the duke. Furthermore, the so-called ‘Memorandum Ligny’ (Codex Atlanticus, 669r, c. 1500) records Ligny’s participation in a secret mission with Leonardo da Vinci to Naples. Ligny was also a patron of Bramantino and has recently been shown to have commissioned him to paint frescoes decorating the Castello di Voghera; Charles II d’Amboise (d. 1511), commissioned Leonardo da Vinci to provide plans for a palace in Milan and a layout of waterways in Lombardy, as well as the paintings: the Virgin of the Rocks (1483–85; Paris, Louvre) for Louis XII, and a Virgin and Child with the yarnwinder (1501) for the court official Florimond Robertet. He may have brought Leonardo to France in 1505–06. He was also a patron of the Solario family: he ordered medallions for his castle of Meillant in Berry from Cristoforo Solario (1502) and commissioned Andrea to decorate the Castello Sforzesco in Milan and the chapel of S Maria alla Fontana, and sent him to work for many years at Gaillon. A portrait of Charles, a copy after a lost original, attributed to Andrea is in the Louvre, Paris. In his château of Chaumont Charles had a painting by Andrea Mantegna depicting the triumph of the condottiere Castruccio Castracani. For a recent discussion of French patronage in Italy at this time see: Bresc-Bautier, ‘La fascination Italienne’, pp. 358–60; Elsig and Natale, eds., Le duché de Milan. For Trivulce and Ligny’s patronage of Bramatino see: Natale, Bramantino. For Ligny and the frescoes at Voghera see: Paganin, ‘Un’impresa decifrata, pp. 95–97. For Ligny and La plainte du désiré see Jean Lemaire de Belges, La plainte du désiré, ed. by yabsley, and Tolley, ‘Monarchy and Prestige in France’. 67 Giovio, Libro dela Vida, trans. by Torellas, p. 49. Bryony Coombs 106 French army, causing Louis XII to dispatch Louis d’Armagnac, duc de Nemours, to replace Bérault as viceroy of Naples.68 Bérault, insulted by this turn of events, requested permission to return to France; refused, and affronted, he headed for Calabria with an under-supported army and gained victory at Terranova. Jean d’Auton’s recounting of this episode suggests that Bérault was an efficient governor of Naples, and that professional rivalries among commanders in the French army, particularly d’Amboise and Ravenstein, resulted in his temporary fall from grace with the French king.69 Undoubtedly central to the French king’s decision to replace Bérault was a more general shift in the balance of the political landscape: principally the forging of an alliance between Scotland and England and the signing of the Treaty of Perpetual Peace on 24 January 1502.70 However, while shifting international alliances were certainly a factor in the king’s decision, discontent and disagreements between Bérault and other commanders had been erupting for several years indicating that there was also a personal element to the affair.71 A rumour at this time appears, furthermore, to have circulated suggesting 68 Jean d’Auton records that there had developed a division among the heads of the French army, adding that this was a dangerous thing that could only result in an unhappy end, Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, pp. 92–98. Pitscottie, writing in c. 1570–80, provides a detailed account of the affair, and although his reliability is questionable he echoes some of the sentiments expressed by d’Auton. He writes ‘At the king of France’ command passit to the realme of Napillis, and thair was maid regent and gowernour of the samin quho rullit it so witht wisdome and gentillnes, that he wan the heartis of the pepill of the said realme and pepill thairof; they obeyit him and loveit him so weill that he was callit be the Frinchemen the pittie roy of Napillis. At this the king and consall of France was not content thairto, thinkand that [as] he was ane Scottisman, he thocht that he wald wsurpt the croune of Napillis wnto himself; and for this cause devyssit ane great lord in France to pase and be equall witht the said Monser Deobanie in all autorietie and powar in governance of the said realme of Napillis.’ noting with some relish that ‘bot this frenche lord quha was left in naples governour eftir munseur Deobanies pairting the peopill rais and rebellit aganis him and chessit him out of the cuntrie. And this the king of france gat for his suspitioun that he buire towards monsieur deobanie he tint the heill realme of naples for defait of guid gowernement.’ Robert Lindsay of Pitscottie, The Historie and Chronicles of Scotland, ed. by Mackey, i, pp. 241–44. 69 Jean d’Auton disparagingly describes Nemours as ‘Peu de robuste et de peu de tête’, ‘Little hardy and little clever’, Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, pp. 92–98. 70 The surviving manuscripts are Kew, The National Archives, E39/58, E39/59, E39/81, and Edinburgh, National Records of Scotland, SP6/31. 71 The discontent between d’Amboise and Bérault continued and it appears that he and Philippe de Clèves, seigneur de Ravenstein (d. 1528), were principally responsible for coercing the king into replacing Bérault with Nemours; Daru, Bérault Stuart, pp. 318–19, 327, 331–32, 377. Nemours arrived in Naples on 12 October 1502; Mallett and Shaw, The Italian Wars, p. 61. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 107 that Bérault might carve out an independent kingdom in Naples. While this was probably not considered a genuine threat, it does suggest that Bérault’s ties to the royal house of Scotland may have been used by his rivals in order to temper the increasing power being bestowed upon him by the French king.72 So did Bérault’s self-promotion contribute to unease amongst his fellow French commanders? Bérault’s commission of MS 5062 provides visual evidence of how he wished to promote himself during this period: as a formidable and ambitious commander capable of conquering and governing Milan, who held a strategically important position as a linchpin between the allied nations of Scotland and France. Given the shifting political landscape of 1502 it appears that Bérault’s close identification with the royal house of Scotland perhaps provided a means of discrediting him in the eyes of the French king. The rumoured unease surrounding Bérault’s intentions with regards to his powerful position in Naples tells us less about a real political threat, and much more about the methods employed by an ambitious military elite in order to defame rivals and garner royal favour. Proper Conduct, Family Life, and the State in Peace and War Preceding the equestrian portrait, MS 5062 contains seven full-page illuminations: a presentation scene (fol. 1r, Plate 11), the Virtues (fol. 17r, Plate 12), the Passions (fol. 58v), Nobility, Power, and Riches (fol. 71r), a building scene (fol. 81r), a market square (fol. 149v), and a courtroom (fol. 168r).73 In several of these illuminations the traditional inclusion of a king or prince overseeing the action has been altered to include a nobleman. Furthermore, the stress in these illuminations draws attention to Bérault’s domestic achievements in France and visually casts him in a regal role. 72 Piscottie claimed that the French king suspected that Bérault might ‘wsurpt the croune of Napillis wnto himself ’, see n. 68. The same rumour surrounded Gonzalo Fernández de Córdoba who after winning Naples from the French was forced to retire to Spain by Ferdinand of Aragon who suspected him of wanted the crown of Naples for himself; Price Zimmerman, Paolo Giovio, p. 65. 73 The presentation miniature in MS 5062 (fol. 1r, Plate 11) depicts Giles de Rome presenting his work to the king of France. To the left of the author is a second figure dressed in Augustinian habit. This is the brother who undertook the translation; his diminutive size indicates his relative importance in relation to the author. The figure between the two friars, identified as the facilitator of the translation by his active hand gestures, is presumably Guy XIV, comte de Laval, and patron of the translation, not Louis de Laval as has been claimed. The nobleman to the right of the king, dressed in extravagant golden fur-trimmed robes and a red hat, is comparable to the figure in the equestrian portrait and is likely intended to be understood as Bérault. Bryony Coombs 108 The depictions of the building scene (fol. 81r), the market square (fol. 149v), and the courtroom scene (fol. 168r) each resonate with Bérault’s judicial duties and experiences as a bailli of Berry. Furthermore, specific details suggest that they were intended to be viewed in this context. As bailli, Bérault, was the king’s chief officer in the region, serving as magistrate, administrator, military organizer, and financial agent. He held the post of bailli of Berry from 1487–89 and from 1492–98.74 Significant events in the history of the region occurred during Bérault’s tenure. On 22 July 1487 a violent fire, known as the fire of ‘la Madeleine’, consumed the city of Bourges. It destroyed more than a third of the city and caused severe economic decline. The areas of the city worse affected were the most densely populated streets, and the commercial areas.75 Following the fire, the destroyed half-timbered houses were quickly rebuilt. It is likely that this work, undertaken during Bérault’s tenure as bailli, is reflected in the building scene on fol. 81r (Figure 7). Particularly, as the scene is being overseen not by a royal figure, but by a nobleman and his advisers tacitly understood, no doubt, as Bérault and the city aldermen or his fellow officials.76 There is also evidence that this episode is referred to in the market scene on fol. 149v (Plate 13). The economic decline of Bourges as a result of the fire required Bérault to petition the French king for funds, and in January 1488 the king acquiesced. Of particular relevance is a record that notes that the town alder men thanked Bérault for his efforts with a gift of ‘treize quartes d’hypocras et quatorze livres d’épices de chambre’.77 The inclusion in the market scene of an unusual textual sign declaring ‘bo(n) ypocras’ outside what is clearly a depiction of an apothecary, has frequently been noted by scholars.78 Connecting this scene with events in Bérault’s career contextualizes this detail and indicates that its inclusion held a special relevance to Bérault: it commemorates his successful campaign for funds, and the aldermen’s gratitude. The experience Bérault gained as bailli of Berry served him well when he came to act as viceroy of Calabria, governor of Milan, and as viceroy of Naples. The illuminations in MS 5062 demonstrate Bérault’s pride in his domestic 74 Dupont-ferrier, Gallia regia, i, pp. 377–79. Thaumassiere, Histoire de Berry, p. 12. 76 Brittany, Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole, MS 0153. Here similar scenes are presided over by a king. 77 ‘Thirteen quarts of hypocras and fourteen pounds of house spices,’ Daru, Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny, p. 130. Hypocras was a fortified wine. The spices required could be bought, ready mixed, from an apothecary. 78 For instance: Clark, ‘The Shop Within?’, p. 65. 75 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 109 Figure 7. Bourges artist. Building scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 81r. Reproduced with permission. Bryony Coombs 110 achievements prior to his Italian exploits. Giles de Rome’s work states that although it was written for royalty, the entire populace may nevertheless be educated by it, stressing that each person, regardless of birth, should strive to be worthy of ruling a kingdom or principality. This point is visually stressed in the illuminations, where the traditional inclusion of a royal figure is replaced by that of a nobleman, intended it would appear to be read as Bérault. In the section that follows we will see how further consideration of Bérault’s use of visual and textual material in relation to his diplomatic activities in the 1490s provides evidence of the close ties between politics, diplomacy, and patronage. Cartography and Power: Bérault’s Patronage in Relation to the Italian Campaigns When Jean d’Auton mentioned Bérault in his chronicles of Louis XII, he singled out for particular praise his reconnaissance of terrain, ‘Le seigneur d’Aubigny, qui au mestrier de la guerre estoit ung maistre sur le autres pour la descouvre du pays et rancontre des embusches, mist chevaulx ligiers la voye; et pour actraire les ennemys hors leur fort.’79 This talent for mapping territory and anticipating ambushes is also directly addressed in a treatise on war which Bérault himself wrote, most likely while sailing to Scotland to undertake a pilgrimage to Whithorn in 1508.80 In this treatise he noted that in order to gain knowledge of the country one intended to conquer, one may have it put into a painting, and depending on the landscape, be it moorland, mountains, marsh or straights, arrange the manner of riding in such a way that people on foot and on horseback can rescue each other if one is waylaid.81 Much of the text in this treatise was lifted from 79 ‘The lord of Aubigny, who at the business of war was a master over the others for the exploration of land and the meeting of ambushes, put light horses in sight; to attract the enemy out of their stronghold’, Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, p. 265. 80 In the opening section of Bérault’s treatise he discloses that he has set himself the task to write truthfully of the form, manner, and experience of the conduct and exercize of military discipline for the education of all virtuous nobles and chivalrous men, as he had seen it practised in many kingdoms, lands, countries, and fiefdoms. The surviving MSS are: yale, Beinecke MS 659; Paris, BnF, MS fr. 20003; Basel, Dr Jörn Günther, the Guenichon MS; London, British Library MS Additional 20813; Paris, BnF, MS fr. 2070. For the text see Traité sur l’Art de la Guerre, ed. by Comminges. See also Contamine, ‘The War Literature of the Late Middle Ages’; Potter, Renaissance France at War; Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, i, pp. 102–09. 81 ‘Et après cela scavoire quel pays il y a, voire de le faire mectre en painture qui pourroit, et selon le pays que ce sera, ou pays plain, ou de lande, de montaigne, marés, ou destroictz, ordonner © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 111 an earlier work by a French mercenary, Robert de Balsac; however, this section of the text has been removed from its original position early in de Balsac’s treatise and inserted into a later part where Bérault deals with the importance of recognising the capabilities of one’s captains.82 Bérault has here added a few lines referring to his own experiences at the battle of Terranove in 1502, further indicating the personal nature of these events by referring to himself by name.83 This is important: his reorganisation and reworking of the text highlights its relevance to his own practical experience, particularly to his military activities in 1502. The significance of this cartographic reference in relation to Bérault’s career has not previously been recognized. It is, however, important early evidence of the crucial role that maps played in the French wars in Italy, and for our purpose, it provides further evidence of Bérault’s use of visual material in cultivating his reputation during this period.84 Reference to map making or topographical depiction in relation to Bérault’s career at this time is significant when viewed in light of contemporary Italian innovations in this field. Leonardo da Vinci was employment as a map-maker and military engineer by Cesare Borgia between 1502–03 and it is during this period that he produced his innovative map of the city of Imola as well as his meticulous studies of the Tuscan landscape.85 Bérault, having worked closely with Borgia during the siege of Capua in 1501, is likely to have been aware of this type la manière de chevaucher et d’aller en façon que les gens de cheval et de pied se puissent secourir l’un l’autre s’ilz estoient surpins en cheminant et qu’il vensist quelque affaire.’ ‘And after that know what land there is, and even to have it painted, which, according to the land it may be, either plain country, or moor, mountain, marsh, or straits, order the manner of riding and to go in such a manner that the horsemen and footmen are be able to save each other if they were surprised on their way, and something happened.’ yale, Beinecke, MS 659, fol. 16r–16v. Traité sur l’Art de la Guerre, ed. by Comminges, p. 15. 82 For this reference in relation to Robert de Basac see Dalché, ‘Les usages militaires de la carte’, pp. 45–80. 83 ‘Car maintesfoys est aduenu que par le renffort la victoire s’en est ensuyte, comme à la journée de Terrenoue contre les espagnolz où estoit ledict seigneur dAubigny.’ ‘For many times it has come to pass that victory was achieved thanks to reinforcements, as during the day in Terrenova against the Spaniards, where was the said lord of Aubigny.’ yale, Beinecke, MS 659, fol. 16r–16v. 84 Bérault was better placed to be familiar with this material than the original author, Robert de Balsac, whose career never rose to the same heights as that of Bérault. 85 Oberhummer, ‘Leonardo Da Vinci’, pp. 540–69; Rees, ‘Historical Links’, pp. 60–78; Kemp, ‘Leonardo’s Maps’, pp. 9–19. Bryony Coombs 112 of cartographic innovation and of Borgia’s political and military ambitions with regards to this material.86 There is, furthermore, evidence to suggest that Bérault was familiar with cartographic material in the early years of the French incursions into Italy. During the planning stages of Charles VIII’s first expeditions to Italy, several accounts demonstrate that maps played an important tactical role. In 1490, for instance, a number of Neapolitan exiles arrived at court to see the king. A letter of the nuncio Flores describes the discussions that took place in which the French received information from the Prince of Salerno regarding ways to prepare for an invasion of Naples: the number of armies, the situation castles and of rivers, ways of taking strongholds, supplies, and the information required to avoid ambushes.87 The prince is recorded as having ‘shown a painting showing the situation of the kingdom and how to deal with a land army and navy.88 Evidence also indicates that a map-maker was employed by Charles VIII to undertake reconnaissance of the Alpine passes between France and Italy in preparation for the 1494 incursion. Published editions of Jacques Signot’s La totale et vraie description de tous les passaiges, lieux et destroicts par lesquelz on peut passer et entrer des Gaules es Ytalies appeared in 1515 and 1518 accompanied by a map detailing the various Alpine passes. Several manuscript copies of the text and map also survive (Figure 8).89 The text describing these passes certainly post-dates the 1494 mission, as it includes a reference to the author joining Charles VIII at the battle of Fournovo in 1495; however, other textual evidence suggests that the reconnaissance was undertaken in 1493–94.90 It is, therefore, likely that an earlier 86 This interest in cartography was not confined to the Italians: the renowned French artist Jean Perréal was recorded by Jean Lemaire de Belges as demonstrating an interest in topographical and battle studies. Perréal made a number of visits to Italy with the French armies: to Milan in 1494 and 1499, to Lombardy in 1502, and again in the spring of 1509. 87 Luc, ‘Un appel du pape Innocent VIII’, p. 344. 88 ‘et in pictura descripsit situm regni modumque illud oppugnandi maritimo atque terrestri itinere.’ ‘and in a painting showing the situation of the kingdom and how to deal with a navy and land army’ Luc, ‘Un appel du pape Innocent VIII’, p. 345. 89 Manuscript versions: Turin, Biblioteca Duca di Genova, MS 41; London, British Library, MS Egerton 619; Lyon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 921 (this manuscript does not contain the description of the Alpine passes). 90 The text contains reference to a tunnel created on the orders of the Marquis de Saluces between 1478 and 1480 ‘puis xiiii ans en ça,’ ‘then 14 years ago’ indicating that the description was originally written c. 1494; Coolidge, ‘The Passages of the Alps’, p. 686. For Signot at Fournovo see Maumene, ‘Une Ambassade du Pape Alexandre VI’, p. 695. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny Figure 8. Map of Italy detailing the Alpine passes. Egerton MS 619. London, © The British Library Board. 113 Bryony Coombs 114 text and version of the map was produced for the 1494 incursion, despite the surviving versions post-dating 1495. Bérault’s first diplomatic mission to Italy occurred in 1491 when, as chief ambassador, he was entrusted with an embassy to Milan, ostensibly to strengthen an alliance with the house of Sforza. In 1494, furthermore, Charles VIII charged Bérault with leading an embassy to the Pope in order to set out the king’s claim to the crown of the two Sicilies. In relation to this episode he was described by the king as his ‘general and confidential friend’.91 On his return Bérault received orders to lead one thousand horses into Lombardy, over the Alps, by way of the St Bernard, and Simplon passes. Given the leading military and diplomatic role that Bérault played in Charles VIII’s Italian incursions, it is clear that he would have been privy to any reconnaissance material, visual or textual, that was obtained by the French king. The commanding role he played in leading troops over the Alps in 1494 makes it especially likely that he was familiar with the reconnaissance of Signot. That Jean d’Auton singled out his expertise in this area for particular note, indicates that we should pay attention to Bérault’s own claims that he used visual sources to aid his knowledge of the territory he intended to invade. The importance of cartography in discussions surrounding self-fashioning is often neglected. Maps, however, equated to power and in any discussion of a figure’s self-representation such material is vital.92 Maps were the most ideologically charged and interpretative intellectual objects: they represented more than just military aspirations or records of territorial control. Rather, they were essentially a source of power in their own right regardless of actual conquest.93 Thus, the commissioning or obtaining of maps or textual descriptions of territory may be viewed as a form of empowerment imbued with political agency. Much as Bérault’s equestrian portrait in MS 5062 advertized his potential territorial power, his patronage, or acquisition of, topographical or cartographic works likely contributed to his reputation as an indomitable commander and influenced perceptions of his political and military might. His acquisition of maps or visual reconnaissance, like his patronage of MS 5062, contributed to his 91 Roscoe, The Life and Pontificate, i, p. 214. Brunelle, ‘Images of Empire’, pp. 81–102; Buisseret, Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, pp. 102–03. 93 Map-making skills were invaluable in the service of military strategy. The owner of a map of the terrain of his enemy’s country could devise a strategy for invasion by pinpointing his opponents territorial weaknesses and avoid surprise attacks by being aware of the lay of the land. 92 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 115 ability to assert authority and bolstered his wider reputation. Such material was, in this respect, a potent source of visual propaganda. Bérault Stuart, John Ireland, and a Diplomatic Dossier Just as maps could be employed to create a politicized view of territorial control, so too written histories and origin myths provided fertile ground for pressing political agendas. In this respect a composite manuscript acquired by Bérault towards the end of the fifteenth century provides further evidence of his use of historical material for diplomatic and political purposes. Furthermore, it reinforces the view that he was preoccupied with ideas of chivalry and statecraft, and keen to employ the latest contemporary scholarly debates in the service of his diplomatic duties. Geneva MS fr.166 is a work composed of four parts: Enseignement de vraie noblesse (fols 1r–81r), Vraie cronique dEscoce (fols 82r–90v), Le droit que le roy Charles VIII pretend ou royaulme de Naples (fol. 91r), and Histoire légendaire de sainte Hélène (fols 91v–93r).94 The Enseignement de vraie noblesse is another example of the mirror for princes genre. This copy opens with a finely executed illumination incorporating the arms and emblem of Richard Neville, earl of Warwick (1428–71).95 The text was completed by the 4 September 1464.96 It is not certain at what point the Enseignement de vraie noblesse was bound together with the latter three texts. However, an inscription appended to the Vraie cronique dEscoce suggests that it was acquired by Bérault as a gift from the Scottish scholar, John Ireland between 1464 and 1494. The colophon on folio 90v states: Ce lyvre me bailla monsr d’Aubegny, et fut fet par ung grant clerc escosois nomme Irlandia nory a Paris lonc tamps (Figure 9).97 The Vraie cronique was written c. 1464 and this copy dates to prior to 1492–94, when a diplomatic text pertinent to Bérault’s 94 Aubert, ‘Notices sur les manuscrits Petau’, pp. 298–302; Daly, ‘The Vraie Cronicque d’Escoce’, p. 106; Visser-Fuchs, ‘The Manuscript of the Enseignement’, pp. 337–62; Short Scottish Prose Chronicles, ed. by Daly, Embree, and Kennedy, pp. 27–36. Visser-Fuchs says that nothing is known of Bérault Stuart’s books (p. 343). This provides further justification for this article. 95 That Bérault kept Warwick’s emblems and did not erase them, or have them repainted, indicates his pride in owning a work intended for this illustrious owner. 96 Visser-Fuchs, ‘The Manuscript of the Enseignement’, p. 339. 97 ‘Monsr d’Aubegny lent me this book, and was made by a great Scottish clerk named Irlandia nourished in Paris for a long time.’ Bailler meaning to lend. The use of the word fet could mean either that Ireland was the author of this text, or that he copied it, or had it copied for Bérault, see Short Scottish Prose Chronicles, ed. by Daly, Embree, and Kennedy, p. 35. Bryony Coombs 116 Figure 9. Colophon. Vraie cronique dEscoce. Geneva, Bibliothèque publique et universitaire, MS 166, fol. 90v. Reproduced with permission. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 117 negotiations regarding the French claims to Naples was copied onto the final leaves of the same quire.98 The Histoire légendaire de sainte Hélène was apparently appended at a similar time. The collection of texts provide an interesting dossier of diplomatic material of relevance to Bérault’s activities in the 1490s, just prior to his commission of MS 5062. Furthermore, the acquisition of another example of the mirror for princes genre emphasizes his preoccupation with didactic political discourse and exemplary leadership. The note suggesting that Bérault was acquainted with John Ireland provides further weight to the argument that Bérault was interested in contemporary debates regarding such themes. Ireland himself was the author of a text belonging to this genre: the Meroure of Wyssdome.99 Although the appeal of the Enseignement de vraie noblesse for Bérault is clear, the historical circumstances regarding his acquisition of this manuscript remains uncertain. It has already been suggested that both the Enseignement de vraie noblesse and the Vraie cronique relate to diplomatic negotiations which took place in Saint-Omer in 1464.100 There is no reason to directly link Bérault to these events; however, an older Franco-Scottish diplomat, Sir William Monypenny, who was closely connected to Bérault and his family, was almost certainly present at these negotiations and may have been the conduit by which the Enseignement de vraie noblesse, originally intended for Richard Neville, fell into the hands of Bérault.101 After Bérault’s acquisition of the Vraie Cronique, 98 This text is written in a finer and more cursive hand than the Vraie cronique. This text was completed in 1490. John Ireland died between April and August 1495. The text was published by the Scottish Text Society see Johannes de Irlandia, The Meroure of Wyssdome. See also Burns, ‘John Ireland: Theology and Public Affairs’ and Burns, ‘John Ireland and the Meroure of Wyssdome.’ 100 Daly, ‘The Vraie Cronicque d’Escoce’, pp. 121–25; Visser-Fuchs, ‘The Manuscript of the Enseignement’, pp. 353–55; Short Scottish Prose Chronicles, ed. by Daly, Embree and Kennedy, pp. 33–36. 101 Sir William Monypenny was engaged throughout the latter years of the 1460s in secret talks with the earl of Warwick on behalf of the French king, Louis XI; see Coombs, ‘“Distantia Jungit”’, i, pp. 14–16. The following document suggests Monypenny was involved in the 1464 negotiations: ‘Instructions a messsie Guillaume, seigneur de Menypeny de ce qu’il a a dire a tres hault tres puissant et tres crestien prince le roy de France de par l’Eveque de Saint Andrieu en Escosse.’ ‘Instructions to Mr William, Lord of Menypeny of what he has to say to the very high very powerful and very Christian prince the king of France by the Bishop of Saint Andrews in Scotland.’ Jean de Wavrin, Anchiennes croniques d’Angleterre, ed. by Dupont, iii, pp. 164–75. The Monypenny and Stuart d’Aubigny families were closely connected, not merely due to their common Scottish heritage, but in other matters, such as the change of hands of the seigneury of 99 Bryony Coombs 118 he may have kept these two works together due to their shared relationship to the negotiations.102 Daly has shown that the Vraie Cronique was prepared as diplomatic briefing notes for these events. The author of the text primarily sought to stress Scotland’s autonomy and independence from English claims to overlordship, as well as the longevity of the Franco-Scottish alliance. Textual evidence suggests that it was produced in France for French diplomatic use.103 For Bérault it would have provided a succinct account of the historical ‘evidence’ for Scotland’s independence from England and for the longevity and authenticity of her alliance with France. Such material would have proved invaluable for Bérault whilst employed on diplomatic errands primarily for the French kings, but also with Scottish interests to defend, during the 1480–90s. In 1483 Bérault had been charged with travelling to Scotland with the French royal notary and secretary Pierre Millet, in order to renew the ‘auld alliance’ between James III and Charles VIII. The allegiance was signed on 13 March 1484 (Figure 10). The Scottish embassy to Paris in the same year included John Ireland.104 As Daly has pointed out, the occasion of these embassies provided ample opportunity for Bérault and Ireland to become acquainted and for the text of the Vraie Cronique to have changed hands.105 The third document included in the dossier, Le droit que le roy Charles VIII pretend ou royaulme de Naples, clearly relates to the diplomatic mission entrusted to Bérault by Charles VIII in 1494: to present to the pope the French king’s claim to the crown of the two Sicilies. It contains a brief genealogy addressing the origin of the House of Anjou.106 This text may be based on the work of Jean Matharon de Solignac, president of the parliament of Aix-en-Provence, Concressault, the proximity of their lands and properties, and the marriage of Anne Monypenny to John Stuart, d’Aubigny, seigneur d’Oizon. 102 The possibility that Ireland gave Bérault both the Enseignement de vraie noblesse and the Vraie cronique is not supported by the colophon which only refers to the Vraie cronique. 103 Four fifteenth-century manuscripts of this text survive: Brussels, Bibliothèque royale MS 9469–70; Paris, BnF, MS n.a.f. 20962; Paris, BnF, MS n.a.f. 6214 (incorrectly listed as n.a.f. 6124 in Short Scottish Prose Chronicles, ed. by Daly, Embree, and Kennedy, p. 28) and Geneva, Bibliothèque publique et universitaire, MS f. 166. Only Geneva MS 166 (Bérault’s MS) contains the passages emphasizing the history of the alliance between Scotland and France. Short Scottish Prose Chronicles, ed. by Daly, Embree, and Kennedy, 28. 104 Contamine, ‘Entre France et Écosse’, p. 61; Crawfurd, The Lives and Characters of the Officers, i, p. 45. 105 Daly, ‘The Vraie Cronicque d’Escoce’, p. 125. 106 Contamine, La noblesse dans les territoires angevins, pp. 12–13. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 119 Figure 10. Signature of Bérault Stuart. Indenture of the treaty of alliance between Charles VIII and James III. Edinburgh, National Records of Scotland, SP 7/16, 13 March 1483–84. Reproduced with permission. Bryony Coombs 120 who had been councillor for king René d’Anjou and who was charged by Charles VIII with establishing the right of France to the kingdom of Naples.107 Jean Matharon accompanied Bérault on his ambassadorial visit to Italy in 1494 and was, like Bérault, commemorated in a fine portrait medal attributed to Niccolò Spinelli.108 The final text included in the manuscript relates again to Bérault’s diplomacy in Italy. The brief Latin text concerning the life of St Helena has much in common with that printed by John Capgrave.109 Charles VIII, and later Louis XII’s, Italian expeditions had been launched within the ideological framework of a crusade and each French incursion was accompanied by a wave of literary production that revolved around the rhetoric of this idea. An illuminating example of this may be seen in Vatican MS urb. lat. 282, a manuscript dedicated to ‘the Davidian and most Christian Louis, king of France, Sicily and Naples,’ in which the author, Johannes Angelus Terzone, claimed that Louis was a metaphorical descendant of king David.110 The text includes a short discussion of the function and workings of the chivalric order of St Michael, based on the concept of knights of the order, as defenders of the Christian faith. On fol. 6v of this manuscript is a list of these knights: Bérault’s name is included after Louis XII, Pierre de Bourbon, Comte de Ligny and Louis de Saluces. Furthermore, it provides a few lines highlighting Bérault’s shared ancestry with the king of Scotland, and noting that this is reflected in his arms as are the virtues of force and prudence. An accompanying illumination depicts Louis XII kneeling before a cross bearing a crucified Christ, 107 For Matharon’s instructions dated 11 June 1494 see Canestrini and Desjardins, Negotiations diplomatiques de la France, i, p. 416. 108 Matharon appears on the reverse of this medal standing in full length, wearing a cap and long mantle over armour; in his right hand is a sword and in his left a closed book. To the right is a lily, the stalk passing through a crown and entwined by an inscribed scroll stating his faithful service to the French crown. At the foot of the lily is a small dog, from whose mouth the scroll comes forth. The visual declaration of Matharon’s dual role as mercenary and as diplomat is clearly communicated by the book and the sword, as well as the robe and the armour. Such a visual device would have been equally relevant to Bérault and it is regrettable, therefore, that no extant versions of Bérault’s medal survive with an emblematic device on the reverse. London, British Museum, no. 1933,0310.3; Paris, The Louvre, inv. no. MRR344. 109 Harbus, Helena of Britain in Medieval Legend, p. 106. 110 In an earlier work of c. 1497 Terzone argued that the French royal house was the reincarnation of the house of David and called upon Charles VIII, as the New David, to undertake a crusade against the Turks. Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, MS lat. 597IA; Scheller, ‘Imperial Themes in Art’, 57–60. Vatican, MS urb. lat. 282 dates to c. 1500. The author, Terzone, was an Italian Franciscan friar about whom little is known. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 121 encircled by the collar of the order of St Michael, the pendant of the collar substituted by a bleeding heart (Plate 14).111 Twelve knights are, moreover, represented accompanying the king and wearing armour, collars of the order of St Michael, and laurel wreaths. The allusion drawn is between the knights of the order of St Michael (including Bérault) and the twelve paladins of Charlemagne, an allusion made explicit in the text.112 The banderol behind the cross states ‘We are united in defence,’ reminding the viewer of the knights role as champions of the faith. Beyond providing further evidence of Bérault’s reputation, however, this manuscript demonstrates how the concept of a crusade, as a higher order of war waged for the salvation of Christendom, was employed in line with the idea of the French king bearing the title king of Jerusalem. Such evidence emphasizes the political significance of histories relating to the True Cross: the Cross serving simultaneously as a symbol of Jerusalem and of the kingdom of Sicily, at least in France. Against this backdrop, the inclusion of Histoire légendaire de sainte Hélène in Bérault’s dossier appears to have functioned as a brief regarding the legend of Helena’s discovery of the True Cross, and the politically motivated English claims to Helena in their national genealogy. Knowledge of such material would have provided valuable historiographical context for Bérault in conducting his diplomatic duties. Bérault’s acquisition of the texts in Geneva MS fr. 166 provides evidence of his literary tastes and of the necessity of gathering literary ammunition relevant to his military and diplomatic objectives. This acquisition of knowledge accords with advice given in his treatise on war, which states that the legitimate causes, i.e. knowledge of the historical background, were required before waging war.113 Indeed, in the introduction to his treatise he noted that the most beneficial thing a chief-of-war could do was to obtain news frequently, and use it wisely. Furthermore, he notes that ‘Monsieur du Bueil, qui estoit bon cappitaine,’ instructed never to enter combat if it was not to your advantage, or if you did not 111 The bleeding heart illustrates the sentiment expressed in the text that knights of the order should be faithful to charity, love, and gentleness, Vatican, MS urb. lat. 282, fol. 10r. 112 The twelve knights also allude to the twelve apostles. The knights are repeatedly referred to as paladins in the text, for example Vatican, MS urb. lat. 282 fol. 3v. 113 ‘Premièrement et auant toute euure, doit aduiser le prince s’il a bonne et iuste querelle pour mectre Dieu et la raison pour luy.’ ‘First and foremost, he must advise the prince if he has a good and just quarrel to put God and reason on his side.’ Beinecke MS 659, fol. 4v; Traité sur l’art de la guerre, ed. by Comminges, p. 4. Bryony Coombs 122 have to.114 Obtaining information was of central importance and conflict should only be engaged in when absolutely necessary. The material collected in Geneva MS fr. 166 accords with this view. It contains the arguments Charles VIII relied on to justify the early French incursions into Italy. It also contains the fundamental arguments employed by the Scots to rebut English claims to overlordship and to maintain the longevity and respectability of their alliance with France. Beyond this, the collected texts provides us with a clearer idea of Bérault and his literary interests: furnishing us with a picture of a mercenary whose literary tastes where closely aligned to his duties in both military and diplomatic spheres. Sarah Carpenter has highlighted the need to question the potentially active and political role that literature played during this period as opposed to the merely reactive and aesthetic role it is often assigned.115 As she demonstrated, it is beneficial to reverse conventional thinking regarding texts as feeding from and recording current events and instead consider how literature affected the course of events. The same may be said of visual material. In the case of Bérault Stuart the material he commissioned and acquired, particularly MS 5062, but also the topographical and textual material noted above, was not intended to record things that had happened, but rather to influence the future outcome of his political and military endeavours. They were obtained, or commissioned, to influence opinion and shape perceptions of him and his objectives. When we consider Bérault’s patronage of MS 5062 in light of his other literary and artistic interests during this period it becomes clear that the motivations behind his patronage had a utilitarian value: he was concerned with gathering material that would aid the leading role he had been assigned in invading Italy. Thus, his patronage may be viewed in a pragmatic sense. It did not commemorate a successful campaign already conducted, but rather set out his intentions of conquering territory and with that, acquiring power and prestige. Patronage Networks: Military, Diplomatic, and Local To contextualize Bérault’s cultural activities it is instructive to consider those of his peers. By examining Bérault’s patronage in this way three overlapping patronage networks emerge: diplomatic, military and local. Analysing these networks of relationships allows us to construct a clearer idea of how Bérault’s self-fashioning fitted into a wider context of cultural patronage. 114 ‘Monsieur du Bueil, who is a good captain.’ He also notes that Scipio Africanus was of this view, Beinecke MS 659, fol. 19r; Traité sur l’art de la guerre, ed. by Comminges, p. 16. 115 Carpenter, ‘David Lindsay and James V’, pp. 135–53. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 123 During the course of Bérault’s diplomatic activities, it appears that he was acquainted with a number of other important Franco-Scottish diplomats, principally Sir William Monypenny and perhaps his son Alexander Monypenny, and the scholar John Ireland. These contacts may be tentatively linked to material obtained by Bérault and bound together in Geneva MS fr. 166. The contents of this dossier provides important evidence of how contacts between fellow diplomats could provide a route for the exchange of information and ideas. Contamine has shown how literary evidence was carefully extracted from chronicles and archives, and gathered together in diplomatic bags to provide evidence for certain political exercises.116 In Bérault’s case the material appears to relate to not one particular diplomatic mission, but to a number of activities he was engaged in over the course of the 1490s. Moreover, evidence of Bérault’s acquaintance with John Ireland provides a fascinating glimpse of the overlap between the intellectual world of Ireland, who contributed to the scholarly perception of statecraft, and military world of Bérault, where such concepts were put into practice. In terms of Bérault’s military network, a consideration of the wider patronage of visual material demonstrates how commissioning art was a powerful prerequisite for building and sustaining an illustrious reputation. A comprehensive study of the patronage of the French commanders during this period is well beyond the scope of this article, however, several key examples serve to illustrate the importance of art to the military elite during the French wars in Italy. The composition of La plainte du désiré for Louis comte de Ligny is particularly illuminating.117 Composed to commemorate his death in 1503 it elucidates a debate between ‘painting’ and ‘rhetoric’ about which is best suited to honour their subject. In this work, Jean Lemaire de Belges, records the outstanding painters of the day, and uses this literary device to invest the visual arts with the same importance often reserved for the literary arts. Lemaire’s composition of the La plainte du désiré for Ligny demonstrates that this commander’s reputation was built not merely on his military achievements, but also on his patronage of visual and literary material. His importance as a patron of art and literature was such that cultural concerns, such as the competing precedence between the two genres, was considered a fitting subject to be explored in a work commemorating his death.118 The French 116 Contamine, ‘The Contents of a French Diplomatic Bag,’ pp. 52–72. Jean Lemaire de Bleges, La plainte du désiré, ed. by yabsley. 118 Jean Lemaire de Belges was closely involved in the artistic community. Of particular note is his friendship with the French artist Jean Perréal. As Perréal was involved in developing reconnaissance techniques that the French used to chart territories in Italy, it is likely that 117 Bryony Coombs 124 commanders in Italy proved to be keen patrons of the artists of Lombardy. Of particular note are the parts played by Ligny, Trivulce and Charles d’Amboise in commissioning works from the Northern Italian artists Bramantino, Mantegna, Solario and Leonardo da Vinci.119 Indeed all three of these commanders have demonstrable links to Leonardo, making a connection, between Bérault and the great Renaissance artist worthy of further consideration.120 This tentative link relies on a note in a sale catalogue that claims that the so-called Lansdowne Madonna, attributed to Leonardo, was originally in the collection of John Bligh, fourth earl of Darnley, a descendant, through the Lennox line, of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny.121 It has been hypothesized that Darnley’s inheritance of this painting stemmed from Bérault’s acquisition of the work during the French campaigns in Italy.122 If this were the case one would expect to find the painting included in the 1544 inventory taken of the Stuart d’Aubigny’s Berrichon possessions.123 The inventory lists a number of paintings, particularly portraits displayed in the gallery of the château de La Verrerie, however, none of the brief descriptions of the paintings correspond to the iconography of the Lansdowne Madonna. The inventory of the châteaux chapel does, however, record the presence of a picture on which is depicted the image of Our Lady holding her child.124 The description does not provide sufficient detail to actively support the hypothesis, Bérault and Perréal were acquainted. Jean d’Auton mentions that Perréal was in Milan c. 1500, to draw ‘from life’ a still-born and deformed child. The same subject also interested Leonardo da Vinci. Leonardo, furthermore, mentions Perréal in the aforementioned ‘Memorandum Ligny.’ Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Codex Atlanticus, fol. 669r; Jean d’Auton, Chroniques, ed. by Maulde-La-Claviere, ii, p. 101; Pradel, ‘Les autographes,’ pp. 196, 132–86; Durrieu, Les relations de Leonard da Vinci. 119 See note 66. 120 Kemp and Wells, Leonardo da Vinci’s Madonna of the Yarnwinder, pp. 152–53. This connection should be considered in relation to the similar interests already suggested by the author regarding topographical images and mapping. Bérault’s patronage and interest in the visual arts in Italy forms an ongoing area of research on which I hope to shed more light. 121 Kemp and Wells, Leonardo da Vinci’s Madonna of the Yarnwinder, pp. 145–53. 122 The same hypothesis may be applied to Robert Stuart 5th Seigneur d’Aubigny. 123 In 1544 Matthew Stuart 4th earl of Lennox defected to Henry VIII. Jean Stuart, 6th seigneur d’Aubigny (the successor of Robert Stuart) was subsequently imprisoned for high treason by king Francis I. On June 13 the lieutenant general of Berry, François de L’Aubespine, facilitated the confiscation of his Berrichon properties. An inventory of the possessions contained within the châteaux of Aubigny, La Verrerie, and Crotet was thus drawn up. Documents sur Robert Stuart, ed. by Bonner 124 Documents sur Robert Stuart, ed. by Bonner, p. 133. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 125 but equally suggests that until further evidence is brought to light, it should not be discounted.125 Further evidence indicating that Bérault displayed an active interested in the arts of Italy survives in a note recorded in a letter of Antimaco to Isabella d’Este concerning the French diplomatic visit of 1494. Here it is noted that Bérault specifically requested that the delegation be received in Mantegna’s ‘camera depincta’ (Camera degli Sposi).126 As noted above Bérault had a modest claim to literary authorship himself having dictated a treatise on war to his secretary en route to Scotland in 1508.127 Despite relying heavily on another French commander’s work, that of Robert de Balsac, Bérault contributed instructive additions arising from his personal experiences of command in Italy and relating to his knowledge of classical precedents. Bérault’s authorship of this work is in line with a work penned by his rival Philippe de Clèves, seigneur de Ravenstein entitled L’instruction de toutes manieres de guerroyer.128 Both of these works are practical handbooks which emphasize the professional reality of the command of troops in war during this period. Both are pragmatic in tone: intended to provide valuable advice to less experienced commanders, who would benefit from experience straight from the battlefield. In a local context, as a native of Berry, Bérault’s patronage of MS 5062 demonstrates a connection to the illustrious Laval family: both due to the translation used and the choice of atelier.129 Other important families in the region such as Chauvigny and Monypenny may also be connected to Bérault’s patronage of 125 Although the descriptions of some of the possessions indicate their provenance, i.e. weapons from the ‘Terre-neufve’, a bow from Turkey, two small coffers from Italy, a Spanish guitar and fabric from Milan, the descriptions of the painting are cursory and give little indication of their origin. Documents sur Robert Stuart, ed. by Bonner, pp. 93, 98, 125, 127–29. 126 The Camera degli Sposi (wedding chamber) known as the Camera picta (painted chamber) is a room adorned with illusionistic frescos by Andrea Mantegna (1431–1506), in the Palazzo Ducale, Mantua. A letter from the Gonzaga secretary, Antimaco (Matteo Sacchetti), to Isbella d’Este, dated 22 April 1494, notes Bérault’s request. Archivio di Stato, Mantua, Archivio Gonzaga, b. 2446 c. 611. Quoted in Chambers, ‘Francesco II Gonzaga, marquis of Mantua,’ p. 221, n. 12. 127 All but one of the surviving manuscripts of Bérault’s treatise (see note 80) contain rich programmes of illumination, however, as each manuscript was commissioned in France after Bérault’s death. Their patronage is not, therefore, directly relevant to this study. 128 Philippe de Clèves, seigneur de Ravenstein was well known as a bibliophile and patron. Contamine, ‘L’art de la guerre selon Philippe de Clèves’, pp. 363–76. For his treatise on war see: Paviot, L’instruction. 129 See notes 24–25. Bryony Coombs 126 this work through their use of the same or connected ateliers during the same period.130 Bérault can be shown, therefore, to have been active in a number of different networks and each appear to have influenced his patronage in different ways. In each example patronage was employed as a mechanism for advancement: social or political. Collecting and commissioning visual and literary material was a means of gaining the ammunition required to further his career. The intense competition for power and prestige in the ranks of French king meant that self-aggrandizement and self-promotion were imperative to securing royal favour. Although Bérault, Ligny, Trivulce and d’Amboise were fighting on the same side, they were nevertheless fierce rivals frequently competing for the same positions. Manipulating their identity through patronage was a powerful method of constructing their reputation and advertising their name. Conclusion: Cultural Agency and Self Fashioning By situating Bérault’s cultural activities in the context of his peers, the impression emerges that his engagement with the arts was in line with other soldiers of his rank. Indeed, in comparison to such illustrious and magnificent patrons as Ligny, Bérault’s patronage, as it survives, is predominantly utilitarian. In this respect his patronage was not unusual. What is notable, however, is his unique position in the Franco-Scottish political sphere. As such his demonstrable interest and use of his Scottish lineage and connections is of great interest. This was a time of great political tension and complexities, and of a rapidly shifting political landscape. Among the commanders serving the French king, there were intense rivalries and conflicting ambitions. When Brantome records Ligny’s death he attributes his demise to the professional disappointment he endured when Louis XII entrusted the second Calabrian campaign to Bérault.131 Although this was undoubtedly a poetic device, to attribute death to a moral cause, contemporary accounts such as Jean Lemaire de Belge’s La plainte du désiré, emphasize the role played by envy in Ligny’s career.132 Successfully negotiating the king’s favour and securing the commanding 130 The Monypenny Breviary was commissioned in 1492–95 and is an extraordinarily lavish work: a huge undertaking for the Montluçon atelier. MS 5062 was commissioned c. 1498. Given the close relationship between the Monypenny and Stuart d’Aubigny families, it is likely the Monypenny work inspired Bérault’s later commission. For Chauvigny see note 44. 131 Brantome, Oeuvres, ii, p. 354. 132 Jean Lemaire de Belges, La plainte du désiré, ed. by yabsley, pp. 85–86. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 127 role in military campaigns was vital, and patronage was one method that could be employed to this end. Bérault’s patronage provides an insight into a figure with dual affiliations, who used his connections to further his career. The material gathered together in his ‘diplomatic dossier’ provides important evidence of the literary ammunition he considered necessary to conduct diplomatic missions. Just as his connections to cartography demonstrate the importance placed on visual reconnaissance, this collection of material provides evidence of the necessity of intellectual reconnaissance: a successful diplomatic mission could not be conducted unless the diplomat was well briefed on the relevant historical arguments for his cause. The equestrian portrait included in MS 5062 provides evidence of Bérault’s efforts with regards to self-fashioning during a particularly important episode in his career. The iconography employed allows us to examine the image in light of the political complexities surrounding Bérault’s appointment to governor of Milan. It demonstrates his awareness of the political leverage his close contacts to the royal court of Scotland had in garnering favour with the French king. Furthermore, it shows that he understood the value in using visual material to build a sense of his identity and manipulate his reputation. Bérault was by all accounts an exceptionally successful and well-regarded figure during this period, however, by drawing attention to an episode where he falls from favour with the French king, we can see how his self-fashioning may have contributed to this affair. A combination of his growing popularity, power, and allegiance to a country which had a newly formed alliance to England, may all have been implicated in the French king’s decision to replace him with the duc de Nemours. Bérault’s engagement with the theoretical discourses of statecraft are evident in his commission of MS 5062, in his acquisition of the Enseignement de vraie noblesse, as well as in his acquaintance with John Ireland. The illuminations included in MS 5062 illustrate the idea that each person, regardless of birth, should strive to be worthy of ruling a kingdom or principality, specifically bringing to mind Bérault’s achievements in both domestic and foreign government. They cast Bérault as guardian of his native city of Bourges, and as potential conqueror of Milan; as astute domestic official, and as fearless mercenary. While the principal audience of this work was Bérault and his family, it would, however, be shortsighted to imagine that such a calculated show-piece was not displayed to friends and acquaintances. This was a manuscript commissioned with the purpose of advertising Bérault’s capabilities. Overall the evidence suggests that Bérault was highly successful in crafting his reputation in the service of his career, and his patronage of visual and literary material played an important role in this. Dunbar’s welcome to Bérault written Bryony Coombs 128 for his arrival to Scotland in 1508 stresses Bérault’s ancestry as a ‘branche of our linnage,’ while noting his ‘ryall blude.’ It also highlights his ‘fame’ and ‘renoune’ noting his achievements in ‘Naplis’ and ‘Lumbardy.’ To Dunbar, therefore, Bérault’s high reputation and his royal Scottish ancestry combined to make Bérault a figure of great importance. He concludes his work with an acrostic in the true fashion of the rhetoricians, highlighting these virtues in relation to Bérault’s name and noting that as an epitome of knightly virtue, his name should be written in gold because of its worthiness.133 Bérault may not have displayed the same overt magnificence in his patronage that may be seen in that of some of his contemporaries, but his ability to buttress his career and magnify his reputation through his contacts with the arts should not be underestimated. 133 ‘B, in thi name betaknis batalrus, A able in field, R right renoune most hie, N nobilnes and A for aunterus, R ryall blude, for dughtines is D, W valyeantnes, S for strenewite: Quhoise knyghtli name so schynyng in clemence, For wourthines in gold suld writtin be, With gloire and honour, lawd and reuerence.’ The Poems of Dunbar, ed. by Bawcutt, i, p. 179. * The author would like to thank the anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments on this article. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny Plate 7. Bourges artist. Detail: Heraldry of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 149v. Reproduced with permission. 129 Bryony Coombs 130 Plate 8. Bourges artist. Bérault Stuart Riding into Battle. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 203v. Reproduced with permission. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny Plate 9. Paolo Giovio, Impresa of Bérault Stuart. Dialogo dell’imprese, militari et amorose di monsignor Giovio, 1559. Glasgow, Glasgow University Library, SM 517, 92. Reproduced with permission. 131 132 © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. Bryony Coombs Plate 10. Standard of Gian Galeazzo Sforza. Border decorated with 26 blue medallions bearing the initial ‘IO’, ‘GZ’, ‘DX’, ‘MI’, ‘ST’, for ‘Iohannes Galeazzo Dux Mediolani Strenuissimus.’ Pierre Crolot, Book of Flags, fol. 46r. Fribourg State Archives, Switzerland. Reproduced with permission. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny Plate 11. Bourges artist. Presentation scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 1r. Reproduced with permission. 133 Bryony Coombs 134 Plate 12. Bourges artist. The Virtues. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 17r. Reproduced with permission. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 135 Plate 13. Bourges artist. Market scene. Le livre du gouvernement des princes, Giles de Rome. c. 1498. Paris, BnF, Ars. MS 5062, fol. 149v. Reproduced with permission Bryony Coombs 136 Plate 14. Louis XII and the knights of the order of St Michel, Vatican MS urb. Lat. 282, fol. 5v. © Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana. © BREPOLS PUBLISHERS THIS DOCUMENT MAY BE PRINTED FOR PRIVATE USE ONLY. IT MAY NOT BE DISTRIBUTED WITHOUT PERMISSION OF THE PUBLISHER. identity and agency in the patronage of bérault stuart d’aubigny 137 Works Cited Archival and Manuscript Sources Arras, La Médiathèque d’Arras, MS 266 Basel, Dr Jörn Günther, The Guenichon MS Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, MS KK, 78 d 10 Brittany, Bibliothèque de Rennes Métropole, MS 0153 Brussels, Bibliothèque royale, MS 9469–70 Cambridge, Cambridge University Library, MS Ll.5.10 (‘Reidpath’) Città della Vaticano, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS urb. lat. 282 Edinburgh, National Archives of Scotland, SP 7/16. Geneva, Bibliothèque publique et universitaire, MS 166 London, British Library, MS Additional 20813 London, British Library, MS Egerton 619 Lyon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 921 Milan, Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Codex Atlanticus Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS ars. 5062 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 2070 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 20003 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS fr. 20360 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS lat. 5971A Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS n.a.f. 20962 Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, MS n.a.f. 6214 Turin, Biblioteca Duca di Genova, MS 41 yale University, Beinecke Library, MS 659 Primary Sources Accounts of the Lord High Treasurer of Scotland, ed. by T. Dickson and J. Balfour Paul (Edinburgh: H. M. 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Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: the Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat. The Mediaeval Journal, 7:1 (2017)

Identity and Agency in the Patronage of Bérault Stuart d’Aubigny: the Political Self-Fashioning of a Franco-Scottish Soldier and Diplomat. The Mediaeval Journal, 7:1 (2017)

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